Andreas Friz's Letter on Tragedies (Ca. 1741–1744)

Andreas Friz’s Letter on Tragedies (ca. 1741–1744) Drama and Theatre in Early Modern Europe

Editor-in-Chief

Jan Bloemendal

Editorial Board

Cora Dietl ( Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen) Peter G.F. Eversmann (University of Amsterdam) Jelle Koopmans (University of Amsterdam) Russell J. Leo (Princeton University)

volume 4

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/dtem Andreas Friz’s Letter on Tragedies (ca. 1741–1744)

An Eighteenth-Century Jesuit Contribution to Theatre Poetics

Critical Edition and Introduction by

Nienke Tjoelker

leiden | boston Cover illustration: Jesuit Stage Design taken from the Sopron Collection of Jesuit Stage Designs, Inventory Numer 98.25. Courtesy of the Hungarian Theatre Museum and Institute, Budapest, Hungary. The Illustration is identified as a design made for the Prologue to a Jesuit production staged at Vienna in 1710. (Eva Knapp: ‘The Sopron Collection of Jesuit Stage Designs’, in Jûzsef Jankovics [ed.], The Sopron Collection of Jesuit Stage Designs [Budapest: Enciklopèdia, 1999], p. 48.).

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Tjoelker, Nienke, author. Andreas Friz's Letter on Tragedies (ca. 1741-1744) : An Eighteenth-Century Jesuit Contribution to Theatre Poetics / by Nienke Tjoelker. pages cm. – (Drama and Theatre in Early Modern Europe ; volume 4) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-28373-2 ((hardback) : alk. paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-28374-9 (e-book) 1. Friz, Andreas, 1711-1790. Epistola de tragaediis. 2. Tragedy–History and criticism. 3. Drama–History and criticism–Theory, etc. 4. Jesuit theater–Europe–History–18th century. 5. Jesuit drama–Europe–History and criticism. I. Friz, Andreas, 1711-1790. Epistola de tragaediis. II. Friz, Andreas, 1711-1790. Epistola de tragaediis. English. III. Title.

PN1892.F7538 2014 872'.04–dc23 2014034772

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2211-341X isbn 978-90-04-28373-2 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-28374-9 (e-book)

Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper. To my grandmother, Corry Tjoelker-van der Kleij

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Contents

List of Illustrations ix

Andreas Friz, Letter on tragedies

Introduction: Jesuit Theatre, Poetics and Andreas Friz 3 The History of Theatre in Jesuit Schools 4 The Relevance of Jesuit Theatre in the Eighteenth Century 9 Developments and Innovations in the Eighteenth Century 11 Andreas Friz: Life, Work and Historical Context 19 Structure and Content of ms 938 and the Epistola de Tragaediis 22 Friz’s Place in the Literary Tradition 29 Commonplace Conceptions in Jesuit Poetics 29 French and Italian Classicism in Jesuit Poetics 38 Eighteenth-Century Jesuit Poetics 56 Description of the Manuscript and Edition Principles 70 Description of the Manuscript 70 Edition Principles 70

Latin Text and Translation 74

appendix Analysis tragaediarum Racini

Introduction to Friz’s Analyses to Racine’s Plays 175

Latin Text 196

Bibliography 283 Index of Personal Names 294

List of Illustrations

1 Title page of the section which includes the Epistola de Tragaediis. Ms 938, University Library Graz, f. 222r 23 2 First page of the Epistola de Tragaediis. Ms 938, University Library Graz, f. 224r 71

Andreas Friz, Letter on tragedies

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introduction Jesuit Theatre, Poetics and Andreas Friz1

Latin theatre was an important activity in humanist colleges because of the many educational possibilities.2 On the one hand, it offered an opportunity for the pupils to bring into practice the rhetoric that they had learnt in school. On the other, it was a possibility to teach a moral lesson, through moralistic stories and a style of language with many sententiae, that could easily be remembered. The practice of Latin theatre was taken up by the Jesuits in the sixteenth century and became the most successful manifestation of Latin theatre. All across the Catholic world Jesuit colleges staged public performances from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Whereas the first two centuries have been the object of a number of standard works on the Jesuit theatre,3 up to now the eighteenth century has been mostly ignored in scholarly works. Due to this relative lack of scholarship on the topic, many stereotypical prejudices about Jesuit theatre in this period still persist. This volume, and in particular its introduction, aims to remedy this and offer a new insight into Jesuit drama of the eighteenth century. It comprises an edition of a letter on tragedy, written in 1741–1744 by the Graz Jesuit Andreas Friz, which offers us a better insight in the character and function of Jesuit drama of the eighteenth century.

1 I am grateful to Stefan Tilg for his helpful comments and suggestions, to William Barton and Ian Campbell for proofreading my English, and to Ludwig Fladerer for providing me with his transcription of the text. I would also like to thank Anne Spica for her help with interpreting Friz’s use of French classical models, as well as Jan Bloemendal and the anonymous peer reviewers for their valuable comments. For any errors or inadequacies that may remain in this work, of course, the responsibility is entirely my own. 2 On the relevance of early modern Neo-Latin drama in humanist culture and education, two important publications appeared recently: Philip J. Ford and Andrew Taylor, TheEarlyModern Cultures of Neo-Latin Drama (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2013) and Jan Bloemendal and Howard B. Norland (eds.), Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre in Early Modern Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2013). 3 For example, Jean-Marie Valentin, Le théatre des Jésuites dans les pays de langue allemande (1554–1680): Salut des âmes et ordre des cités (Bern-Frankfurt-Las Vegas: Peter Lang, 1978), 3 vols.

The History of Theatre in Jesuit Schools

However, in order to understand the theatre from the eighteenth century better, a short recapitulation of the early development of the genre in the Ger- man speaking countries, the area in which the subject of this edition, Andreas Friz, was active, seems useful. This area offers a relatively large amount of primary sources, as the German speaking countries were the most prolific area of European Jesuit drama. Finally, focusing on the German speaking area has the additional advantage that it is the only area of which we have a real overview (at least in terms of basic tools) from beginning to end, thanks mostly to Valentin’s repertoire and to Szarota’s edition of periochae (playbills).4 How- ever, individual examples of the discussion will also concern other parts of Europe. Theatre had been a characteristic element of Jesuit education from the early years of its existence. Comedies, tragedies and other types of plays which combined elements from both of these genres (such as tragicomedia and comico- tragoedia) were performed at Jesuit schools throughout Europe. The Jesuits began using the school stage in a Counter-Reformation context in the middle of the sixteenth century and continued to do so until late in the eighteenth.5 Early on, as there was no fixed Jesuit repertoire yet, the Jesuits took up and adapted material from various traditions, such as the Bible and miracle plays, morality or mystery plays, the humanistic dialogue and comedy, as well as medieval traditions.6 That the Jesuits in the early period relied on existing traditions of school theatre can be illustrated by the fact that one of the most popular plays in the early Jesuit theatre was Euripus (first

4 Jean-Marie Valentin, Le Théâtre des Jésuites dans les Pays de Langue Allemande: Répertoire chronologique des pièces représentées et des documents conservés (1555–1773) (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1984) Bibliographische Handbücher, volumes 3.i and 3.ii; Elida M. Szarota, Das Jesuitendrama im deutschen Sprachgebiet: Eine Periochen-Edition: Texte und Kommentare (München, Wilhelm Fink, 1979–1987), 4 vols; Reinhart Meyer, Bibliographica dramatica et dramaticorum: Kommentierte Bibliographie der im ehemaligen deutschen Reichsgebiet gedruckten und gespielten Dramen des 18. Jahrhunderts nebst deren Bearbeitungen und Übersetzungen und ihrer Rezeption bis in die Gegenwart (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1986–). 5 For a short introduction to Jesuit drama with bibliography, cf. Ruprecht Wimmer’s lemma ‘Jesuitendrama’, in: Georg Braungart a.o. (eds), Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturwissen- schaft, 2 (Berlin etc.: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), pp. 196–199. 6 On the various cultural and literary origins of Jesuit theatre, cf. Fidel Rädle, ‘Jesuit Theatre in Germany, Austria and Switzerland’, in: Bloemendal and Norland, Neo-Latin Drama, pp. 185– 292, esp. pp. 197–214. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 5 performed in 1548) by the Franciscan Levin Brecht.7 Through the combination and adaptions of elements from all these traditions, the Jesuits developed their own type of theatre, which was characterised by the theological message of the counterreformation. There were regular public performances at the beginning or end of the school year (depending on local customs) at the occasion of the distributio praemiorum, when prizes were given to the best students. In these plays students from all classes participated. Also at other festive occasions plays were performed. Most Jesuit school plays were in Latin. However, in this respect there was a great regional variance across Europe. A major difference with the German speaking area, for example, is that in Portugal and Spain the Jesuits began to use the vernacular languages at a very early date.8 In Spain, most surviving plays from the period until the 1570s were written in Latin. After this, there was an increase of scenes in the vernacular. By the early seventeenth century, vernacular prevailed in Spain and by 1650 it was the only language used by Jesuit playwrights.9 Also in Portugal, there were parts in the vernacular from early on and the vernacular became increasingly important.10 In France, the French language was already an important part of the Jesuit curriculum in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century.11 We know of French tragedies performed at the College Louis-le-Grand from the beginning of the eighteenth century, while comedies were already performed in the vernacular in the late seventeenth century.12 Nevertheless, Latin was still the main language used

7 Jean-Marie Valentin, ‘Aux origines du théâtre néo-latin de la réforme catholique: L’Euripus (1549) de Livinus Brechtus’, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 21 (1972), 81–188. 8 On Neo-Latin drama in Spain and Portugal, cf. Joachín Pascual Barea, ‘Neo-Latin Drama in Spain, Portugal and Latin-America’, in: Bloemendal and Norland, Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre, pp. 545–632. On the language issue in Jesuit dramas from these areas, cf. especially pp. 610–614. 9 Pascual Barea, ‘Neo-Latin Drama in Spain, Portugal and Latin-America’, p. 611. 10 Cf. Vicente Picón García, ‘El teatro neo-latino humanístico y escolar en España en el siglo xvi’, in: Sebastião Tavares de Pinho (ed.), Teatro Neolatino em Portugal no Contexto da Europa: 450 Anos de Diogo de Teive (Coimbra: Coimbra University Press, 2006), pp. 39–96, here 88–90. 11 Edith Flamarion, ThéatreJésuiteNéolatinetAntiquité:Surle Brutus deCharlesPorée (Rome: École Française de Rome, 2002), p. 314. 12 Ibid., p. 295. Flamarion notes that this innovation had already been introduced at the college of La Flèche in 1679. For an overview of the plays performed at the college Louis- le-Grand, cf. Ernest Boysse, ‘Répertoire du théâtre du Collège Louis-le-Grand’ in: id., Le Théâtre des Jésuites (Paris: Henri Vaton, 1880), pp. 113–334. For the repertoires of all French Jesuit colleges during the seventeenth century, cf. Louis Desgraves, Répertoire des pro- 6 introduction during lessons and in the theatre at French Jesuit colleges, as Jouvancy had prescribed in his De ratione docendi et discendi,13 until the 1750s, when the Collège Louis le Grand saw a great increase in the performances of French tragedies.14 However, the expulsion of the Jesuits from France in 1762 meant the end of the Jesuit theatre there. Also in Italy, the volgare was already used early on in the school theatre, although Latin was the most important language until the late seventeenth century.15 After that, there seems to have been a centralisation of Latin tragedies in Rome. There, Giuseppe Carpani (1683–1762) became an important and successful representative of the Latin Jesuit theatre of the eighteenth century.16 However, at the same time Italy showed a general tendency towards the use of the volgare from the late seventeenth century.17 To mention just two examples, Giovanni Granelli (1703–1770) and Saverio Bettinelli (1718–1808) published their tragedies in the volgare. In this period, the Jesuits in Italy were far more productive in the vernacular than in Latin.18 In Hungary and Bohemia19 in Eastern Europe, on the other hand, the Jesuit plays gener-

grammes des pièces de théâtre jouées dans les Collèges en France (1600–1700) (Genève: Droz, 1986). Also see Jean-Frédéric Chevalier, ‘Jesuit Neo-Latin Tragedy in France’, in: Bloemen- dal and Norland, Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre, pp. 415–470, here p. 423. 13 Joseph de Jouvancy, De Ratione docendi et discendi (Paris, 1703), ii, 2, 1, quoted by Flamar- ion, Théatre Jésuite, p. 297. 14 Flamarion, Théatre Jésuite, p. 297, n. 2 mentions the performance of the plays Astyanax, tragédie française in 1758, Régulus, tragédie française in 1759, Placide, tragédie française in 1760, and Catilina, tragédie française in 1761. 15 On the Jesuit theatre in Italy, cf. Victor R. Yanitelli, The Jesuit Theatre in Italy, unpublished PhD thesis (Fordham ny, 1945); Louis J. Oldani and Victor R. Yanitelli, ‘Jesuit Theatre in Italy: Its Entrances and Exit’, Italica 76, 1 (1999), 18–32; Jean-Frédéric Chevalier, ‘Neo-Latin Theatre in Italy’, in: Bloemendal and Norland, Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre, pp. 25–102, esp. 70–86. 16 Cf. the forthcoming article by Valerio Sanzotta, ‘Giuseppe Enrico Carpani e il teatro gesuitico in Arcadia’, Atti e Memorie dell’Arcadia (forthcoming, 2014). In this article, San- zotta also discusses the contemporary development in Italy of Jesuit theatre in the vernacular, under influence of French classical models. 17 Oldani and Yanitelli, ‘Jesuit Theatre in Italy’, p. 26. Also before then, it was not uncommon to stage a play in the vernacular, as Chevalier states. (Chevalier, ‘Neo-Latin Theatre in Italy’, p. 84) At the Collegio Romano, for example, the Jesuit Leone Santi wrote a biblical drama in Italian as early as 1632. On this play, cf. Bruna Filippi, ‘L’emblème dans l’action dramatique: Les drames sacrés de Leone Santi S.J. (1632–1648)’, in: Ralph Dekoninck and Agnès Guiderdoni (eds.), Emblemata sacra (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), pp. 381–395. 18 Oldani and Yanitelli, ‘Jesuit Theatre in Italy’, p. 26. 19 On the Latin theatre in Eastern European countries, cf. Jan Bloemendal, ‘Central and jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 7 ally remained in Latin until late in the eighteenth century.20 In comparison to these countries, the German speaking countries, along with Eastern Europe were the most conservative as far as the use of Latin is concerned. This can be explained by the different status of vernacular in the German speaking countries from that in, for example, England, France and the Netherlands. Although in those countries, critics had generally acknowledged the importance of the vernacular by the early eighteenth century, the German language still had a low social status. Many did not consider it a language suitable for serious, literary works.21 To ensure that also those in the audience who were not latin-literate could understand the play, often bilingual play bills (periochae) were distributed, which summarised the plot of the play, often mentioned its sources, and listed all roles and names, titles and classes of the actors. These program booklets are one of our most important sources. The first instance on record is the performance of the play Triumphus Divi Michaelis in Munich in 1597.22 Apart from a few exceptional cases, most play texts were not printed and are now lost. In the case of those plays which were published, this was done because of the acknowledged exceptional quality of the plays, which was the case for such plays as Jacob Bidermann’s Ludi theatrales (Munich: Tarot, 1666)

