DOCSLIB.ORG

Nota De Coyuntura Centro De Estudios Internacionales Gilberto Bosques

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Nota De Coyuntura Centro De Estudios Internacionales Gilberto Bosques NOTA DE COYUNTURA CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES GILBERTO BOSQUES Senado de la República, 11 de febrero de 2015 TRAS 16 AÑOS DE LITIGIO, LA CORTE INTERNACIONAL DE JUSTICIA DETERMINA QUE NI SERBIA NI CROACIA SON CULPABLES DE GENOCIDIO DURANTE LA GUERRA DE LOS BALCANES Banderas de Croacia (derecha) y Serbia (izquierda) Fuente: Flags of the world, s.f. Consultado el 6 de febrero de 2015 en: http://1389blog.com/pix/serb-and-croat- flags.jpg 1 Introducción La Guerra de los Balcanes fue un cruento y prolongado conflicto bélico registrado entre 1991 y 1999 que culminó con la disolución de Yugoslavia en seis países independientes, a saber: 1) Bosnia y Herzegovina; 2) Croacia; 3) Montenegro; 4) Macedonia; 5) Serbia; y, 6) Eslovenia.1 Se estima que a lo largo del conflicto, murieron entre 130 y 200 mil personas, siendo el segundo conflicto en territorio europeo que históricamente ha cobrado un mayor número de víctimas, sólo por detrás de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.2 En 1999 Croacia demandó por genocidio a Serbia ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ), mientras que Serbia hizo lo propio en 2010. Tras 16 años de litigio, el 3 de febrero de 2015, dicho tribunal internacional rechazó las demandas de ambas partes y determinó que no pudieron probar que se cometió genocidio debido a dos razones: 1) los crímenes denunciados no se corresponden con las disposiciones de la Convención para la Prevención y Sanción del Genocidio de 1948; y, 2) el genocidio requiere la intención expresa de destruir a un grupo humano concreto, por lo que para que la “limpieza étnica” sea considerada como tal, se requiere demostrar que las fuerzas combatientes tenían el propósito sistemático de acabar con otra etnia, y, en opinión, de los jueces de la CIJ, ni Serbia ni Croacia aportaron evidencias concretas para comprobarlo.3 El fallo es vinculante y en opinión de algunos analistas internacionales puede ser un paso positivo para que tanto Serbia como Croacia avancen hacía una reconciliación, mientras que otros expertos en la materia consideran que podrían exacerbarse las tensiones, pues el trágico pasado común, aún sigue siendo materia de profunda división entre ambos pueblos. El objetivo de la presente nota de coyuntura consiste en contextualizar las demandas de ambas partes en el marco de la Guerra de Los Balcanes, así como analizar las razones por las que este litigio se llevó a cabo en la CIJ y no en el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la ex Yugoslavia. Posteriormente, se explicarán los pormenores del procedimiento legal y el razonamiento de la Corte para determinar que ninguna parte incurrió en el delito de genocidio. Por último, se realizará un ejercicio de prospectiva sobre las implicaciones de esta resolución en las relaciones bilaterales entre Serbia y Croacia. La Guerra de Los Balcanes: una recapitulación histórica Tras el fin de la Guerra Fría, luego de la reunificación de Alemania, el colapso de la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) y la adopción de la democracia y el libre mercado por parte de los países miembros del Pacto de Varsovia la comunidad internacional consideraba que iniciaría una larga etapa de prosperidad en Europa. 4No obstante, en 1991 dicha percepción positiva cambió drásticamente por el estallido de un conflicto armado en Yugoslavia que se extendería por más de ocho años. 5 A continuación se resumen los acontecimientos más relevantes a manera de cronología:6 1 Kosovo se escinde de Serbia a partir de una Declaración Unilateral de Independencia del 17 de febrero de 2008 cuya compatibilidad con el derecho internacional fue también avalada, en su momento, por la Corte Internacional de Justicia en su fallo del 22 de julio de 2010. 