Eastern European Countries’ in: Bloemendal and Norland, Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre, pp. 633–656. The most important source on the Jesuit theatre in Hungary is Géza Staud, A magyarországi jezsuita iskolai színjátékok forrásai, 1561–1773: Fontes ludorum scenicorum in scholisS.J.Hungariae (Budapest: A magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtárának Kiadása, 1984–1988), 3 vols. 20 Rarely there were also performances in the vernacular. For example, in the case of Trnava, the following performances of plays in Hungarian at the Jesuit college are recorded in Staud’s repertory: in 1633 there were performances in both Latin and the vernacular (Staud, A magyarországi jezsuita iskolai színjátékok forrásai, 1, pp. 89–90); there is mention of actiones Hungaro sermone in 1642 in a Jesuit record (ajh Cod. i. 1642, p. 339, cf. ibid., 1, p. 95); and in 1766 there was a performance in Hungarian of the play Semiramis at the Convictus Nobilium in 1766. (ibid., 1, p. 227) Apart from these plays, Staud mentions no other performances in the vernacular in Trnava, while the stream of Latin plays continues there until 1771. 21 Johann Christoph Gottsched complained about this very matter in his Critische Beyträge (Leipzig, 1732–1745), stating that the Germans were a hundred years behind the French, English and Dutch on this point. Cf. Phillip Marchall Mitchell, Johann Christoph Gottsched (1700–1766): Harbinger of German Classicism (Columbia, sc: Camden House, 1995), p. 25. 22 Cf. Barbara Bauer and Jürgen Leonhardt (eds.), Triumphus Divi Michaelis Archangeli Bava- rici: Triumph des heiligen Michael, Patron Bayerns, München 1597 (Regensburg: Schnell and Steiner, 2000), Jesuitica, 2. 8 introduction and the collection of Jesuit plays published under the title Selectae pp. Soc. Jesu Tragoediae (Antwerp: Joh. Cnobbaert in 1634).23 Outlines for the general development of Jesuit theatre in terms of subject matter, themes and motifs are given by Elida Maria Szarota. She described the thematic development of Jesuit plays in the German speaking areas in the introduction to her collection of periochs.24 She discerned five periods, in which particular historical events and developments have had a great influence on the Jesuit theatre. The first period, from 1574 until ca. 1622 is marked by the Counter-Reformation. The period from ca. 1623 until ca. 1673 is domi- nated by themes related to the Thirty-year War. From 1672 until the beginning of the eighteenth century, issues regarding the upbringing and education of children, marriage and the danger of the Turks are central. Jesuit ideals of child education are presented on the stage. From the beginning of the eighteenth century until 1735, a kind of worldly Jesuit drama comes into being, in which more general moral lessons, which are not strictly religious, are being taught. A completely new aspect of this period are the great ancient models: Themis- tocles (1696, 1733, 1734); Publius Cornelius Scipio (Minor; 1703); Publius Cornelius Scipio (Major) sui Victor (Fribourg, 1725); Ludens in Orbe Terrarum Deus, das ist Romulus und Remus (Brig in Wallis, 1722); Papinianus (1733) und Iphicrates (1733). Furthermore, many of these heroes, such as Themistocles, Publius Cor- nelius Scipio Major, Papinian and Iphicrates, were faced by problems that were never before themed on the Jesuit stage: issues regarding such themes as the fatherland, political conscience and family values. The final period of the Jesuit theatre, from 1735 until 1773, is marked by the Enlightenment. In this period, central themes are humanity, patriotism and Enlightenment ethos. Mildness and goodness are therefore often valued higher than strictness. In this era monarchs are expected to show generosity, benevolent forgiveness, loyalty to their people and selflessness. Another important theme in the last phase of the Jesuit stage is sacrifice for the fatherland. Over all, as Thomas Erlach use- fully stated, the thematic development of the Jesuit theatre shows a tendency

23 For a list of printed plays, cf. Johannes Müller sj, Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge vom Anfang (1555) bis zum Hochbarock (1665) (Augsburg: Benno Filser, 1930) 2 vols., here 2, p. 38 (Appendix 3). On the issue of publication of Jesuit plays, cf. Fidel Rädle, ‘Lateinisches Theater fürs Volk: Zum Problem des Frühen Jesuitendramas’, in: Wolfgang Raible (ed.), Zwischen Festtag und Alltag: 10 Beiträge zum Thema “Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit” (Tübingen: Narr, 1988), pp. 136–138. 24 Szarota, Das Jesuitendrama im deutschen Sprachgebiet, 1, Vita humana und Transzendenz, pp. 57–89. Cf. also Elida M. Szarota, ‘Versuch einer neuen Periodisierung des Jesuitendra- mas’, Daphnis, 3 (1974), 158–177. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 9 to secularisation.25 He links this development to a stronger emphasis on the entertainment function of the theater.26 Of these periods, those falling within the eighteenth century are the most understudied. Although, as stated above, a great deal of work has been done in compiling inventories of Jesuit plays in the German-speaking areas by Jean- Marie Valentin and others,27 no comprehensive study of Jesuit drama in the eighteenth century has been done. Due to this relative lack of scholarship on the topic, many stereotypical prejudices about Jesuit theatre in this period still persist.

The Relevance of Jesuit Theatre in the Eighteenth Century

One of those prejudices is that eighteenth-century Jesuit theatre would be socially irrelevant due to a retreat into the schools.28 However, two factors suggest a very different story. Firstly, the quantity of plays performed in this period is significant. Valentin recorded 4190 titles for the period 1701–1773 in his inventory of Jesuit theatre in the German-speaking area, compared to 3460 for the period 1555–1700.29 Moreover, these numbers can really only be seen as an estimation as it is likely that no trace remains of many performances. The actual numbers should thus be higher and this sheer number of plays in the eighteenth century presents a strong case against the traditional picture of a theatre dying out. It was evidently still an important social phenomenon in the eighteenth century, especially considering that all the students of Jesuit schools who participated in these Latin plays brought their relatives and acquaintances to the performances.

25 Cf. Thomas Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700: Untersuchun- gen zu Musik, Text und Kontext ausgewählter Stücke (Essen: Die Blaue Eule, 2006), p. 18. 26 Ibid., p. 291. 27 Valentin, Répertoire chronologique; Szarota, Das Jesuitendrama im deutschen Sprachgebiet: Eine Periochen-Edition; Meyer, Bibliographica dramatica et dramaticorum. Note also the important study by Frank Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit: Katholisches Schultheater in Jülich-Berg, Ravenstein und Aachen (1601–1817) (Münster: Rhema, 2010). 28 Cf. Ruprecht Wimmer, ‘Jesuitendrama’, in: Harald Fricke (ed.), Reallexicon der deutschen Literaturwissenschaft, 2 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2000), pp. 196–199 (p. 197) and Jean-Marie Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie s. à travers les poétiques jésuites’, Arcadia, 7 (1972), 171–199, esp. p. 198. 29 Valentin, Répertoire chronologique. 10 introduction

Innsbruck offers an example of a city where the Jesuit theatre flourished until late in the eighteenth century.30 In 1721 the Jesuit gymnasium had to resort to the court theatre, when its own theatre hall proved too small.31 In 1727 the principal of the school even requested a separate theatre hall for the performance of comedies. Not only the numbers of spectators were very high. There were also many actors involved: in the eighteenth century there were rarely fewer than a hundred cast members in an end-of-year play. Ellen Hastaba’s reconstruction of the performance schedule of the Jesuits in Innsbruck mentions at least two plays a year for most of the eighteenth century up to the 1760s, when the school reforms of Maria Theresa forbade further use of theatre in schools.32 In Graz, where Andreas Friz was active when he wrote his letter on tragedies, the Jesuits experienced a great deal of competition from the Italian opera troupes especially after the opening of the new opera theatre on the Tummelplatz in 1736. Nevertheless, the Jesuits in Graz continued to stage school plays until 1760.33 We can conclude then, that there was still a lively theatre practice of Jesuit schools in the German speaking towns up until late in the eighteenth century, with which many citizens came into contact. Secondly, the theoretical effort invested—demonstrated by the various poetics produced during the period—is an indicator that the theatre was still seen as important by the Jesuits themselves. Franz Lang’s Dissertatio de actione scenica (1727),34 Le Jay’s Bibliotheca rhetorum (1725), Franz Neumayr’s Idea Poe- seos (1751),35 Andreas Friz’s Epistola de tragaediis (ca. 1741–1744)36 and Ignaz

30 Stefan Tilg, ‘Die Entwicklung des Jesuitendramas vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert: Eine Fallstudie am Beispiel Innsbruck’,in: Reinhold F. Glei and Robert Seidel (eds.), Daslateinis- che Drama der Frühen Neuzeit: Exemplarische Einsichten in Praxis und Theorie (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2008), pp. 183–200. 31 Tilg, ‘Die Entwicklung’, p. 199. 32 Ellen Hastaba, ‘“Jesuitenspiele” in Innsbruck (1562–1773)’,in: Kurt Drexel and Monika Fink (eds.), Musikgeschichte Tirols, vol. ii: Von der Frühen Neuzeit bis zum Ende des 19. Jahrhun- derts (Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 2004) Schlern-Schriften, 322, pp. 375–413. 33 Cf. Hannes Drawetz, ‘Die geistliche und weltliche Dramatik an der Grazer Universität’, Zeitschrift des historischen Vereines für Steiermark (Graz), 53 (1962), 337–348, esp. p. 344. 34 Franz Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica (Munich: Maria Magdalena Riedlin, 1727). 35 Franz Neumayr, Idea poeseos, sive Methodica Instructio de praeceptis, praxi et usu artis ad ingeniorum culturam, animorum oblectationem, ac morum doctrinam accommodata (Augsburg and Ingolstadt: J.F.X. Crätz and T. Summer, 1759, 1st ed. Augsburg and Ingolstadt: Crätz and Summer, 1751). 36 Andreas Friz, ‘Epistola de Tragaediis’,in Opera dramatum, Graz, University Library, ms 938, fols. 223r–260v. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 11

Weitenauer’s Ars poetica (1757)37 are all examples of guides for budding Jesuit playwrights. The fact that these poetics were written and several of them also published, shows that their authors (and publishers) could envisage an audience for them. Surely, their authors were not convinced that their theatre was a socially irrelevant, obsolescent kind of drama. Concluding, Jesuit theatre in the German speaking areas in the eighteenth century should still be considered as important. First and foremost, the Jesuit theatre addressed themes relevant to the time period, as is shown in Szarota’s periodisation discussed above. It focussed on emotions and values considered important for good citizens, such as patriotism and clemency. Through their theatre, the Jesuits influenced pupils, who were to take important political positions in their adult lives. Finally, the sheer number of plays and the importance given to the theatre by the Jesuits themselves reveal that the drama of this era should not be dismissed as socially irrelevant and withdrawn into the schools completely.

Developments and Innovations in the Eighteenth Century

In fact, there are several interesting aspects of eighteenth century Jesuit drama, the first three of which can only be touched upon here. Firstly, the success of meditational plays in this period is remarkable. Apart from the theatrical activities at the colleges, there were also performances in the Marian congregations which were lead by the Jesuits. The theatrical performances of the Marian congregations, led by a Jesuit praeses, which counted many prominent noblemen (such as Maximilian of Bavaria and many members of the Habsburg family), bourgeois and prelates among their members, were of a particular kind. They often took the form of meditations (known in Latin as considerationes or meditationes). Together with the Marian Congre- gations this type of Jesuit theatre could survive even after the suppression of the order in 1773. This genre of theatrical meditation was developed in the Ger- man speaking provinces from the first half of the seventeenth century by Jesuits such as Johannes Paullin (1604–1671) in his Latin oratorio Philothea (Munich, 1643)38 and Andreas Brunner (1589–1650), who staged various German meditational plays in Innsbruck from ca. 1645 to 1650. Meditational plays had a

37 Ignaz Weitenauer sj, Horatii Flacci Ars poetica, ad omne genus eloquentiae accommodata et exemplis plurimis illustrata (Augsburg and Freiburg im Breisgau: Ignatius and Antonius Wagner, 1757). 38 Cf. Barbara Münch-Kienast, Philothea von Johannes Paullin: Das Jesuitendrama und die 12 introduction restricted action as they were meant as spiritual exercises linked to activities of worship, prayer and meditation, inspired by Ignatius of Loyola’s Spiri- tual Exercises (1548). They were normally performed during Lent. Music and the visual arts (e.g. in the shape of paintings or emblems)39 played a central role. The subjects were mostly biblical. The genre was to become very successful in the eighteenth century. Franz Lang (1654–1725), Franz Neumayr (1697–1765) and Franz-Xaver Gachet (1710–1774) discussed this type of theatre under the name theatrum asceticum, clearly defining it as a discipline of the affects (theatrum affectuum humanorum) in view of salvation. No systematic overview of the genre of theatrical meditations has been published yet, although Valentin had made a beginning with the collection of data in his Le Théâtre des jésuites dans les pays de langue allemande: Répertoire bibli- ographique. Secondly, there seems to have been a greater significance of printed texts in the eighteenth century. For example, an edition of plays by the German playwright Anton Claus, along with short introductions by the author, was published in Augsburg in 1741. Anton Claus40 (1691–1754) occupied chairs at Freiburg in Switzerland (1724–1726), Freiburg in Breisgau (1726–1728), Straubing (1728–1729), Munich (1729–1730) and Innsbruck (1730–1735) and was considered one of the best Jesuit playwrights of his time. Most of his plays were performed in Innsbruck. The last few years of his life Claus spent in Dillingen, while still occupying himself with theater. He died there 15 February 1754. The first edition of his tragedies (from 1741) was so succesful that it appeared in a second

Geistlichen Übungen des Ignatius von Loyola (Aachen: Shaker 2000) and Karl Schwämm- lein, ‘Philothea’, Verhandlungen des historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, 131 (1991), 73–114. 39 Cf. Barbara Bauer, ‘Das Bild als Argument: Emblematische Kulissen in den Bühnenmedi- tationen Franciscus Langs’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 64 (1982), 79–170. 40 On Anton Claus, cf. Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, p. 179, who refers to the most important works on Claus in general: Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie Jesus, 9 vols. (Brussels: Oscar Schepens, 1890–1932), vol. ii, pp. 1204–1205; Catalogus generalis Provinciae Germaniae Superioris et Bavariae Societatis Jesu 1556–1773 (Munich: Oberdt. Provinz S.J., 1968), p. 64; Nikolaus Scheid, Das Lateinis- che Jesuitendrama im Deutschen Sprachgebiet (Freiburg: Herder, 1930), p. 26; Willi Flem- ming, Geschichte des Jesuitentheaters in den Ländern Deutscher Zunge (Berlin: Gesellschaft für Theaterwissenschaft, 1923), Schriften der Gesellschaft für Theaterwissenschaft, 32, pp. 14–15. On his life, cf. Ms. xvii 2/52; vi 3; xi 26/2; vi 18 in the archives of the Jesuits, Ignatius-Haus, Munich. Valentin’s information on Claus is based further on the information found in the archives held at the Hauptstaatsarchiv of Munich: Jesuitica, Catalogi personarum. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 13 edition in Augsburg/Würzburg in 1753. Translations were published in Polish (Try tragedye, Vilnae, 1751) and German (Trauerspiele nebst krit. Anm., Augs- burg, 1776).41 Printed collections of exceptional Jesuit playwrights like Claus became an important source for Jesuit schoolmasters throughout Germany. Frank Pohle even speaks of Repertoiretheater (‘repertoire theatre’), respectively Kanonbildung (‘the formation of a canon’) in his analysis of Jesuit gymnasiums of the Rhineland.42 He writes that in this area the great thematic variety of the Jesuit theatre, as well as the amount of original literary production, which had been characteristic elements in the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, were reduced by canon formation. From the middle of the eighteenth century, the choragi in this area, he states, especially took up and staged published Latin plays by the French Jesuits Charles de la Rue (1643–1725), Gabriel François Le Jay (1657–1754), Charles Porée (1675–1741) and their German colleagues Anton Claus, Franz Neumayr (1697–1775), Ignaz Weitenauer (1709–1783) and Andreas Friz (1711–1790). Rarely also the plays by the Jesuits Karol Kolczawa (1656–1717) and Giuseppe Carpani (1683–1762) appeared on the stage, whose editions were also available in college libraries in this area.43 The increased use of printed editions was connected to an attempt to assure a constant high quality, which should help the Jesuits when defending their theatre to critics.44 It also should be seen in the context of a similar development of Literarisierung (‘literari- sation’) of the protestant school theatre of northern Germany earlier in the century.45 Thirdly, apart from the large tragedies at the end of the school year, there were also smaller performances of individual classes. Let us stay with the example of Anton Claus. The theater exercises that Claus wrote for school use were published in Ingolstadt, Augsburg and Innsbruck in 1750.46 These plays are particularly interesting, because they tell us something about the theatre performed by the lower classes. Claus himself describes these plays as shorter dramas and theatrical actions, which were written by fewer authors,

41 Cf. Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, p. 179, n. 31. 42 Frank Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit: Katholisches Schultheater in Jülich-Berg, Ravenstein und Aachen (1601–1817) (Münster: Rhema, 2010), pp. 299–300. 43 Ibid., p. 299, n. 329. 44 Ibid., p. 300. 45 Ibid., p. 300. 46 Antonius Claus, Exercitationes theatrales authore P. Antonio Claus S.J. Sacerdote, Ingol- stadii et Augustae Vindelicorum 1750 and Exercitationes theatrales a S.J. magistris inferiorum classium dirigente P. Antonio Claus, eiusdem Societatis in Episcopali et Academico Gymnasio dilingano exhibitae (Augustae Vindelicorum et Oeniponti 1755). 14 introduction but nevertheless used very frequently in Gymnasiums to train the pupils in performing on the stage within the school or in smaller theatres, so that they would then slowly grow accustomed to performing in larger theatres:

Nec illustres tragoedias, nec digna theatris publicis spectacula in hoc opusculo lector espectes. Cothurnum iam exui, quem olim invitus indueram, humili tantum socco adrepo, et ne id quidem sponte, sed alienis votis compulsus. Cum enim pauciores sint, qui dramata et breviores actiones scenicas scripsere, quarum tamen usus in gymnasiis est frequen- tissimus, ubi adolescentes intra scholae unius parietes et in theatridiis exerceri et theatris maioribus sensim solent aptari, cessi tandem multo- rum urgentibus votis et magistris scholarum praecipue amice commu- nico in primo quidem Tomulo Dramata, quae olim intra anni decursum tum in scholis, tum in Odaeis Marianis exhibui; in altero declamationes, ut vocamus, et exercitia scholastica, ab illis tantum legenda, qui etiam tenuem Musam non dedignantur.

Reader, you should not expect illustrious tragedies, nor spectacles worthy of public theatres in this little work. I already put off the buskin,47 which I had unwillingly put on a long time ago, but I now move slowly to the humble soccus,48 and not even that I do of my own accord, but urged by other people’s wishes. Because there are rather few authors who write shorter plays and scenic actions, but their use in gymnasia is very frequent, where adolescents practice within the walls of a single classroom49 and in small theatres and usually slowly prepare themselves for larger theatres, I gave in to the urging wishes of many. In a friendly manner I share, with schoolteachers in particular, in this first little tome plays which I staged a long time ago in the course of the year, sometimes in schools, other times in Marian congregations. In the other [little tome] I share declamations, as we call them, and school exercises, which should only be read by those, who also do not refuse the tender muse.

47 The buskin is a type of shoe worn by actors in tragedy. Claus means here that he deserted the genre of tragedy. 48 The soccus is the type of shoe worn in comedies. Claus means that he moves to the comic genre. 49 In my interpretation of this phrase (intrascholaeuniusparietes), Claus means that the adolescents performed in individual classes here, rather than in single gymnasia or schools, as plays were always given in a single gymnasium. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 15

This quotation shows that the pupils of Jesuit gymnasiums in the German speaking area performed in plays, particularly written for their class, from the early stages of their school career. This means that, differently from the large performances at the end of the school year, in the smaller performances of individual classes they sometimes were protagonists. It also shows that for these theatre exercises Anton Claus intentionally chose a different style, which he associated with comedy (soccus), rather than the elevated style which was customary for the tragedy. The seven plays included in the first volume are adapted to younger pupils in various ways. The five-act play Moyses Praedo Praedonum (‘Moses the Upper-Robber’) for example, presents the story of Saint Moses the Ethiopean (also known as Moses the Black,50 ca. 330–405), a former leader of a gang of robbers, who has now turned monk in the Egyptian desert. He disguises himself as a robber once more to convert his former fellow robbers Camillus and Corvinus. The story is complicated by a parallel story line about the abbot of the monastery, Selinandus, who has broken all contact with his family after entering the monastery. His sister, who lost her first son under mysterious circumstances in a forest when the boy was very little, is very upset about Selinandus’ lack of contact. At the same time as Moses begins to execute his plan, relatives of Selinandus (among whom his nephew Melindus, the second son of his sister) come to visit. After a great deal of confusion, it becomes clear that Camillus, one of the robbers, is the lost son of Selinandus’ sister. In the end of the story, both robbers convert to Christianity and become monks to pay for their sins. Apart from the elements of intrigue and adventure, the story is made attrac- tive for the pupils by a couple of comical scenes describing the misunderstand- ings of the monk Zosimus, who is described as Eremicola simplex (a simple hermit) and later on in scene 5 of the first act as stultus (a fool). The sentences in this play are short, fluent, and relatively simple in their grammatical structure. They are written in iambic senarii, a relaxed version of the iambic trimeter that is commonly used in Jesuit drama. The didactical purpose also becomes clear from the use of quotations from classical texts and the Bible. For example, there is a pun on Moses’ Ethiopean background when Zosimus quotes Jeremiah 13, 23,51 wrongly believing (as he is incapable of understanding Moses’ plan) that Moses has inevitably turned back to his old way of life as a robber:

50 On this saint, cf. Frederick G. Holweck, ‘Moses the Ethiopian’, in id., A Biographical Dictionary of the Saints (St Louis: Herder, 1924, repr. Detroit: Gale, 1969), p. 723. 51 “Si mutare potest Aethiops pellem suam aut pardus varietates suas, et vos poteritis bene facere cum didiceritis malum.” 16 introduction

Mutare poterit Aethiops pellem prius quam praedo continebit a praeda manus.52

An Ethiopean could change [the colour of his] skin sooner than a robber will keep his hands off the booty.

Later on in Act 2, scene 4, there is a quotation from Cicero, Att. 2.24.1 when Melindus’ companion Dromus53 tells him that his mother must be worried about him, ‘as love is always worried, as they say’ (‘nam semper est sollicitus, ut dicunt, amor’).54 Moreover, the themes of brotherhood and love of one’s parents seem appropriate themes for boys at a Jesuit gymnasium. That this edition of school plays was intended for use by school teachers for performances is clear not only from the preface which I discussed above, but also from the stage directions in the margins. They describe what happens on the stage. Apart from this, in the list of characters of the play Gula Punita, it is suggested that the choragus stages either four or six ephebes (ephebi) and four or six gardeners (‘mancipia ad labores in horto destinata’), making the play suitable for performance by classes of various sizes. Claus’ commitment to helping younger colleagues writing and staging school plays in the lower school classes also becomes clear from a different collection of Exercitiones Theatrales, published in 1755 after Claus’ death, in which Claus is said to have directed the theatrical activities of the younger choragi of the Provincia Germaniae Superioris.55 This edition includes eleven plays for lower classes which were performed at the gymnasium of Dillingen. Many of the plays clearly concern school situations which were easy for the pupils to iden- tify with, such as Contemptus studiorum correctus (‘The corrected contempt of studies’), Sutrina pigrorum schola (‘The shoemaker’s school of lazy students’),

52 Claus, Exercitationes theatrales, p. 46. 53 The name of this character reminds of a character in Terence’s Andria. This character is the slave of Simo and has the similar name Dromo, litterally ‘in a race’,presumably because slaves are quick in serving their masters. As Claus links the plays for the younger pupils with the comic genre, it is not surprising that he uses a comic character such as this. 54 Claus, Exercitationes theatrales, p. 55. 55 On the title page the work is described as follows: Exercitiones theatrales a Societatis Jesu Magistris inferiorum classium dirigente P. Antonio Claus, eiusdem Societatis, in Episcopali et Academico Gymnasio Dilingano exhibitae. His directing role is also mentioned in the Facultas R.P. Provincialis cum Privilegio Caesareo by Adamus Dichel and the letter to the kind reader which precede the edition. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 17

GymnasistaNoctambulo (‘The gymnasium pupil who walked around during the night’) and Poena neglectae educationis (‘Punishment for a neglected education’). Finally, the prevailing idea of later Jesuit theatre is characterised by spectacle and multimedia. Recent studies of Jesuit theatre have emphasised the frequent employment of elements outside of the action of the play, such as dance, musical interludes with instruments and choirs, and the use of emblems on stage, in order to support the moral pedagogical message.56 Musical and allegorical interludes were employed to please the audience. However, in order not to lose their gymnasiums’ students’ precious time on musical education instead of on learning Latin, the Jesuits, aided by local rich benefactors, began to found their own music schools, in which mostly poor students received a practical musical education in singing and playing musical instruments.57 The largest and most important of these musical seminaries was the Gregorianum in Munich, which was founded by Duke Albrecht v in 1574. It had 40 pupils and provided the music for regular church services in the St Michael Church.58 The music used in Jesuit theatre reflects general developments of the history of music: in the early period the Jesuits imitated humanistic ode composition in the tradition of Petrus Tritonius (ca. 1465– 1525) and included classical a-cappella polyphonic music in their plays; later, as opera came into fashion, the monodic style was introduced in solo arias and interludes. More and more, the interludes became independent from the main action and approached the style of opera, as Erlach notes, giving the example of the musical scores of Johann Kaspar Kerll’s Pia et fortis mulier (1677). Around 1700, elements from the opera buffa were adopted in the music used in the school theatre by Jesuits such as Johann Baptist Adolph (active in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century) and Paul Aler (1656– 1727). The multimedia aspect is further heightened by the prominence of Avancini’s Ludi Caesarei and the poetics of meditational drama. In the middle of the seventeenth century, Avancini developed this new type of drama in

56 Cf. Barbara Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater: Ansätze zu einer Poetik der Synästhesie bei den Jesuiten’, in: Heinrich F. Plett (ed.), Renaissance-Poetik/Renaissance Poetics (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1994), pp. 197–238; Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700; Volker Janning, Der Chor im neulateinischen Drama: Formen und Funktionen (Münster: Rhema, 2005), especially pp. 75–81. 57 Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 35. 58 The information in this introduction about the Jesuit musical seminaries is based on Erlach’s study, pp. 35–39. 18 introduction

Vienna, called Ludus Caesareus,59 which Wimmer defined as the summit of Jesuit drama. In these dramas, biblical, historical and legendary stories were presented allegorically for the glorification and legitimation of the Habsburg rule. They were performed in the presence of the imperial family and became famous for their impressive music, ballet interludes and frequent stage effects. In the early eighteenth century, the Jesuit Franz Lang (1654–1725) promoted music and visual art as essential parts of drama in his theoretical works on meditational plays (Considerationes).60 Around the middle of the century Francis- cus Neumayr61 (1697–1765) believed that meditations and shorter plays, which lack a peripaty and an elaborate stage apparatus, had the same value as traditional tragedies or comedies.62 Although Neumayr was strongly influenced by the principles of the French classical tragedy, he also believed that multimedia elements, if applied according to the rules, could be used to present the moral message. However, an over-reliance on these sources may lend a false emphasis to one side of the story. Although the use of different media is an important aspect of the Jesuit theatre of this period, a different picture appears from a hitherto unpublished poetics, the manuscript Epistola de Tragaediis by Andreas Friz (1711–1790).63 In this practical manual the focus is on the imitation of French classical writers, such as Jean Racine (1639–1699) and Pierre Corneille (1606– 1684). In Friz’s view, an excessive use of multimedia ornaments by many of his colleagues hindered the correct application of the three classical unities and verisimilitude.