2 Necrometrics, " Wars and Atrocities of the 20th Century", s.f. Consultado el 6 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/VKL4cq 3 Isabel Ferrer, "El Tribunal de la ONU falla que Serbia y Croacia no cometieron genocidio", El País, 3 de febrero de 2015. Consultado el 6 de febrero de 2015 en: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2015/02/02/actualidad/1422906156_541250.html 4 Acuerdo de cooperación militar firmado en 1955 por la URSS, Polonia, Bulgaria, Checoslovaquia, Hungría, Rumania, Albania y la República Democrática Alemana, con el objetivo de contrarrestar la influencia de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte. 5 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, "What Happened to Yugoslavia? ", 2004. Consultado el 9 de febrero de 2015 en: http://www.unc.edu/depts/europe/teachingresources/balkan-crisis.pdf 6 Elaboración propia con información de: The Washington Post, "Balkans: 1940 to 1999", 2000. Consultado el 10 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/PlFHsi; Borgna Brunner y David Johnson, "Timeline: The Former Yugoslavia", Infoplease, s.f. Consultado el 10 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/Tc2NDN; Sabrina Petra Ramet, "War in the Balkans", Foreign Affairs, 1992. Consultado el 10 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/sxoKcU; y, El Mundo (España), "La desintegración de Yugoslavia, paso a paso", 17 de febrero de 2008. Consultado el 10 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/eHG7GH 2 1918: Al cabo de la Primera Guerra Mundial y la subsecuente disolución del Imperio Austrohúngaro, las comunidades eslavas de Los Balcanes se unieron en un Estado multicultural y federativo conocido como Reino de los Serbios, Croatas y Eslovenos, designando como monarca al serbio Petar I. Karadjordevic. Croacia, Eslovenia y Serbia habían formado parte del Imperio Austrohúngaro, mientras que Serbia y Montenegro eran Estados independientes. Mapa 1: Situación geográfica del Reino de los Serbios, Croatas y Eslovenos7 1929: El nombre del reino es cambiado a Yugoslavia. 1941: Las potencias del Eje (Alemania, Italia y Japón) invaden Yugoslavia en el marco de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. 1945: Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, los Balcanes quedaron en manos de los soviéticos, quienes pretendían crear una federación de Estados comunistas. El nuevo Estado es denominado República Federal Popular de Yugoslavia, y Josip Broz Tito es nombrado jefe de Estado. El nuevo país estaba compuesto de seis Repúblicas: 1) Serbia; 2) Croacia; 3) Bosnia y Herzegovina; 4) Macedonia; 5) Eslovenia; y 6) Montenegro; y, dos provincias autónomas: Kosovo y Vojvodina. Mapa 2: Situación geográfica de la República Federal Popular de Yugoslavia8. 1980: Muere Tito y una presidencia colegiada de 8 miembros asume el poder (6 de cada república y 2 de las provincias autónomas). Las diferencias étnicas y nacionalistas empiezan a profundizarse. 7 Boston College, "Balkans after World War I", s.f. Consultado el 9 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/uJqlRU 8 CRW Flags, "Map of Yugoslavia (1945-1991)", s.f. Consultado el 9 de febrero de 2015 en: http://goo.gl/iBMNAv 3 Mapa 3: Composición étnica de Yugoslavia en 19899 1987: Slobodan Milosevic se convierte en líder del Partido Socialista Serbio, prometiendo a los serbios que recuperaría Kosovo. 1989: El Parlamento serbio enmienda la Constitución y reduce la autonomía de Kosovo, al regresar la policía y el sistema judicial local al control de las autoridades serbias. Inmediatamente se producen disturbios en los que mueren más de 20 personas. En septiembre, Milosevic es electo presidente de Serbia, y tras la caída del Muro de Berlín en noviembre, comenzó a expandirse un sentimiento nacionalista entre las repúblicas yugoslavas. 1990: Se disuelve el gobierno y el Parlamento de Kosovo, con lo que es totalmente abolida su autonomía. Mientras tanto, 88.5% de la población de Eslovenia vota en un plebiscito a favor de la independencia. Durante un congreso del Partido Socialista Serbio, algunos eslovenos protestaron porque consideraban que dicha agrupación representaba a Serbia y era un vehículo para que Milosevic expandiera sus intereses. 