59 On this type of court theatre, cf. Jean-Marie Valentin, ‘Nikolaus Avancini (1611–1685): Théâtre et panégyrique impérial’, in:id., Theatrum Catholicum: Les jésuites et la scène en Allemagne au xvie et au xviie siècles / Die Jesuiten und die Bühne im Deutschland des 16.-17. Jahrhunderts (Nancy: Presses Universitaires, 1990), pp. 349–378. 60 Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater’, pp. 228–233 discusses his poetics of meditational drama, based on the prefaces to his Considerationes. Cf Franz Lang, Theatrum solitudinis asceticae (Munich, 1717) and the second volume: Franz Lang, Theatrum doloris et amoris (Munich, 1717). 61 On Neumayr’s poetics, cf. Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater’, pp. 233–236; Neumayr, Idea poeseos sive methodica institutio; Franz Neumayr sj, Theatrum asceticum, sive meditationes sacrae in theatro congregationis latinae B.V.Mariae ab Angelo solutatae exhibitae Monachii, vernii jejunii tempore ab anno 1739 ad annum 1747 (Augsburg, 1758). 62 Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater’, p. 234. 63 Andreas Friz, ‘Epistola de Tragaediis’,in Opera dramatum, Graz, University Library, ms 938, fols. 223r–260v. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 19

Andreas Friz: Life, Work and Historical Context

This following remarks will place Andreas Friz in his contemporary context, sketch the content and structure of his Epistola de Tragaediis, and explain the foundations of his poetics in classical sources, Jesuit poetics and French and Italian classical theatre. Finally, in a comparison of Friz’s poetics with other eighteenth century Jesuit poetics (Le Jay, Lang, Neumayr and Weitenauer), differences and similarities between the authors will be discussed, in order to achieve a more nuanced view of eighteenth century theatre poetics. Andreas Karl Josef Stanislaus von Friz (also spelled Fritz) was born in 1711 in Barcelona into a German family.64 His father was Adrian von Friz, court harbinger (Hoffourier) of Archduke Charles, who had been proclaimed King Charles iii in 1705.65 In this period, from 1705 until late 1711, his court was at Barcelona. In the following years, the Friz family returned to Vienna, where Andreas’ brother Edmund, who also became a Jesuit, was born in 1714. Andreas Friz entered the Jesuit order in Vienna in 1726.66 After this he studied in Vienna and Graz, and taught grammar and poetics at Linz. He also taught for a year in Bratislava. In 1738 he published his first work there, a Latin tragedy entitled Zrinyiusad Szigethum about the heroic but unsuccessful defence of the fortress Szigetvár in southwestern Hungary in 1566 by the Croatian nobleman Miklós Zrínyi (1508–1566). After this, he returned to Graz, where he finished his theology studies. In 1745 he became a professor of repetentia humaniorum at Szakolca and Györ. By 1747 Friz had returned to Vienna. He worked as a historiographer at the Novitiate house and taught theology at the university. He next became prefect and Greek professor at the Theresianum in Vienna. In 1771 he moved to Gorizia (then part of the Habsburg empire and now in Italy), where he died in November 1790.

64 Cf. Mareike Einfalt, Ludwig Fladerer and Ulrike Syrou, Kurzbiographie Andreas Fri(t)z (2007) http://gams.uni-graz.at/archive/get/o:arj-06B-2/sdef:TEI/get [accessed 16 Septem- ber 2014]; Valentin, Répertoire chronologique, 3.ii, 1051. On Friz’s sister Elisabeth, who was a confidante of Maria Theresa, cf. L. von Frizberg, Elisabeth von Friz: ein Liebling der Kaiserin Maria Theresa (Vienna: privately printed), 1954). 65 Louis von Frizberg, ‘Andreas von Friz: Der letzte Wiener Jesuitendramatiker’, Alemania, 5 (1931), 43–101, esp. p. 43. 66 According to Valentin, Répertoire chronologique, 3.ii, 1051, Friz entered at Brno. Einfalt, Fladerer and Syrou, p. 1 and Márta Zsuzsanna Pintér, ‘Zrinius ad Sigethum: Théorie dramatique et pratique du théâtre dans l’oeuvre d’Andreas Friz S.J.’, in: Wilhelm Kühlmann and Gábor Tüskés (eds.), Militia et Litterae: Die beiden Nicolaus Zrínyi und Europa (Tübin- gen: Max Niemeyer, 2009) Frühe Neuzeit, 141, p. 243 state that he entered the order in Vienna. 20 introduction

As the son of a court harbinger, Friz enjoyed a favourable position in the court, which seems to have continued throughout his life. His plays were frequently attended by prominent members of the court:67 Maria Theresa, as well as Joseph ii, attended performances of Julius Martyr in 1765. Cyrus was performed at the Theresianum in 1757 in the presence of some young archduchesses, and again, in 1760, in the presence of the whole court at the Viennese court. Apart from a number of periochs, several printed books by Friz are extant. In 1757, four of his plays (two tragedies and two shorter plays, including the short plays Alexis and Salomon and the tragedy Codrus, which were also included in the manuscript of his poetics) appeared in print.68 His plays Penelope and Julius Martyr first appeared as separate editions in 1761 and were included in a collection of plays and speeches in 1764.69 A German translation of this collection was also published, which was so popular that a second edition was made.70 The short play Psychis is only extant in the manuscript containing Friz’s poetics.71 During his lifetime, the plays Salomon, Alexis, Codrus and his first play Zrinius acta Posonii, along with a declamation entitled Psychis seu declamatio in materia sacra, sub schemate amorem Dei filii erga nos exhibens (acta Graecii a Patre Andrea Friz) on a similar theme to the play Psychis, were also included in a manuscript from Trnava, now in the National Széchényi Library in Hungary and associated with the Hungarian Jesuit József Bartakovics (1722–1763).72 Apart from this manuscript, some plays were also included in other eighteenth century manuscripts in Hungary, as well as several Hungarian translations of the plays.73

67 Von Frizberg, ‘Andreas von Friz: Der letzte Wiener Jesuitendramatiker’, p. 45. 68 Andreae Friz e Societate Jesu provinciae Austriae Tragoediae duae, et totidem dramatia (Vienna: Leopoldus Joannes Kaliwoda, 1757). This edition contained the tragedies Codrus and Cyrus and the smaller dramas (called dramatia) Alexis and Salomon. Alexis is described as a dramation pastoritium. The plays were also included in Friz’s Tragoediae et Orationes (Vienna: Augustin Bernardi, 1764). 69 Andreas Friz, Julius Martyr tragoedia (Vienna, Leopoldus Joannes Kaliwoda, 1761), Pene- lope tragoedia (Vienna, Leopoldus Joannes Kaliwoda, 1761), Tragoediae et Orationes (Vienna: Augustinus Bernardi (University Printer), 1764); 70 Franz Xaver Riedel and Augustin Schöffel (transl.), Andreas Friz … Trauerspiele (Vienna: Augustin Bernardus, 1762, 2nd improved ed. 1771 by the same publisher). 71 ms 938, University Library of Graz. 72 Bartakovics Josephi opera poetica idiomate latina et hungarica. National library of Széch- ényi (Hungary), Ms. Quart. Lat. 693. 73 For modern editions of both the Latin and Hungarian of the plays Zrinius ad Sigethum, Salomon and Codrus and a more elaborate discussion (in Hungarian) of their relevance in jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 21

Friz wrote his poetics between ca. 1741 and 1744, when he was teaching the poetry class at the University of Graz.74 This was a difficult period for the Habs- burg Empire. Maria Theresa had started her reign in 1740, and she had to use all available resources to ensure the continued existence of the Empire. As a result of this, educational reforms were implemented at the universities and schools, in which the Jesuits played an important role.75 More and more emphasis was put on the usefulness and efficiency of education. Even though Maria Theresa’s educational reforms were only implemented systematically and successfully in the early 1760s (and therefore twenty years after Friz wrote his letter on tragedies), they are an important context for general tendencies in Austrian education that were already present in the 1740s. In 1759 Giovanni Battista de Gaspari, a former student of the Italian theologian and historian Lodovico Antonio Muratori,76 was appointed Director Scholarum humaniorum. In the following years he implemented a systematic reform in the educational system in Austria.77 In 1764 he presented his Instructio pro Scholis humanioribus,78 in which he emphasised the general educational function of the gymnasium, which was in contrast to the specialised character of Jesuit education focusing mainly on learning Latin. This curriculum officially replaced the Ratio Studio- rum of the Jesuits in all Austrian gymnasiums. Gaspari reformed the curriculum, introducing new subjects such as Greek, German, history and geography. The method of teaching Latin was also adapted to Gaspari’s priorities. A new

Hungarian Jesuit colleges, as well as references to the extant manuscripts of the Latin text and of the Hungarian translations, cf. Zsoltné Alszeghy, Katalin Czibula and Imre Varga, Jezsuita Iskoladrámak (Ismert Szerzök) (Budapest: Argumentum Kiadó, 1992), pp. 211– 298. 74 Mareike Einfalt, Ludwig Fladerer and Ulrike Syrou, Beschreibung der Handschrift 938 (2007), http://gams.uni-graz.at/archive/get/o:arj-07A-14/sdef:TEI/get [accessed 16 Sep- tember 2014] (p. 3). 75 Ludwig Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug (2007), http://gams.uni -graz.at/archive/get/o:arj-076-9/sdef:TEI/get [accessed 16 September 2014] (p. 4). 76 On Muratori and his conception of ‘enlightened christianity’, cf. Gerald Grimm, Die Schul- reform Maria Theresias 1747–1775: Das österreichische Gymnasium zwischen Standesschule und allgemeinbildender Lehranstalt im Spannungsfeld von Ordensschulwesen, theresianischem Reformabsolutismus und Aufklärungspädagogik (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1987), pp. 195–205. 77 Ibid., pp. 298–318. 78 The Latin text and a German translation of the Instructio pro Scholis humanioribus is published in Helmut Engelbrecht, Geschichte des österreichischen Bildungswesens. Erziehung und Unterricht auf dem Boden Österreichs (Vienna: Österreichischer Bundesverlag, 1984), 3 vols., pp. 467–482. 22 introduction short Latin school grammar, which explained the grammar through German, appeared with the title Kurze Einleitung zur Lateinischen Sprache in 1767.79 It was published anonymously, but, interestingly, Andreas Friz is said to be its author.80 If he really was the author, this would indicate his close involve- ment with the Theresian school reforms, not surprising if we think of Friz’s close relationship with the Habsburg court, and with the use of the vernacular. The grammar is designed for a didactic purpose and fits very well with the general emphasis on the usefulness of education in Gaspari’s reforms. In his instructions, Gaspari also forbade the Jesuit school theatre because of its unnecessary elaborate ceremony. In his view, precious time was wasted with all the rehearsals required for the yearly performances. Instead, he proposed that the students of rhetoric and poetics classes read poetry and a speech on a useful topic. To conclude, Friz’s poetics should be seen in a context of educational reform and a growing criticism on the spectacle and lack of usefulness of Jesuit school theatre. In this context, Friz innovative poetics, which focused on the moral function of theatre, could be seen as an attempt to defend the use of school theatre in Jesuit colleges. Perhaps Friz believed that the creation of a new tradition, inspired by French and Italian classicism, could save the Jesuit theatre, the same way the teaching of Latin in Jesuit schools could be saved by a new method which used the German language.

Structure and Content of ms 938 and the Epistola de Tragaediis Friz’s letter on tragedies is part of ms 938 in the University Library of Graz. This manuscript, the spine of which carries the title Oper[a] dramat[um], contains a collection of works relating to theatre. All these works are in Friz’s hand. Since it is a neat copy including marginal notes which would facilitate the production of an index, it seems likely that Friz prepared this copy with the purpose of publication. The first part of this collection (f. 1r–74v) is entitled Analysis tragaediarum Racini and is devoted to an analysis of eleven plays by Racine (fol. 2r–74v): La Thebayde ou Les Frères Ennemis, Alexandre Le Grand, Andro-

79 Anonym, Kurze Einleitung zur Lateinischen Sprache mit einigen aus der Deutschen Sprach- lehre beygesetzten Anmerkungen, zum Gebrauche der Oesterreichischen Schulen auf aller- höchsten Befehl ausgefertiget, 3 vols. (Wien, 1767). A fourth volume on syntax appeared in 1768: Institutionis Latinae, Pars Quarta. Syntaxis ornata. Ratio scribendi epistolas. Proso- dia. Ad usum Scholarum Provinciae Bohemiae et Moraviae (Prague: Ex typographia Collegii academici, 1768). 80 Grimm, Die Schulreform Maria Theresias 1747–1775, pp. 312 and 582, n. 262. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 23

figure 1 Title page of the section which includes the Epistola de Tragaediis. Ms 938, University Library Graz, f. 222r 24 introduction maque, Bérénice, Bajazet, Mithridate, Iphigénie, Phèdre, Esther and Athalie.81 Folios 76r to 166v contain a section entitled Opera Metastasii. In this section are the Latin translations of three librettos by Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782): Themistocles,Titus and Cyrus.82 The third section is entitled OperaGranellii and contains Latin translations of two plays by Giovanni Granelli (1703–1770): Sede- cias (169r–188r) and Manasses (188v–212r). Pages 212v–220r contain Friz’s translation of Giuseppe riconosciuto (1733) by Pietro Metastasio, with the title Joseph, a fratribus suis adoratus et agnitus. Giuseppe riconosciuto is an oratorio libretto (religious drama) that Metastasio wrote while at the Habsburg court in Vienna. The final part of the manuscript (222r–315v) has the title Opera R.P.Andreae Friz e S. J. and contains Friz’s Epistola de Tragaediis as well as 4 plays by Friz: Alexis, Salomon, Psychis and Codrus. The combination of an instructive treatise with the edition of plays—presumably serving as models for Jesuit playwrights establishing their careers— alongside other works relating to drama is also known from the poetics of Jacobus Pontanus of 1600 and from the third part of the Palaestra eloquentiae ligatae (Cologne: Busaeus, 1657) by Jakob Masen (1606–1681).83 Along with his theoretical treatise about drama, the famous Jesuit Masen published the texts of two comedies, a tragedy, two tragico-comediae, a comico-tragoedia, and a list of suitable phrases and words from Plautus’ comedies. Friz’s treatise on tragedies has the form of a letter to an anonymous ad- dressee, who is said to have asked Friz about the faults in tragedies and comedies of Jesuit writers. The letter begins with an excusatio, in which Friz empha- sises that he was able to discuss only a fragment of the many faults committed by Jesuit playwrights, and that it was written in haste. The form of the letter enables Friz to discuss and react to common opinions and questions relating to the Jesuit stage. Similarly, Joseph de Jouvancy (1643–1719) had used the form of the dialogue in his Institutiones poeticae ad usum Collegiorum Societatis Jesu (Venice, 1718). The EpistoladeTragaediis has only one subheading (belonging to the section in which Friz discusses the example of the elaboration of an argumentum on Mutius Scaevola).84 Marginal notes in the first part of the work (ff. 224r–240r)

81 Cf. the short introduction to these analyses and a complete Latin edition in the appendix. 82 Einfalt, Fladerer and Syrou, Beschreibung der Handschrift 938, p. 4. 83 Jacobus Pontanus, Poeticarum institutionum libri tres (Ingolstadt: Adam Sartorius, 1600); Jakob Masen (Masenius), Palaestra eloquentiae ligatae, 3 vols. (Cologne: Friessem, 1654– 1657). 84 In this edition, for clarity, subheadings have been added to the translation by the transla- tor. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 25 highlight some of the important themes discussed. The structure of the work can be summarised as follows:

224r Introduction. 224r–261v Important principles in the composition of a drama 224r–225v: I. The purpose of drama (tragedy and comedy) – the purging of emotions and the teaching of love of virtue and hatred of vice (224r–225r) – delectando docere (225r) – religious vs. profane subjects (225r–225v) 225v–234v: ii. Verisimilitude – general rule (225v–226v) – unity of time (226v–227r) – unity of place (227v–229r) – verisimilitude with regard to emotions (229r–229v) – length of scenes (229v–230r) – use of sententiae (230r) – acting (230r–231v) – verbal and non-verbal communication (230r–231r) – sleeping on stage (231r) – group scenes (guarding of a king by his soldiers) (231v) – excessive realism in unnecessary ornaments (231v–233v) – costumes (231v–232r) – painting of foreign characters’ faces (232v) – selection of actors based on height and strength (232v–233v) – monologues (233v–234v) 234v–261v: iii. Procuring the attention of the audience – clarity (234v–251r) – faults in gesture, pronunciation, and elocution (235r–237v) – explaining necessary information to the audience (237v– 239v) – digression on periochae (238r–238v) – the proper presentation of relevant information to the audience (240r–242r) – excursus: all faults should be attributed to the poet, not to the subject material or anything else. (240v–241v) – unity and simplicity of action (242r–245v) – example of an elaboration into a play of the argumentum on Mutius Scaevola (245r–245v) – unity of place (245v–246v) 26 introduction

– choirs and other interludes (246v–249r) – symbolic prologues and epilogues (249r–249v) – number of speaking characters on stage (249v–250v) – conclusion (250v–251r) – delectare (251r–261v) – excessive use of ornaments (251r–252v) – proper use of ornaments (252v–253r) – choirs as ornaments (253r–254v) – machines (254v–256r) – battles and assaults (256r–256v) – punishments (256v) – farcical interludes (256v–257r) – ornaments in general (257r–257v) – reply to argument about adapting to women and uneducated people in the audience (257v–261v) – use of ornaments – effectiveness of general rules of rhetoric on not highly educated, yet Latin-literate spectators

As we can see, the letter has been divided roughly into three sections on the principles of drama writing: the purpose of drama, verisimilitude and procuring the audience’s attention.85 These parts are of very unequal length. In the short first part (fols. 224r–225v), Friz discusses the purpose of drama. In the much longer second and third parts (fols. 225v–234v and 234v–261v), he discusses two important means of achieving this purpose: verisimilitude and procuring the audience’s attention. Friz’s main complaint about his colleagues is that many of them focus too much on pleasing the audience. They do not keep in mind the main purpose of tragedy and comedy, namely the purging of emotions, and teaching how one might learn to love virtue and to hate vice. Poets often include so many songs, dances and other inopportune ornaments, that there is nothing in the play which morally improves the audience. There should be a balance between moral improvement and entertainment. The purpose of a play should be to teach through pleasing, delectendo docere, a variation on the famous Horatian doctrine of the utile dulci. The subject of a play should also be chosen with this purpose in mind: it should both instruct

85 Fladerer (Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 4) sees a different structure in the work, and states that Friz’s Epistula can be divided in two parts: a theoretical-poetical part and a part devoted to the practice of performances. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 27

(docere) and please (delectare) the audience. A religious subject is preferable, but as long as they meet the requirements of instruction and pleasing the audience, profane stories are also allowed. In order to achieve the purpose mentioned above, a general and important rule is that everything that is represented on stage should be plausible. As part of this ‘verisimilitude’, Friz discusses aspects of the play which need to be ‘verisimilar’ (similar to the truth, probable), and aspects in which this is less important. The classical unities of time and place are essential in this respect. The unity of time indicates the maximum time that the action in a play should take. Friz distinguishes here between true (the actual time a play takes) and fictitious or poetic time (the time that the represented action of the play takes).86 For Friz (in accordance with Aristotle’s observations), the poetic time of a play has the maximum length of 12 hours. According to the unity of place, the stage should represent only one place, or, in particular situations, very few places in close proximity. The unity of action is discussed later, as part of the principle of clarity. Verisimilitude is also required in the representation of emotions, pouring out sententiae, verbal and non-verbal communication and other aspects of acting as well as monologues. Friz criticizes many of his colleagues for breaking these rules, causing ridiculous situations. On the other hand, they aspire to verisimilitude in many unnecessary details, such as the costumes of actors and the colour of skin (in particular the faces) of foreign characters. Attempts of lifelikeness in the selection of strong and tall actors for the role of soldiers causes disturbing discrepancies in the height and posture of other characters (such as kings and emperors) in comparison. The third part of the text is concerned with procuring the attention of the audience. To achieve this, it should be possible to understand everything represented on the stage easily and enjoyably. The two main instruments to achieve this are clarity and entertaining the audience. Clarity in all aspects of the play is essential. In an ironic and humorous passage a certain ‘Lucian’ teaches the faults in gesture, pronunciation, and elocution, faults which cause misunderstanding of the play. After this humor-

86 Friz’s terminology of this distinction cannot be found in other Jesuit poetics, nor in other models such as Corneille and Gottsched, cf. Bernhard Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz: Ihre Anschauungen und Quellen’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Karl Franzens University, Graz, 1940), p. 47. Note the similarity with the distinction between narrative time (Erzählzeit) and discourse time (Erzählte Zeit) in narratology, as formulated by Gérard Genette, Narrative Discourse: An Essay in Method, transl. by Jane E. Lewin (Ithaka: Cornell University Press, 1983). 28 introduction ous passage Friz returns to the topic of clarity, stating that many playwrights depend on periochs for the comprehension of their plays.87 Periochs are not part of the play, Friz says, and so referring to it for the purpose of grasping necessary elements of the play hinders rather than promotes its proper understanding. Necessary information should be given to the audience in the play itself, for example about relevant events that happened before the action of the play, location, and for which reason particular characters enter the stage. The information relevant to the audience should be presented clearly. Irrel- evant information and redundant elements should be left out. If the information presented is redundant or too complex, this is the playwright’s fault. At this point a digression is inserted (fols. 240v–241v): all transgressions of the rules discussed in Friz’s treatise should be attributed to the poet, not to the subject material or anything else. Then, Friz returns to the topic of the proper presentation of the information relevant to the audience (fols. 241v– 242r): it should be delivered to the spectators in small portions at the right time. Unity and simplicity of action (fols. 242r–245r) also support the clarity of a play. In an example of an elaboration into a play of the argumentum on Mutius Scaevola (fols. 245r–246v), the disadvantages of writing a play with two unrelated actions are highlighted. In relation to the unity of action, Friz criticizes the use of choirs and other interludes by many of his colleagues (fols. 246v–249r). Their action is often only so loosely connected to the main action, that the play’s unity of action is threatened. Symbolic prologues and epilogues (fols. 249r–249v) are similar to choir interludes, but can be tolerated because they do not interrupt the action of the play. Also an excessively high number of speaking characters on stage can hinder the clarity of a scene or play (fols. 249v–251r). Friz here follows Horace, who limits the number of speaking characters in a scene to three.88 However, more characters are allowed on stage if they do not speak or only say a few ornamental words, for example if they congratulate a prince. The number of speaking characters in the complete tragedy is limited to eight or nine. The second instrument for securing the attention of the audience is entertaining them (delectare). According to Friz, many of his colleagues display an excessive use of ornaments. The ornaments often occupy much more time

87 For periochae see above, p. 7. Periochs are playbills, in Latin or the vernacular, containing a discussion of the plot, an overview of the acts and scenes, and often a list of actors, which were given to the audience. 88 Horace, Ars poetica, 192: ‘nec quarta loqui persona laboret’. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 29 than the actual tragedy, and this makes the play ridiculous. Ornaments should be used properly and in moderation, like statues in a garden. The ornaments should support the main story line, and should not be the subject of praise in their own right. This goes for most ornaments, such as choirs, machines (fols. 254v–256r), battles and assaults (fols. 256r–257r), although different ornaments can be applied to a different degree. Farcical interludes (fol. 257r), not linked to the presented argumentum, are completely inappropriate for a tragedy. Some opponents of Friz’s position argue that they need a great deal of decoration and entertainment in order to gain the attention of women and uneducated people in the audience (fols. 257v–261v). Friz agrees that the less learned should also be pleased, provided that they know Latin. An excessive use of ornaments is not the right method to please them. A good application of the general rules of rhetoric, he says, is also effective with less educated, yet Latin-literate spectators.

Friz’s Place in the Literary Tradition

Two very different contexts influence Friz’s complex poetics. On the one hand, Friz’s work is part of the Jesuit tradition, which was in turn influenced by the classical sources on dramatic theory (Aristotle and Horace in particular). In the first part of this section, commonplace conceptions from this tradition will be discussed. On the other hand, Friz reacts to contemporary developments in the vernaculars in his interpretation of the French and Italian classical tragedians. In the second part of this section Friz’s original interpretation of classical French tragedy will be discussed in its historical and literary context. It will also compare Friz’s work to contemporary Jesuit treatises. It will be shown that ‘his’ Corneille stands for a different poetics than the Corneille some of his colleagues referred to as their model. Although for them a (moderate) respect for the rules of the classical French theatre could legitimately be combined with an ornate and festive type of theatre, in which many students could participate, for Friz the aim of moral improvement through theatre could only be achieved by a strict adherence to the three classical unities and the concept of verisimilitude.

Commonplace Conceptions in Jesuit Poetics Nevertheless, as part of a long tradition of Jesuit school theatre, Friz’s poetics contains many commonplace conceptions from that tradition. First of all, any early modern author on tragedy acknowledged the importance of Aristotle’s Poetics, and in particular chapter 6 of this work, the earliest surviving work 30 introduction exclusively concerned with the discussion and analysis of poetry as an art.89 The work is the first to define poetry as an independent subject for study. In it, Aristotle subordinated epic to tragedy, and a great part of his work is therefore devoted to the genre. Also because the part of the work on comedy is missing, the Poetics is above all known as a treatise on tragedy. With its rediscovery in the late renaissance, it quickly became a canonical text. Aristotle’s definition of tragedy, which takes a prominent position in Friz’s work, is the following:

Tragedy, then, is an imitation of an action that is serious, complete, and of a certain magnitude; in language embellished with each kind of artistic ornament, the several kinds being found in separate parts of the play; in the form of action, not of narrative; through pity and fear effecting the proper purgation of these emotions. aristotle, Poetics, chapter 6

Friz refers to this definition with the following words:

Aristoteles virtutis amorem et odium vitii, utque ipse loquitur, purgationem affectuum Dramaticae finem statuit.

Aristotle stated that the love of virtue, the hate of vice, and, as he says himself, the purging of emotions are the purpose of dramatic art. friz, Ep. de Trag., fol. 224r

In Aristotle’s view, tragedy should be aimed at the purging of particular emotions in the spectator or reader. The plot (mythos), presentation of character and diction should evoke pity and fear, in order to bring about a katharsis of these feelings. This katharsis is not a complete purging of these feelings, but a reduction of these feelings to moderation. Aristotle’s poetics is interpreted and adapted in different ways in every later work on the subject. In his interpretation of Aristotle’s definition of tragedy Friz is strongly influenced by Jesuit poetics and French classicism (fol. 224r). The addition of virtutis amorem et odium vitii, for example, which interprets Aristotle’s phrase purgatio affectuum, can also be found in the Jesuit poetics of Masen and Jouvancy, although, as will be discussed below, their interpretation of the term was different from Friz’s.90

89 Stephen Halliwell, ‘Introduction to Aristotle’s Poetics’, in: Aristotle, Poetics. Longinus, On the Sublime. Demetrius, On Style, ed. and transl. by Stephen Halliwell a.o. (Ann Arbor: Loeb Classical Library, 1995), pp. 3–26. 90 Jakob. Masen, Palaestra eloquentiae ligatae, 3 vols. (Cologne: Busaeus, 1661–1664, 1st ed. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 31

Friz illustrates Aristotle’s definition of the purpose of tragedy by two quotations of Sophocles’ tragedies Oedipus Tyrannus (lines 1524–1530) and Antigone (lines 1348–1353). Friz shows awareness of Aristotle’s division of the tragedy in spoken parts and songs (Poetica 1449b33) in his discussion of why choirs should be limited to a minimum.91 Another commonplace reference is that to Lucian. The ‘Lucian’ of the ironic passage on the faults of style and gestures (fols. 235r–236v) is reminiscent of the extreme Atticists whom the second-century rhetorician Lucian of Samosata satirized in his dialogues Lexiphanes (“Word-Displayer”) and AProfessorofPub- lic Speaking. It seems likely that Friz based himself on a very similar ironic passage from the Professor of Public Speaking,92 in which the views of a sophist (possibly the second-century lexicographer Pollux) are given. The speaker, similarly to Friz’s Lucian, advises using a loud voice and obscure, unfamiliar words. The speaker should pay a lot of attention to outward appearance. Like Friz’s Lucian, Lucian’s sophist does not really care about his audience. Friz’s readers are likely to have recognised this echo as editions and translations of Lucian in both the vernaculars and Latin were very popular in the early modern period. His work influenced many important humanists and writers, such as Erasmus of Rotterdam, François Rabelais, Molière, and Miguel de Cer- vantes. Horace’s Ars poetica, the standard Latin work on poetics, is also important for the classical literary background of the Jesuit tradition. In his concept of delectando docere Friz is clearly influenced by Horace’s famous combination of the dulce and utile, as it was transmitted in other Jesuit poetics.93 Friz also quotes Horace (Ars poetica, 192) later in the letter, when he discusses the rule that there should be no more than three speaking characters on stage in any scene. Like the reference to Aristotle, this quotation should not necessarily be seen as direct reception of Horace, but rather as a Jesuit commonplace, a reception of Horace filtered through other Jesuit poetics, such as Pontanus and Jouvancy.94 Finally, Horace’s famous rejection of cruelty on stage

Cologne: Friessem, 1654–1657), iii (1664), pp. 6–7 (hereafter Masen, Palaestraeloquentiae); Josephus Juventius (Joseph de Jouvancy), Institutiones poeticae (Cologne: Wilhelm Met- ternich, 1726, first ed. Venice: Nicolaus Pezzana, 1718), p. 56. Cf. Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 6, n. 11. Compare Weybora, ‘Die Epistola de tragaediis von Andreas Friz’, pp. 44 and 94. 91 Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 6; ms 938, fol. 248r. 92 Lucian, A Professor of Public Speaking, ch. 16–22. 93 Cf. Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 7. 94 J. Pontanus, Institutiones poeticae (Ingolstadt: Adam Sartorius, 1600, first ed. Ingolstadt: 32 introduction is quoted in a passage where Friz rejects cruel punishments as examples of excessive ornamentation.95 In his discussion of the length of scenes, Friz mentions Terence and Plautus very prominently as his ancient models.96 Friz’s Epistola de Tragaediis, contrary to what one may expect, offers not only a theoretical basis for writing tragedies, but also for writing comedies, and this explains Friz’s inclusion of Plautus, Terence, and also Molière in his list of models. Since Aristotle’s remarks on comedy were few, Aristotle’s theory of tragedy was applied to comedy by most early modern poets and theorists. They also turned to the comedies of Plautus and Terence (representatives of Roman comedy) to illustrate their theories. In general, Friz applies the same rules and concepts to both genres. He says the following about the purpose of comedy:

Neque ab hoc fine excluduntur Comoediae risui ciendo accommodatae. Ut enim Tragoediae gravioribus affectibus aut sensum virtutis eliciunt aut absterrent a vitiis, ut spectatorem, si reus sit, talem fuisse pudeat, aut certe caveat, ne talis posthac videatur. Quin saepe plus ad emendandos mores valere videtur Comoedia, quam Tragoedia. Comoedia enim si recte fiat, loquacitatem, inanem ostentationem, avaritiam et quae ejusmodi ridenda exhibet et his vitiis obnoxios rubore suffundit.97

Comedies, adapted to excite laughter, are not excluded from this purpose. Because just as tragedies draw out an understanding of virtue or deter from vices through more serious emotions, so comedies render a vice ridiculous in such a way that a spectator, if he is guilty, is ashamed to be so, or at least that he is careful not to be seen as such afterwards. Indeed, comedy often seems to be more effective in correcting morals than tragedy, because a comedy, if it is made correctly, shows loquacity, vain display, avarice and other vices of this kind as something laughable, and makes those guilty of these vices blush.