1991: Eslovenia y Croacia declaran su independencia. En el primer país la transición es pacífica, en virtud de que 90% de la población eran eslovenos, mientras que en el segundo, se presentaron enfrentamientos con el Ejército de Serbia, pues 12% de sus habitantes eran serbios y los croatas pretendían expulsarlos de su territorio, además de que los serbios de la región de la Krajina declararon su separación de la república. Mientras tanto, en Macedonia, 95.09% de la población se pronuncia a favor de la independencia, y en Kosovo, 90% votan a favor en un plebiscito clandestino. El Parlamento bosnio vota por la independencia, y también se desatan tensiones étnicas, ya que 43% de la población de Bosnia era musulmana, 31% serbia y 17% croata. 1992: Macedonia y Bosnia y Herzegovina declaran su independencia y solicitan su reconocimiento internacional. Los serbios que habitaban Bosnia proclaman la República Serbia de Bosnia y comienza la guerra, mientras que en Belgrado, Milosevic establece la República Federal de Yugoslavia, que engloba a Montenegro y Serbia, pero no es reconocida por Estados Unidos. Eslovenia y Croacia, mientras tanto, son admitidas por la ONU. 9 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, op. cit. 4 Mapa 4: Situación geográfica de Yugoslavia en 199210 1993: Macedonia es reconocida por la ONU. 1995: Militares serbobosnios tomaron la ciudad de Srebrenica y asesinaron a más de 8 mil hombres musulmanes, a pesar de que ese enclave había sido declarado por la ONU como “zona protegida”. Croacia recupera la ciudad de la Krajina, tras lanzar la operación “Storm” y se produce un éxodo de 200 mil serbios que huyen de los croatas. La OTAN comienza a bombardear objetivos serbios en Bosnia, y Estados Unidos funge como mediador de los Acuerdos de Dayton para lograr la paz en Bosnia, luego de que se acordara crear dos entidades autónomas: la República Serbia de Bosnia y la Federación Croata-Musulmana. Mapa 5: Situación geográfica de Yugoslavia en 199511 1996: Surge la organización separatista armada albano-kosovar Ejército de Liberación de Kosovo.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Zbornici Vukovar ‘91
    Zbor_Vukovar2013 10.05.04 20:47 Page 2 Dr. Ivo Pilar Vukovar '91. — istina i/ili osporavanje (izmeu znanosti i manipulacije) VUKOVAR ‘91. Piπu: — ISTINA I/ILI OSPORAVANJE Mato ARTUKOVI∆ Mladen BARA∆ (izmeu znanosti i manipulacije) Ruæica BARBARI∆ Marija BAR»OT Uredili (Zagreb, 1874. - 1933.), ugledni odvjetnik u Albert BING Draæen ÆIVI∆, Sanja ©POLJAR VRÆINA Sarajevu, Tuzli i Zagrebu; Josip ESTERAJHER Vinicije B. LUPIS, Sandra CVIKI∆ politiËar, publicist, sociolog ii utemeljiteljutemeljitelj hrvatskehrvatske Anna GIVARGIZYAN geopolitike. Autor je i danas Tomislav JONJI∆ aktualnih djela na njemaËkom, koja su Hrvoje KA»I∆ prevedena na hrvatski, Patricija KAJI∆ KUDELI∆ poglavito: JuænoslavenskoJuænoslavensko pitanje i svjetski rat (BeË Juraj KOLARI∆ 1918.), PolitiËki zemljopis Danijel LABA© Hrvatske (Sarajevo 1918.), Uvijek iznova Srbija (Berlin Boæo LUJI∆ 1933.) i dr. Vinicije B. LUPIS Stjepan G. ME©TROVI∆ Vine MIHALJEVI∆ Ante NAZOR Danijel REHAK Ivan ROGI∆ Ivica ©OLA Sanja ©POLJAR VRÆINA Mateo ÆANI∆ ZBORNICI VUKOVAR ‘91. — ISTINA I/ILI VUKOVAR OSPORAVANJE ‘91. (izmeu znanosti i manipulacije) Draæen ÆIVI∆ U naπoj doista bogatoj povijesno- -politiËkoj publicistici ne znam da smo ikada imali bistrijeg Ëovjeka i lucidnije pero (...) To danas, o 75. godiπnjici Pilarova Juænoslaven- skog pitanja, smijemo reÊi s pu- nim uvjerenjem da se nismo ni- malo prenaglili. ZBORNICI (akademik D. JelËiÊ, 1993.) Pilar je bio neumjereno napadan i plijenjen, a isto tako neusporedi- INSTITUT vo hvaljen i kriomice Ëitan. »esto se o njegovu djelu i njemu govori- DRU©TVENIH ZNANOSTI lo i pisalo napamet, πirila bijela i IVO PILAR crna legenda. Vrijeme je da se kri- ISBN 978-953-7964-02-3 tiËki izdaju njegova djela i rele- CIJENA 130 KUNA vantni dijelovi ostavπtine.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Inquiry Into Building a United Community
    Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister Report on the Inquiry into Building a United Community – Volume Three Written Submissions (61-73), Departmental Papers and Memoranda, Research Papers and other relevant papers Ordered by the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister to be printed on 1 July 2015 This report is the property of the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister. Neither the report nor its contents should be disclosed to any person unless such disclosure is authorised by the Committee. THE REPORT REMAINS EMBARGOED UNTIL COMMENCEMENT OF THE DEBATE IN PLENARY. Mandate 2011/16 Fifteenth Report - NIA 257/11-16 Membership and Powers Membership and Powers Powers The Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister is a Statutory Committee established in accordance with paragraphs 8 and 9 of the Belfast Agreement, Section 29 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 and under Assembly Standing Order 48. The Committee has a scrutiny, policy development and consultation role with respect to the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister and has a role in the initiation of legislation. The Committee has the power to; ■ consider and advise on Departmental Budgets and Annual Plans in the context of the overall budget allocation; ■ approve relevant secondary legislation and take the Committee stage of primary legislation; ■ call for persons and papers; ■ initiate inquiries and make reports; and ■ consider and advise on matters brought to the Committee by the First Minister and deputy First Minister.
    [Show full text]
  • Mass Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Efficiency of the ICTY Meredith Loken SIT Study Abroad
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Fall 2010 Bringing War Criminals to Justice and Justice to Victims: Mass Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Efficiency of the ICTY Meredith Loken SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Loken, Meredith, "Bringing War Criminals to Justice and Justice to Victims: Mass Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Efficiency of the ICTY" (2010). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 962. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/962 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bringing War Criminals to Justice and Justice to Victims: Mass Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Efficiency of the ICTY Loken, Meredith Academic Director: Connors, Kevin Advisor: Bužinki ć, Emina The College of Wooster Bachelor of Arts in Women’s Gender, and Sexuality Studies Bachelor of Arts in Political Science Europe, Netherlands, Amsterdam Submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements for The Netherlands: International perceptive of sexuality and gender, SIT Study Abroad, Fall 2009 1 Acknowledgements I would like to extend my deepest thanks to my host parents, John and Thomas, for providing me with a wonderful life in Amsterdam, endless support and terrific food.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Review PDF , Format and Size of the File
    Volume 90 Number 870 June 2008 Address by General Jean-Rene´ Bachelet General Jean-Rene´ Bachelet (2nd Son) was General Inspector of the Armed Forces of the French Republic. In 1995 he commanded the Sarajevo sector in the former Yugoslavia for UNPROFOR, during the paroxysm of the siege until its lifting. Between 1999 and 2004 he led a study to draw up an ethical and behaviour framework for the army and initiated an ambitious reform of the initial training of officers at Saint Cyr, the foremost French military academy. He gave the following opening address at the Interregional Meeting on the Role of Sanctions in Ensuring Greater Respect for International Humanitarian Law, held in Geneva on 15–17 November 2007. When I was invited to introduce this subject, my initial fear was that you were taking a risk in giving the floor to someone who has spent 42 years in uniform and in the infantry at that. This is a meeting of experts and I am obviously no expert on international law, let alone on the sanctions which are intended to reinforce it. However, my impression that, in asking me to speak, you had picked the wrong person was dispelled when, having read your documentation, I realized that the backdrop for the subject was in fact wartime behaviour, a topic with which I am not exactly unfamiliar. The least I can do is to start by setting the scene. It is important and even crucial to appreciate the atmosphere surrounding wartime events if one wishes to understand what prompts people’s behaviour.