It is clear from these lines that for Friz comedy has the same moral function as tragedy and that it may even be more effective in the moral improvement

David Sartorius 1594), p. 104; Juventius, Institutiones poeticae, p. 65. Cf. Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, pp. 81–82 und Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 7. 95 ms 938, fol. 256v; Horace, Ars poetica, 164–193. 96 ms 938, fols. 229v. 97 ms 938, fols. 224v. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 33 of the spectators. The idea that comedy could have a moral function is commonplace in Jesuit poetics.98 Friz returns to the authority of Terence and Plautus in his discussion of learning in drama (237r). In this section, however, he does not follow the Jesuit tradition, but criticises it. Terence and Plautus brought citizens of their own time onto the stage, as should the Jesuit poets, according to Friz. The two ancient comic writers alluded to everyday customs of their time and their world, because this made their plays probable and easily understandable. Ref- erences to Roman customs in modern plays would be an inappropriate display of erudition, whereas in Terence and Plautus the mention of these customs from daily life made their plays more realistic. Similarly, Jesuit playwrights should abstain from using less common words from the plays of Plautus and Terence, because in a modern play they make the language obscure. When Friz warns that a plot with multiple events should still focus on only one danger which threatens the main character, he refers to Terence again, discussing in length the plot of his Andria.99 Explaining the function of the first scenes as exordium and propositio, he admits that even Terence cannot be absolved from any fault in this regard, and states that Plautus should be preferred over Terence in respect to simplicity of action.100 Since Terence is famous for his parallel plots, this is an understandable point of criticism.101 One should not be reprehended for imitating Terence, provided that the simplicity of action is not neglected.102 The reception of Terence in early modern Europe was closely connected to Donatus’ commentary.103 Therefore Donatus’ interpretation of Terence was a

98 Compare for example Masen’s definition of comedy in Masen Palaestra eloquentiae, vol. iii (1664), p. 10, which explains that through hope and pleasure comedy brings about a purification of similar feelings as tragedy does: “Est imitatio actionis ridiculae et absolutae, metro familiari constans, dramatice per spem et gaudium inducens similium affectionum purgationem.” 99 ms 938, fol. 243v. 100 ms 938, fols. 244r–244v. 101 Cf. the short discussion of the Doppelhandlung (duplex argumentum) as a characteristic of Terence’s plays in Peter Kruschwitz, Terence (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchge- sellschaft, 2004), pp. 175–176. 102 ms 938, fols. 244v–245r. 103 See Jan Bloemendal, ‘In the Shadow of Donatus: Observations on Terence and Some of his Early Modern Commentators’, in: Karl A.E. Enenkel and Henk J.M. Nellen, Neo-Latin Commentaries and the Management of Knowledge in the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period (1400–1700) (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2013), pp. 295–323. 34 introduction great influence upon dramatic theory in early modern Europe.104 This influence can also be found in Friz’s letter. For example, the ideal of verisimilitude and credibility of the characters in a play, which is demonstrated in Terence’s references to Roman customs in his comedies and his avoidance of obscure words,105 are likely to be a direct influence from Donatus’ commentary on Ter- ence.106 Friz’s Epistola de Tragaediis should also be seen in the context of a tradition of Jesuit theatre theoreticians. Through his education and his work as a teacher in the Jesuit order, he was familiar with the standard Jesuit manuals on poetics.107 The Jesuit tradition of drama poetics began with Antonius Possevinus’ Bibliotheca selecta.108 In this work, Possevinus elaborately commented on the first Ratio Studiorum (the official plan for Jesuit education) of 1591. Drama is only discussed briefly in a section on the representation of biblical events.109 One of the first practical Jesuit dramatic poetics guides was written by Jacob Pontanus in 1594.110 It was widely used in Jesuit colleges throughout the seventeenth century, and was reprinted eleven times during that century.111 Pon- tanus placed himself in the tradition of the classical sources Aristotle, Horace, Cicero, Quintilian and Aelius Donatus, and contemporary scholars such as

104 On the influence in Austria in the 18th century, cf. Fladerer ‘Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug’, pp. 15–16. Marvin Herrick, Comic Theory in the Sixteenth Century (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1950), p. 60 notes that Donatus’ commentaries already had a strong influence on Renaissance scholars in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, since they often accompanied editions of Terence. 105 ms 938, fol. 237r. 106 Fladerer, ‘Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug’, p. 16. 107 For a short overview of the main Jesuit poetics of drama, cf. Kurt W. Drozd, Schul- und Ordenstheater am Collegium S.J. Klagenfurt (1604–1773) (Klagenfurt: Landesmuseum für Kärnten, 1965), pp. 40–51; Müller, Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, i, pp. 65–88; ii, p. 39. 108 Antonius Possevinus, Bibliotheca selecta, qua agitur de ratione studiorum, in Historia, in Disciplinis, in Salute omnium procuranda (Rome: Typographia Vaticana, 1593), 2 vols. 109 Possevinus, Actionum observatio, quae in Divina Hitoria notatur, quam utilitatem ferat et quinam de iis egerint aptius, in: Possevinus, Bibliotheca selecta, lib. ii, cap. xix. 110 Jacobus Pontanus, sj, Poeticarum institutionum libri tres (Ingolstadt: Sartorius, 1594). On Pontanus, cf. Barbara Bauer, ‘Jacob Pontanus, S.J., ein oberdeutscher Lipsius: Ein Augs- burger Schulmann zwischen italienischer Renaissancegelehrsamkeit und jesuitischer Dichtungstradition’, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte, 47 (1984), 77–120; Drozd, Schul und Ordenstheater, pp. 40–42. 111 Drozd, Schul und Ordenstheater, p. 40. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 35

Julius Caesar Scaliger. Pontanus defined tragedy as ‘a poem expressing the calamities of illustrious men through acting characters, in order that through pity and fear it frees the minds from those perturbations, from which tragic events of this kind come forth.’112 Pontanus was not concerned with the three unities to the same degree as his successors, allowing a represented time of up to two days, and the use of deus ex machina. Alessandro Donati, or Alexander Donatus (1584–1640) published his Ars poetica in Rome in 1631.113 In it, he presents his theory on tragedy, referring constantly to the model of Aristotle. He defines tragedy as follows:

Tragoedia est imitatio dramatica actionis illustrium personarum perfectae ac magnae, separatim adhibens metrum, harmoniam, saltationem; et per miserabiles ac terribiles exitus temperans affectus misericordiae ac timoris.114

Tragedy is the dramatic imitation of a complete and great action of famous people, which applies metre, harmony and dance separately, and tempers the emotions of pity and fear through endings worthy of pity and fear.

Donati deviates on important points from Aristotle’s views. According to Donati, tragic faults do not have to be committed by the heroes.115 In martyr dramas, for example, the martyr does not commit a tragic fault. The purpose of tragedy then is exemplary: the spectators should be stimulated to imitate the

112 Pontanus, Poeticarum institutionum libri tres, ii, 18, p. 110: “Tragoedia est poesis virorum illustrium per agentes personas expriment calamitates, ut misericordia et terrore animos ab iis perturbationibus liberet, a quibus huiusmodi facitora tragica profiscuntur.” 113 Alessandro Donati, Ars poetica sive institutionum artis poeticae libri iii (Rome: Facciotti, 1631; 2nd ed. Cologne: Kinchius, 1633). In the following references I refer to the second edition of this work. On Donati, cf. B. Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater: Ansätze zu einer Poetik der Synästhesie bei den Jesuiten’, in: Plett, Renaissance-Poetik/Renaissance Poetics, pp. 213–215. 114 Donati, Ars poetica, p. 106. 115 Donati, Ars poetica, p. 129: “Sed Aristoteles errorem Tragoediae videtur collocare in Pro- tagonista, ait enim sequi infelicitatem tragicam […] propter erratum magnum, vel qualis dictum est, vel melioris potius quam peioris, perspicuum est autem ibi loqui de primaria persona. […] Cum deinde exempla attulit, poetas non improbavit, qui errores et personas a sua discrepantes ac scelestas effinxerant. […] Demum ut ostendat non errare protago- nistas, ait […] et quibuscunque aliis contigit, vel gravia pati, vel facere.” 36 introduction good example set by the protagonists of the play. Donati’s poetics demanded unity of time (a time frame of 24 hours is allowed).116 Following Aristotle and Horace, Donati integrates the choir in the action of the play, and gives it a moralising role. The choir acts, advises, warns, praises virtues and disapproves moral faults.117 This attitude towards the choir is common in early poetics.118 Typically for baroque Jesuit theoricians, Donati attaches equal importance to music and ballet as to the action. This was a significant development from Pontanus, who did not include harmonia (music) and saltatio (ballet) in his poetics.119 Donati writes the following about dance and music:

Sermo tragicus suavis est, quoniam praeter metrum saltationem et harmoniam habet. Quae tria separatim adhibentur, cessante enim recita- tione, succedebat musicus concentus et illi saltatio.120

The style of a tragedy is pleasant, because apart from metre, it has dance and harmony. These three things are applied separately, because when the recitation ceased, musical harmony and dancing took its place.

In the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth century the role of the choir developed more and more to that of ornatus (decoration) in the form of interludes between the acts.121 Donati’s famous successor Jakob Masen (1606–1681) is a good example of this development. Masen was educated at the Gymna- sium Tricoronatum in Cologne, and entered the Jesuit order in 1629. After that he worked as a professor of poetry and rhetoric in the colleges of the Rheinland region, especially Cologne.122 His Palaestra eloquentiae ligatae (1657) contains one volume on drama (volume three), which is divided into a theoretical and

116 Müller, Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, 1, p. 67. 117 Donati, Ars poetica, chapter 50: De Choris, pp. 232–236 (235–236): “Postremo Chorus non modo canentis, sed etiam loquentis partes agit, suadet, monet, laudat virtutes, improbat vitia, preces fundit. modo autem unus pro omnibus: modo plures, vel omnes una tanquam voce loquuntur. De huius officio chori Horatius In art … poet. Actoris partes chorus, officiumque defendat.” Cf. Janning, Der Chor im neulateinischen Drama, p. 33. 118 Ibid. 119 Müller, Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, 1, p. 66. 120 Donati, Ars poetica, p. 105. 121 Cf. Janning, Der Chor im neulateinischen Drama, pp. 34; 66–75. 122 Cf. the brief summary of Masen’s life and dramatic theory in Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, pp. 43–65. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 37 a practical part. In the practical part, Masen gives examples of plays (from his own work) to illustrate the theory proposed in the first part of the work. In the first chapter (liber), Poesis dramaticae seu tragico-comicae, Masen discusses the definition of the different types of drama. He bases himself on the authority of Aristotle. Masen’s definition of tragedy is the following:

Definitur ab Aristotele hoc sensu: Est imitatio actionis illustris ac absolutae, metro, harmonia ac saltu constans, non enarrando, sed dramatice per misericordiam et metum inducens similium perturbationum purgationem. […] Finis Tragoediae est, ut misericordiam et metum in specta- tore ad mediocritatem expurget.

Aristotle defines tragedy with this understanding: It is the imitation of an illustrious and completed action, which consists of metre, music and dance. Not through a narration, but through pity and fear it leads to the purging of similar perturbations. […] The purpose of tragedy is, that it wipes out pity and fear in the spectator to a moderate degree.

Although Masen’s definition at first sight seems very similar to Aristotle’s definition in his Poetics as quoted above, Masen made a few significant changes. According to Masen’s interpretation of the Aristotelian concept of katharsis, drama primarily serves the control of emotions through moderate use of the classical cathartic emotions, misericordia (pity) and metus (fear). Masen explains the purgatio perturbationum further in his treatment of bad deeds represented on the stage:

Licet enim affectum miserationis imminuant, augent tamen similium noxarum horrorem et metum, adeoque ad purgationem affectuum vir- tutisque studium plus momenti adferunt.123

Because even though they diminish the emotion of pity, they increase the horror and fear of such crimes, and therefore they contribute much to the purging of [bad] emotions and the inclination to virtue.

The reference to the love of virtue and purging of bad feelings is also part of Friz’s definition of tragedy. A second aspect in which Masen differed from Aristotle, is that he gave metre, music and dance a more prominent place

123 Masen, Palaestra eloquentiae, p. 6. 38 introduction as essential elements of a tragedy.124 In the dramas included in his Palaes- tra eloquentiae ligatae he used the choir in various ways. In some plays there is no use of the choir. In others he used traditional lyric choir performances or combined choir scenes with musical and visual elements, pantomime and dance.125 The prominent position of music and dance became a famous characteristic of the baroque Jesuit theatre. However, Friz strongly criticised it, as he believed they were distracting the audience from the main action of the play.