    [Show full text]
  • The Creation of International Courts in the Twentieth Century
    Volume 55, Number 1, Winter 2014 In the Shadow of Crisis: The Creation of International Courts in the Twentieth Century Suzanne Katzenstein* Why do governments create international courts even though doing so requires a sacrifice of sovereignty? Current scholarship provides only partial insight into this question. It has focused almost exclusively on existing international courts, overlooking the vast number of failed attempts at international judicialization. This Article offers one of the first systematic and historically-grounded analyses of attempts to create international courts throughout the 20th century, evaluating both successful and failed cases across a diverse set of issue areas. The analysis demonstrates that international legal crises are often of great importance in facilitating international judicialization. Crises unsettle the international legal order. Eager to restore it, governments become more willing to cooperate with one another and to overcome their prior reluctance about creating an international court. Crises also provide new opportunities for legal networks to advocate for the creation of international courts. This analysis helps explain why specific international courts came into being while a large number of others that were proposed during the 20th century never saw the light of day. It provides guidance for those seeking to create new international courts. Finally, it sheds light on the efficacy of international courts, a subject of lively debate among international law scholars. Introduction International courts stand as testament to one of the deepest and most puzzling forms of cooperation in the international system.1 In creating them, governments relinquish the autonomy and authority that they nor- mally ardently protect, and empower third parties to be the final arbiters of issues that go to the heart of international political debate, such as accounta- bility for territorial aggression,2 treatment of alleged terrorists,3 liability for * Visiting Assistant Professor, Duke University School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • Prosecutions and Sentencing in the Western Balkans
    PROSECUTIONS AND SENTENCING IN THE WESTERN BALKANS BY YAËL RONEN, WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF SHARON AVITAL AND OREN TAMIR DOMAC/4, FEBRUARY 2010 ABOUT DOMAC THE DOMAC PROJECT focuses on the actual interaction between national and international courts involved in prosecuting individuals in mass-atrocity situations. It explores what impact international procedures have on prosecution rates before national courts, their sentencing policies, award of reparations and procedural legal standards. It comprehensively examines the problems presented by the limited response of the international community to mass-atrocity situations, and offers methods to improve coordination of national and international proceedings and better utilization of national courts, inter alia, through greater formal and informal avenues of cooperation, interaction and resource sharing between national and international courts. THE DOMAC PROJECT is a research program funded under the Seventh Framework Programme for EU Research (FP7) under grant agreement no. 217589. The DOMAC project is funded under the Socio-economic sciences and Humanities Programme for the duration of three years starting 1st February 2008. THE DOMAC PARTNERS are Hebrew University, Reykjavik University, University College London, and University of Amsterdam. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dr Yaël Ronen is Assistant Professor of international law at Sha‟arei Mishpat Law College, Israel. She received her PhD from the University of Cambridge (2006) for her thesis titled „Legal Aspects of Transition from Illegal Regimes under International Law‟. She has taught public and private international law in Cambridge and in Israel since 2005. Sharon Avital, who provided the statistical analysis, holds a BA in political science and sociology (1999) and an MBA (2002), both from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.
    [Show full text]
  • Croatian Membership in NATO : One of the Crucial Prerequisites for Stabilization of Southeastern Europe
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive DSpace Repository Theses and Dissertations 1. Thesis and Dissertation Collection, all items 2002-03 Croatian membership in NATO : one of the crucial prerequisites for stabilization of southeastern Europe Cepanec, Zeljko Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6084 Downloaded from NPS Archive: Calhoun NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS CROATIAN MEMBERSHIP IN NATO: ONE OF THE CRUCIAL PREREQUISITES FOR STABILIZATION OF SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE by Zeljko Cepanec March 2002 Thesis Advisor: Donald Abenheim Second Reader: James Wirtz Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED March 2002 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Croatian Membership in NATO: One of the Crucial 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Prerequisites for Stability of Southeastern Europe 6. AUTHOR(S) Zeljko Cepanec 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9.