French and Italian Classicism in Jesuit Poetics Friz’s dramatic theory depends in large part on the dramatic theories advanced by the writers of French classical tragedy. A great deal of his work is devoted to verisimilitude, a central concept of classicism, which was nevertheless interpreted in a range of ways by representatives of the classicist movement and members of the Jesuit order.126 For Friz, lifelikeness is a means to achieve a moral katharsis in the spectator. In his view, the spectator needs to believe what he sees on the stage before he can achieve this purification. In relation to this, the unity of time and place are important for Friz. In his discussion of how to procure the attention of the audience, Friz also points at the unity of action.127 On several occasions Friz mentions models of playwrights who are part of the French and Italian classicist movements. For example, he mentions Pierre Corneille, Jean Racine, Molière, Pietro Metastasio, Giovanni Granelli and Charles De La Rue as examples of good modern authors.128 Also, as stated above, in the manuscript of the Epistula de tragediis, apart from his letter on tragedies and the text of five of his own plays, Friz also included an analysis of eleven plays by Racine (fols. 2r–74v), Latin translations of four plays of Metas- tasio (fols. 76r–166v and 212v–220r) and two of Granelli’s plays (fols. 168r–212r).

124 Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 49. 125 Janning, Der Chor im neulateinischen Drama, pp. 72–75. On visual elements in baroque Jesuit drama poetics, cf. also Müller, Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, 1, pp. 67–72. 126 For a detailed discussion of seventeenth-century debates on the issue of the vraisemblable, see Pierre Pasquier, La Mimèsis dans l’esthétique théâtrale (Paris: Klincksieck, 1995), pp. 117–133. Cf. also John D. Lyons, ‘Verisimilitude: The World Corrected’, in: id., Kingdoms in Disorder: The Theory of Tragedy in Classical France (West-Lafayette, Ind.: Pursue Univer- sity Press, 1999), pp. 83–95. 127 ms 938, fols. 242r–245v. 128 ms 938, fol. 229v. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 39

It seems likely that he intended these as practical examples of good plays for fledgling Jesuit teachers who consulted his Epistula de tragaediis to learn how to write a play. The French classical theatre was popular in Germany in Friz’s time.129 French theatre groups performed in the princely towns of Germany, for a mostly aristocratic audience.130 Also, translations and adaptations of French plays were performed for the bourgeois public and in schools. Of the classical poets, the Jesuits always preferred Corneille, both because of his connections to the Jesuits (he was educated by them) and his views on the purpose of theatre, in which the pleasure of the spectator, achieved by the sublime, lead to a katharsis.131 The principles of Corneille’s type of tragedy were derived from a particular interpretation of Aristotle and the practice of the Greek tragedians.132 He discussed this theory in the Trois discours sur le poème dramatique (1660), which he published as a preface to the three volumes of his collected works, and in the Examens, published in the same collection of his works. While the Discours are a mixture of didactic exposition and commentary on Aristotle, Corneille analysed his plays critically in the Examens, which apply the doctrine of the Discours to his individual plays.133 The main purpose of tragedy for Corneille is to please the audience.134 This pleasure leads to katharsis. A tragedy also has a moral utility through the use of sententiae and maxims in the drama, through the triumph of virtue and the punishment of crime, and through reflections on danger and evil. How- ever, Corneille stresses that sententiae should be applied sparingly, as they are ornaments. By offering exemplars in the shape of great and sublime characters, drama improves the spectator morally through pleasing and moving him.

129 On the French theatre in Germany, cf. Reinhart Meyer, ‘Das französische Theater in Deutschland’, in: id., Schriften zur Theater- und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Wien: Hollitzer Wissenschaftsverlag, 2012), pp. 42–65. First published in: Jürgen Ziech- mann (ed.), Panorama der Fridericianischen Zeit: Friedrich der Große und seine Epoche: Ein Handbuch (Bremen: Edition Ziechmann, 1985), pp. 281–287. 130 Cf. Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’, pp. 171–172. 131 Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’, p. 172. 132 For an account of his poetics, based on his remarks in his prefaces to plays, the Examens which he wrote on his plays, and his Discours, cf. Benoît Duparay, Des principes de Corneille sur l’art dramatique (Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1970, first ed. Lyon, 1857). 133 On Corneille’s Examens, cf. David Maskell, ‘Corneille’s Examens Examined: The Case of Horace’, French Studies, 51 (1997), 267–280. 134 Pierre Corneille, Oeuvres complètes, ed. by Georges Couton (Paris: Gallimard, 1987), 2, pp. 117 and 119. 40 introduction

The subject of a tragedy, according to Corneille, may be historical or fictional, and modern or antique, as long as the poet knows how to move the spectator and excite his interest. Furthermore, the subject should have a noble character. Universal, general moral themes, such as honour, love and patriotism, are essential in Corneille’s plays. Corneille writes that tragic heroes should have a noble, honourable character. The heroes of his plays often embody particular ideals of family and state. Finally, an essential part of Corneille’s dramatic theory is his application of the three unities. His plays always focused on a single central situation, following the unity of action. For the comedy, this meant unity of intrigue, for the tragedy unity of peril. There could be several dangers in one tragedy, as long as they are related to each other by cause and effect (i.e. one danger can cause another). Further, the unity of action meant that there should be only one central complete action (consisting of a beginning, middle and end) in the play. Scenes following each other should be linked, and the entrance and exit of actors should always have a reason in the play. The use of deus ex machina scenes and sudden changes of mind in order to reach a dénouement are strongly condemned by Corneille. Regarding the unity of time, Corneille says that the ideal is that a play of two hours represents an action which in reality would take place in two hours. Because in practice this is not feasible, he sets the time at 24 hours, with a possible extension to thirty hours. Similarly, although the ideal unity of place would be to represent the action taking place in one room or hall, Corneille allows a palace or a whole city as the place of action. Corneille’s conception of the vraisemblable and the three unities was flexible and always linked to the aim of pleasing his audience. Corneille’s poetics were strongly influenced by contemporary Jesuit poetics treatises.135 Anne Spica has shown that his interpretation of Aristotle was based on elements from these treatises. Valentin has shown that in turn Corneille was a very important model for Jesuit playwrights and that he was very influential in German poetics, both with regard to the worldly and vernacular theatre of Gottsched and the Latin theatre of the Jesuits, in the eighteenth century.136 In

135 Cf. Anne-Élisabeth Spica, ‘Corneille et les poétiques jésuites: Une dramaturgie comparée’, in: Myriam Dufour-Maître (ed.), Pratiques de Corneille (Rouen and Du Havre: Presses Universitaires, 2012), pp. 371–385. 136 Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’,pp. 171–199. Cf. also Jean-Marie Valentin (ed.), Pierre Corneille et l’Allemagne. L’oeuvre dramatique de Pierre Corneille dans le monde germanique (xviie–xixe siècles) (Paris: Desjonquères, 2007). For a discussion of Corneille’s influence on Gottsched, cf. Jean-Marie Valentin, ‘Pierre Corneille en Allemagne (xvii-xixe s.): Une fortune paradoxale’, Dix-septième siècle, 2, no. 243 (2009), 307–320, esp. pp. 314–315. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 41 the late seventeenth century,the French Jesuit Joseph Jouvancy called Corneille one of his most important teachers137 in his De ratione discendi et docendi.138 This work first appeared as Christianis litterarum magistris de ratione discendi et docendi (Paris, 1691).139 The author was then requested by the Fourteenth Congregation of the Jesuits to adapt the work into a guide and method for classical studies aimed at the Jesuit order. It then appeared, in a completely revised edition, as Magistris scholarum inferiorum Societatis Jesu de ratione discendi et docendi in Florence in 1703 and was reprinted numerous times. It was used as a standard work in all German Jesuit colleges and is also discussed below as a model for Friz in its own right. An important mediator who promoted the spread of Corneille’s theory in Germany was the French Jesuit François Noël (1651–1729), who seems to have been the first Jesuit theorist to side with Corneille in Germany.140 Noël was born in Hestrud, and admitted to the novitiate of Tournay in 1670. He taught, and was consequently involved in the composition and production of plays for humanities and rhetoric students. In his Opuscula Poetica (Frankfurt, 1717) Noël included in the fourth chapter on tragedy (Pars iv), apart from the edition of several of his tragedies and a comedy, a section in which he explained his conception of theatre.141 Here he discussed the precepts governing tragedy and in his elaboration of these he followed, although simplified, the positions defended by Corneille. The rule of the three unities is strictly respected by Noël. The unity of action in his plays depends on a focus on the principal hero and his perils. This ‘unity of peril’ is Corneille’s own thesis, stipulated in his Discours and Examen d’Horace. Noël follows Corneille’s concept of unity of time: the length should not exceed 24 hours, although an extension of 30 hours is possible. Noël defends the principle of unity of place, admitting that it is a

137 The others were Aristotle, Horace and Abbé H. d’Aubignac, who promoted a more ortho- dox Aristotelianism. Cf. François Hedelin (abbé d’Aubignac), La Pratique du théâtre (Paris: A. de Sommaville, 1657). The modern standard edition of this work is: Hélène Baby (ed.), Abbé d’Aubignac: La pratique du théâtre (Paris: Champion, 2001). 138 Joseph Juventius, De ratione discendi et docendi (Paris: Fratres Barbou, 1725), p. 74. Cf. also Rudolf Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle (München: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1989), pp. 12–13. 139 On Jouvancy, cf. François de Dainville sj, ‘Le Ratio discendi et docendi de Jouvancy’, Archivium Historicum Societatis Iesu, 20 (1951), 3–58. 140 The following discussion of Noël’s poetics is based on Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’, pp. 173–179. 141 Franciscus Noël, ‘Synopsis praeceptorum tragoediae’, in: id., Opuscula poetica (Frankfurt: Thomas Fritsch, 1717), pp. 462–466. 42 introduction modern concept not mentioned by Aristotle of Horace. In the application of this rule Noël is not always very strict. For example, he does allow a whole town, extended by the enemy’s camp outside the city walls in the case of a siege, as a location. Further, Noël states that in the case of an entire town, the place cannot be changed within an act. Noël, like Corneille, distinguishes 4 parts of a tragedy (parties de quantité or d’extension): the protasis or exposition (first 2 acts), epitasis (acts 2+3), catastasis (act 4) and catastrophe (act 5). Noël considers that a tragedy should always have a bad ending, which means a reversal of the principal hero. This is different from Corneille, who sometimes allowed a positive outcome. However, in most aspects Noël follows Corneille’s precepts for a good tragedy. Eighteenth-century German Jesuit dramatists gave Corneille an important place in their theories, whether they related to remarks on their own dramas (like Anton Claus), their own poetics (Franz Neumayr, Idea poeseos and Friz’ letter on tragedies), or their commentary on Horace’s Ars poetica (Ignaz Weite- nauer, Ars poetica).142 The treatises of Jesuit theorists, brought into practice in the countries of Catholic tradition, have greatly contributed to, what Valentin termed, a Corneillolâtrie in the middle of the eighteenth century.143 The Jesuits performed his plays (in adapted versions) until late in the eighteenth century. In 1753 his Polyeucte was performed in a German translation in Brig, Switzer- land,144 and as late as 1765 the same play was performed in Latin at the end of the semester in Ravenstein in the Niederrhein region.145

142 Ruprecht Wimmer, ‘Neuere Forschungen zum Jesuitentheater des deutschen Sprachbere- iches: Ein Bericht (1945–1982)’, Daphnis, 12 (1983), 585–692, esp. pp. 678–679. Cf. Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’, pp. 179–184 (on Claus), pp. 184–190 (on Neumayr) and pp. 190–197 (on Weitenauer). Cf. also Jean-Marie Valentin, ‘Das Jesuitendrama und die literarische Tradition’, in: Martin Bircher und Eberhard Mannack (eds.), Deutsche Barock- literatur und europäische Kultur: Zweites Jahrestreffen des Internationalen Arbeitskreises für Deutsche Barockliteratur in der Herzog-August-Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel 28. bis 31. August 1976 (Hamburg: E. Hauswedell, 1977) Dokumente des internationalen Arbeitskreises für Deutsche Barockliteratur, 3, pp. 116–140, esp. p. 128. Note that Valentin sees the Jesuits’ turn to Corneille as the Jesuits’ (according to Valentin, fruitless) attempt to save the Latin tragedy. Cf. Valentin, ‘Das Jesuitendrama und die literarische Tradition’, p. 136. 143 Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’, pp. 172–173. 144 Cf. Wimmer, ‘Neuere Forschungen zum Jesuitentheater des deutschen Sprachbereiches’, p. 678, and Jean-Marie Valentin, ‘Une représentation inconnue de Polyeucte. Corneille, le théâtre des Jésuites et le théâtre allemand au milieu du xviiie siècle’, Revue de littérature comparée, 42 (1968), 562–570. 145 Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit p. 300, n. 331. Pohle also mentions performances of the play in Köln (1752), Neuss (1763), Jülich (1766) and Bedburg (1768). jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 43

Two other important representatives of French classicism, who Friz mentions as his models, are Jean Racine and Molière. Jean Racine (1639–1699) wrote tragedies primarily on Greek subjects, and claimed to revive Greek tragedy. Racine’s purpose of tragedy was moral: he wanted to engage his audience’s emotions and make them feel pity and fear for the characters on stage.146 His protagonists are always of noble status, and, differently from Corneille’s characters, morally ambiguous. They are brought down by basic human passions, such as lust or rage. Racine thought a moral katharsis would be only possible if one believes what on see on the stage. Therefore, he did not strive for the sublime in his plays, as Corneille did. Racine’s plays have a very regular structure. He observes the unities of time, place, and action strictly. There is an emphasis on the persuasive interaction between a small number of characters that he brings on stage.147 This emphasis meant that he was criticised by his contem- poraries for including speeches of sometimes 100 or 200 lines. He used visual language and a great deal of spectacle (choruses accompanied by music, stage props invested with symbolic and dramatic significance, and the stage set) in order to achieve the purpose of combining pleasure with the useful instruction, namely to warn against vicious passions.148 His treatment of love in his plays made Racine a controversial poet for the Jesuits. The fact that love was central in many of his plays, instead of politics, made him unacceptable for the Jesuits’ school theatre. The French Jesuit Father Charles Porée (1675–1741) strongly criticised Racine for the lack of morals in his plays in a speech held in the Collège Louis-le-Grand in 1733.149 In most German speaking areas, barely any of his plays were performed on the Jesuit stage.150 In Italy, on the other hand, he seems to have been comparatively popular