    [Show full text]
  • MA THESIS Milena Milanovic
    UNIVERSITY OF MACEDONIA Department of Balkan, Slavic & Oriental Studies MA in Politics and Economics of Contemporary Eastern & South-Eastern Europe Politics and society in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe MA THESIS Title: The role of cultural heritage in the process of reconciliation between Serbia and Croatia Case studies: Vukovar, Knin and Gospic Supervisor: Student: Dr Ioannis Armakolas Milena Milanovic M04/12 Thessaloniki, October 2012 Abstract This thesis examines the process of reconciliation between Serbia and Croatia in the period after the Homeland War through cultural policies and cultural management in contemporary Croatia. The aim of this thesis is to show how collective memory and ethnic identity are created through reconstruction of cultural heritage and how this process influences the process of reconciliation. Using as case studies cultural heritage of Vukovar, Knin and Gospic, this thesis explains how cultural heritage in once self-proclaimed Republic of Serb Krajina was managed under Serb control and under Croat control once the territory was reintegrated to Independent Croatia. 2 Table of contents : Introduction………………………………………………………………………..….4 Cultural heritage and reconciliation…………………………………………….….…8 Methodology………………………………………………………………………....13 Cultural policies ……………………………………………………………………..14 Heritage management under Tudjman…………………………………………….....16 Cultural policies in the aftermath of the Homeland war………………………….….17 Heritage management after Tudjman…………………………………………….…..21 The case of Vukovar……………………………………………………………….…26
    [Show full text]
  • International Justice in Rwanda and the Balkans: Virtual Trials and the Struggle for State Cooperation Victor Peskin Index More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-12912-1 - International Justice in Rwanda and the Balkans: Virtual Trials and the Struggle for State Cooperation Victor Peskin Index More information Index accountability, 5, 23, 160, 227, 237, 245, successor of, 58 247 on UN Security Council, 49 Ademi, Rahim, 102 Argentina, 23 arrest of, 130 Armenian genocide, 19 indictment of, 128, 132, 139 Arusha Accords, 156, 167 Afghanistan, 135, 252 Ashdown, Paddy, 25n African Union, 253, 254 Assembly of States Parties, 251n Ahmici´ massacre, 101, 107, 110 Association for the Promotion of Aidid, Mohamed Farrah, 47 Croatian Identity and Prosperity, 129 Albania,54. See also Kosovo crisis Avega (survivor organization), 199–200 Albright, Madeleine, 32 boycott by, 203–4 capital punishment and, 164 protest march by, 215–16 Dayton Accords and, 53 ICTY and, 55 Bagosora, Theoneste,´ 173, 177, 226 Miloseviˇ c´ and, 52, 53 Bakuramutsa, Manzi, 161, 163, 164, 165, Aleksovski, Zlatko, 113 167 Alilovic,´ Stipo, 115 on location of ICTR, 165, 167 American Service Members’ Protection Banovic,´ Nenad, 74 Act, 252 Banovic,´ Predrag, 74 amnesty, 39, 42 Barayagwiza, Jean-Bosco, 171, 187, 213, Dayton peace talks and, 44 222 Amnesty International, 175, 192 due process violations with, 179 Annan, Kofi, 220, 221 ICTR reforms after, 184 Arab League, 254 role in genocide of, 177 Arbour, Louise, 18, 30, 48, 51, 58, 172, sentencing of, 183, 184 239 trial of, 184 on ICTY’s power, 110 Barbie, Klaus, 196 Kosovo crisis and, 56 Bass, Gary, 19–22 Miloseviˇ c´ indictment and, 58, 59 Bassiouni, Cherif, 40 political advisors of, 212 Belgium, 157, 173 RPF investigations by, 190 Bellinger, John B.
    [Show full text]
  • DARK EVENTS: COMMEMORATION and COLLECTIVE MEMORY in the FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Introduction the Aim of This Paper Is to Develop A
    DARK EVENTS: COMMEMORATION AND COLLECTIVE MEMORY IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Introduction The aim of this paper is to develop a new understanding of the relative darkness of commemorative events that are linked to tragedy and suffering, and which can be described as ‘dark’ events. As these events display considerable heterogeneity and continue to develop dynamically within often contested social and political contexts, it is important to develop a deeper understanding of them, so that they can be managed in ways that are appropriate to their often sensitive nature (Hall and Rusher, 2004; Getz, 2009; Frew, 2012; Frost and Laing, 2013). In common with the approaches taken by other authors in the categorisation of dark tourism and leisure (Strange and Kempa, 2003; Stone, 2006; Ryan & Kohli, 2016; Powell et al., 2018), this paper aims to develop a categorisation of the relative ‘darkness’ of commemorative events. This paper contributes to the emerging field of critical events studies (Lamond & Platt, 2016; Spracklen & Lamond, 2016) in two key ways. Firstly, it extends the geographical and cultural scope of the critical study of events in society to the countries of the former Yugoslavia, where commemorative events play a significant role in the political and cultural lives of young states with contested national narratives. Mair & Whiftford (2013) have shown the need for scholarship in events to examine the relationship between events and their socio-cultural impacts, as well as the relationship between events and public policy agendas. Secondly, it builds on the critical scholarship of ‘darkness’ in other fields (Spracklen 2013, Stone, 2013) which has roots in the exploration of entertainment and leisure (Ashworth & Issac 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Competing Collective Narratives in Intergroup Rapprochement: a Transgenerational Perspective
    Original Research Reports Competing Collective Narratives in Intergroup Rapprochement: A Transgenerational Perspective Margareta Jelić 1, Dinka Čorkalo Biruški 1, Dean Ajduković 1 [1] Department of Psychology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia. Journal of Social and Political Psychology, 2021, Vol. 9(2), 370–400, https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.6939 Received: 2017-09-05 • Accepted: 2021-02-02 • Published (VoR): 2021-09-01 Handling Editor: Guy Elcheroth, University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland Corresponding Author: Margareta Jelić, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, Ivana Lučića 3, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract In the context of an ethnically divided community, we explored the role of competing group narratives for intergroup rapprochement after violent conflict. In Study 1, data from a community survey conducted in Vukovar, Croatia, among 198 Croats, the local majority, and 119 Serbs, the local minority, were analysed to gain perspective on different narratives about the recent war and effects they may have on intergroup relations. In Study 2, focus groups with Croat and Serb children provided data to explore how these narratives were transmitted and transformed in living experience within the second generation. The quantitative results confirm the existence of opposing narratives of war among local Croats and Serbs. Multiple regression analyses show that, after controlling for exposure to war event and their personal impact, different factors predict rapprochement within the two groups. In the minority status group, that displayed higher overall levels of readiness for rapprochement, perceived ingroup victimization and outgroup stereotypes appeared more predictive than the outgroup affect.
    [Show full text]
  • Clio Vol. 21, 2011
    CLIO VOL. 21, 2011 The Annual Publication of Phi Alpha Theta, Rho Xi Chapter Department of History California State University, Sacramento Clio Staff Executive Editor Scott Spitzer Editors Kevin Gleason Christopher Hoganson Jessica Jami Jon Perry Shameel Singh Faculty Advisor Erika Gasser, Ph.D. Faculty Advisor, Phi Alpha Theta Candace Gregory-Abbott, Ph.D. Contents Editors’ Biographies 2 Authors’ Biographies 4 Th e Truman Doctrine 7 Jessica Jami Defi nitions of Race and Ethnicity 20 Jenn Kistler Beats and Punks: Conformity and Counterculture in Cold War America 34 Steve Estabrook Th e Orientalism of Heka 54 Kevin Gleason Daisy’s Story: A Tale of Sacramento in the Progressive Era 63 Lorraine Dias Herbon Tertullian: Rhetorical foundation, Revelatory Inspiration 77 Christopher Hoganson Vukovar: Memory, Media and Myth 87 Annie Snider Ancient Israel: From Polytheism to Monotheism 98 Scott Spitzer Biographies 2 Kevin Gleason Kevin Gleason is a graduate student in the History program at California State University, Sacra- mento. He received his Bachelor of Arts degree from California State University, Sacramento in History. His current area of interest is ritual and power relationships in ancient literature. Aft er receiving his Master of Arts, he plans to pursue a doctorate degree in Ancient History and hopes to teach at the university level. Christopher Hoganson Christopher Hoganson is a graduate student in History at California State University, Sacra- mento. He received his Bachelor of Arts in the Humanities and Religious Studies from Sac State. Christopher’s area of interest is the religions of Antiquity with an emphasis on the transition from Paganism to Christianity.
    [Show full text]