146 Cf. Michael Hawcroft, ‘Introduction’, in Racine, Three Plays: Andromache, Phaedra, Athaliah, trans. by Tim Chilcott, with introduction and notes by Michael Hawcroft (Ware: Wordsworth, 2000), pp. vii–xxiii, (p. xiii). See also Gilles Declercq and Michele Rosellini (eds.), Jean Racine (1699–1999): Actes du colloque du tricentenaire (25–30 mai 1999) (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2003). 147 Hawcroft, ‘Introduction’, pp. xix–xx. 148 Ibid., p. xxii. 149 The speech was entitled Theatrum sitne vel esse possit schola informandis moribus idonea. It was published in the same year, both in a Latin edition and in a French translation by P. Brumoy (Paris: Joannes Baptista Coignard, 1733). Cf. Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle, p. 9. Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit, p. 301, n. 334, wrongly attributes this criticism of Racine to the Jesuit Charles de la Rue (referring to Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle, p. 9). 150 Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit, p. 301, n. 334. Valentin, Theatrum Catholicum, p. 249 44 introduction with the Jesuits in the eighteenth century.151 This popularity of Racine among the Italian Jesuits may be explained by the general enthusiasm in Italy for French drama (especially in the worldly theatre) and French culture in general since the late seventeenth century.152 Ludovico Antonio Muratori (1672–1750), who was mentioned above for his influential ideas on educational reform and their influence in Austria, was active in the diffusion of the French theatre in Italy.153 In Italy, at this time authors of all kinds tried their hand at translating any French author they could find, as in other parts of Europe.154 The Jesuit Domenico Stancari (1708–1769) translated Racine’s Athalie into Italian and (by suppressing all female roles) adapted it for school use in Bologna in 1735.155 In Parma, Father Clemente Bondi also translated the work into Italian.156

mentions only one Jesuit performance of one of his plays in this area, namely Britannicus in Solothurn in 1773. 151 On the importation of the French tragedy into the Italian colleges in the early 18th century, cf. François Lévy, ‘Limportation de la tragédie française sur les scènes au début du xviiie siècle’ in: Anne Piéjus, Plaire et instruire: Le spectacle dans les collèges de l’ancien Régime (Rennes: Presses Universitaires, 2007), pp. 191–200. Cf. also Oldani and Yanitelli, ‘Jesuit Theater in Italy’, p. 25; Yanitelli, The Jesuit Theatre in Italy, esp. pp. 137–138; Vincenzo De Angelis, Critiche, traduzioni e imitazioni italiane del secolo xviii (Bergamo: Tagnani, 1906). Cf. Gian Paolo Brizzi, ‘Caratteri ed evoluzione del teatro di collegio italiano (secc. xvii– xviii)’, in: Mário Rosa (ed.), Cattolicesimo e lumi nel settecento italiano (Roma: Herder, 1981), pp. 177–204, esp. pp. 201–204. 152 On the reception of French theatre poetics and the ensuing polemics, cf. Lévy, ‘Limporta- tion de la tragédie française sur les scènes’; Corrado Viola, Tradizioni letterarie a confronto Italia e Francia nella polemica Orsi-Bouhours (Verona: Edizioni Fiorini, 2001); Simonetta Ingegno Guidi, ‘Per la storia del teatro francese in Italia’, La rassegna della letteratura italiana, 78 (1974), 64–94. 153 Cf. Ingegno Guidi, ‘Per la storia del teatro francese in Italia’,esp. pp. 65–68; Viola, Tradizioni letterarie, pp. 101–136. 154 Cf. Yanitelli, The Jesuit Theatre in Italy, p. 136. On the Italian translations of French comedies which appeared in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, cf. Giovanni Saverio Santangelo and Claudio Vinti, Le traduzioni italiane del teatro comico francese dei secoli xvii e xviii (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1981). 155 Giovanni Fantuzzi, Scrittori bolognesi (Bologna, 1790), 9 vols., vol. 8, p. 37. Yanitelli, The Jesuit Theatre in Italy, p. 138 suggests that this translation was published and refers to Fantuzzi. Fantuzzi, however, mentions only a manuscript of this play, entitled Gioas Re di Giuda, Tragedia, tratta dall’Athalia di Monsieur Racine, ad uso de’ Convitti de’ Padri della Compagnia di Gesù l’Anno micccxxxix. Cf. Brizzi, p. 203. Brizzi notes that Stancari’s Gioas was performed in Parma, Bologna and Brescia. 156 Cf. Yanitelli, The Jesuit Theatre in Italy, p. 138; Ireneo Affò and Angelo Pezzana, Memorie degli scrittori parmigiani (Parma, 1833), 16 vols., vol. 9, p. 516. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 45

The third French playwright mentioned, Jean-Baptiste Poquelin (1622–1673), better known by his stage name Molière, was considered one of the best writers of comedy of his time. Molière was educated at the Jesuit Collège de Clermont, and studied law for at least some time, but at the age of 21 decided on a career as an actor and later playwright. Molière’s plays are written in the tradition of Aristotle and Horace, combined with elements from New Comedy, Terence and Plautus. Molière combined the pleasing and useful in his comedies.157 In the Préface to Le Tartuffe Molière stated that the function of comedy is the correc- tion of vices. Although Molière ridiculed the theorists of his time, who were in his view ‘enslaved’ to the rules of Aristotle and Horace, through common sense he reached the same conclusions, and his plays generally conform to the observations on theatre of Aristotle and Horace.158 Molière followed the general consensus of theoretical opinion that New Comedy, associated with Menan- der and Greek comedy, as well as its Roman imitators Plautus and Terence, was the highest form of comedy. New Comedy, in contrary to Old Comedy, exempli- fied by Aristophanes, portrayed only invented characters, in ordinary families, and its language was polished. Its plots were complex, they were characterised by surprising dénouements, and they always had a happy ending.159 Several of Molière’s plays were based on plays by Plautus and Terence. For example, L’Avare and Amphitryon were based on Plautus’s Aulularia and Amphitryo, while L’École des maris and Les fourberies de Scapin are adaptations of Terence’s Adelphi and Phormio. Molière also used many other comic devices, dialogues, scenes and elements of plots of Plautus and Terence.160 Many of his characters also can be traced back to Plautus and Terence. With regard to unity of action, Molière’s plots fall broadly within the conventions of New Comedy. In most plays, the whole action is built around a central subject. The typical feature of the New Comedy plot in Molière’s major plays is the dénouement. However, Molière’s type of comedy is also characterised by the use of caricature and the exploitation of the ridiculous, techniques shared with the popular traditions of French farce.161 The fourth French playwright mentioned by Friz is the Jesuit Charles de la Rue (1643–1725). He entered the Jesuit order in 1659, after which he taught

157 Cf. Andrew Calder, Molière: The Theory and Practice of Comedy (London: Athlone Press, 1996). 158 Molière, La Critique de l’École des femmes (1663), scene 6; Calder, Molière, pp. 2–3. 159 Calder, Molière, p. 2. 160 Ibid., p. 4. 161 Ibid., p. 26. 46 introduction humanities and rhetoric at the college of Paris.162 He was famous for his talents as an orator. Two of De la Rue’s plays, Cyrus and Lysimachus were published in Ingolstadt in 1722. They served as important mediators of French literature in Germany. De la Rue was also an important model for Friz’s contemporary, Anton Claus. Claus published his tragedies in Augsburg in 1741 (2nd ed. Augs- burg/Würzburg 1753), and he added short remarks on each of the plays in the edition. Claus puts Corneille on the same level as the ancient sources, following the example of Charles de la Rue, who called Corneille the ‘prince of the tragic poets’.163 De la Rue’s Latin tragedies were translated into German by the Jesuit Ludwig Seccard, who brought them onto the stage of the college of Luzern.164 Friz refers to De la Rue’s Lysimachus to provide an example of the right presentation of necessary information to the audience.165 This play, first performed (under this name) in 1670 in Caen, and published several times after that, tells the story of Lysimachus and is based on the accounts of Pausanias (1,10,3–4) and Justinus (17,1).166 Lysimachus had risen to the position of diadoch with the help of his son from his first marriage, Agathocles. Then, at the instigation of his second wife Arsinoe, he had him killed. Besides these three main characters, La Rue also brings Amyntas, Arsinoe’s son from her first marriage, and Seleucus, a son of Lysimachus and Arsinoe, on stage. Seneca is an important model for De la Rue, but there are also many echoes of Vergil.167 There is an influence of Corneille in his elaboration of the plot and the evocation of the emotions of pity and fear on separate occasions and for different characters (rather than one single character).168 The classical rules on the three unities and verisimilitude are of great importance for Friz’s Epistula de tragaediis. Many of Friz’s statements on these prin-

162 Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle, pp. 16–31; Valentin, Répertoire chronologique, 3.ii, 1105. 163 Claus, ‘Praefatio ad lectorem’, p. 4: “Antiquiorum enim vestigia, non tamen regulas, deserere ausus Petrum Cornelium, quem Tragicorum Principem Ruaeus noster, assen- tiente litterato orbe, appellat, sequi conatus sum, etsi non passibus aequis.” (For I, daring to abandon the traces of the older poets, but not their rules, tried to follow Pierre Corneille, whom our De la Rue, with the assent of the literate world, calls the prince of tragediens, but not with equal steps). On Charles de la Rue, cf. Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne’, p. 180, n. 33; Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie Jesus, vol. vii, pp. 290–307. 164 Valentin, Répertoire chronologique, 3.ii, p. 1105. 165 ms 938, fol. 241v. 166 Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle, p. 16. 167 Ibid., p. 58. 168 Ibid., p. 27. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 47 ciples reveal an influence of Corneille and Racine. Moreover, as stated above, Friz mentions them explicitly as examples of good playwrights.169 In his discussion of the unity of action, Friz explicitly mentions Corneille again, discussing his error in the unity of action in his Horace.170 This tragedy has a two-fold action and therefore goes against Corneille’s own precept of unity of action. Corneille had admitted in his Examen that Camille’s death created a second peril for Horace which did not follow necessarily from the first, thus infringing the unity of action.171 As in the case of the ancient classical models discussed above, it must be noted that Friz’s imitation of the French classicism is influenced by the contemporary reception of the French classical theatre. This meant that instead of focusing on Corneille as a model, or emphasising the contrast between Corneille and Racine, which was the cause of a number of great polemics during their lifetime,172 Friz seems to present a kind of synthesis of the two authors. In this, both authors are valid models of the same system of poetics: that of the French classicism.173

169 ms 938, fols. 229v. 170 ms 938, fols. 243r. 171 Pierre Corneille, Writings on the Theatre, ed. by Henry T. Barnwell (Oxford: Blackwell, 1965), p. 110. 172 On the principles and debates of the French classical theatre, see: Jacques Scherer, La Dramaturgie classique en France (Paris: Nizet, 1986) and Charles Mazouer’s companion to French theatre: Le Théâtre français de l’âge classique, vol. ii: l’Apogée du classicisme (Paris: Champion, 2010). Friz’s interpretation of the two authors also stands in contrast to a number of comparisons of the two authors which appeared in late seventeenth century France. In these comparisons, Racine and Corneille stand for two very different types of theatre. Cf. Jean Goldzink, ‘Le torrent et la rivière’, in: Gilles Declercq and Michele Rosellini, Jean Racine 1699–1999: Actes du colloque Île-de-France—la Ferté-Milon 25–30 Mai 1999 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2003), pp. 719–728; Paul J. Smith, ‘A l’aune du sublime: Autour du “parallèle de Corneille et Racine” (1688) de la Bruyère’,in: Caroline van Eck, Stijn Bussels, Maarten Delbeke, Jürgen Pieters (eds.), Translations of the Sublime: The Early Modern Reception and Dissemination of Longinus’ Peri Hupsous in Rhetoric, the Visual Arts, Architecture and the Theatre (Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 65–80. 173 For a thorough analysis of the gradual change in the perception of Racine, in relation to the perception of Corneille and classicism, cf. Wolfgang Theile, Die Racine-Kritik bis 1800: Kritikgeschichte als Funktionsgeschichte (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1974), especially part 2, Deutung und Funktion Racines im 18. Jahrhundert, pp. 87–185. The synthesis of the two authors in the early eighteenth century is described on page 90. Compare also the reception of the French classical theatre in Dutch vernacular theatre in the eighteenth century. Also in this theatre, the emphasis is on strict rules with regard to usefulness, verisimilitude and the three unities and it is more a case of general ‘classicism’ than a 48 introduction

In his discussion of many classical French principles in the treatise Friz seems to have been inspired by Johann Christoph Gottsched’s Versuch einer Critischen Dichtkunst.174 Gottsched (1700–1766) first published this systematic compendium in 1729.175 During his lifetime, there were three more revised editions. Gottsched did not lay any claim to originality in the content of this work. In it, he turns against the German baroque and presents the rules of the French classicism as an appropriate replacement. Similar to Friz, in his poetics Gottsched mentions Corneille and Racine as representatives of the same tradition and does not contrast the two authors.176 Gottsched actively promoted the performance of classical tragedies (of Racine as well as Corneille and other authors) through the comedies written and translated by his wife, Luise Adel- gunde Victoria Gottsched, and through the theatre company of Frau Neuber.177 Caroline Neuber (1697–1760) was active as actress and manager of a troupe of actors. As part of his attempts to renew of the German theatre, Gottsched persuaded her to stage tragedies of Corneille (LeCid and Cinna), Racine (Iphigenia) and his own classical tragedy Der sterbende Cato (The dying Cato, written in 1731) in Leipzig.178 Finally, Gottsched also published a six-volume collection of

particular imitation of either Racine or Corneille. Cf. Anna de Haas, De wetten van het treurspel: Over ernstig toneel in Nederland, 1700–1772 (Hilversum: Verloren, 1998). 174 Cf. Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, pp. 95–99. 175 Johann Christoph Gottsched, Versuch einer critischen Dichtkunst (Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1930, recte 1729). For a modern edition, cf. Johann Christoph Gottsched, Schriften zur Liter- atur, ed. by Horst Steinmetz (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1972). On Gottsched’s poetics, cf. Man- fred Fuhrmann, Einführung in die antike Dichtungstheorie (Darmstadt: Wissenschafltiche Buchgesellschaft, 1970), pp. 257–267. About Gottsched’s attempts to reform the German theatre, cf. Reinhart Meyer, ‘Von der Wanderbühne zum Hof- und Nationaltheater,’ in: id., Schriften zur Theater- und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Vienna: Hollitzer, 2012), pp. 99–165, esp. pp. 110–114. 176 To mention but one example, Gottsched states that, in the plays of both the ancient classical authors as well as Corneille and Racine, at least one character remained on the stage in the transition from one scene to another. In the conclusion of his chapter on tragedy, Gottsched concludes: “Und soviel mag auch von der Tragödie genug sein. Wer mehr wissen will, muß die hin und her angeführten Skribenten, sonderlich auch die Vorreden lesen, so Corneille und Racine vor ihre Stücke gesetzt haben.” Gottsched, Schriften zur Literatur, ed. Steinmetz, p. 176. On Gottsched’s generalisation of the principles of Racine and Corneille, cf. also Theile, Die Racine-Kritik bis 1800, p. 93, where Theile describes how Gottsched saw simplicity as a generally acknowledged characteristic of French classicism, referring to both Corneille and Racine as examples of this. 177 On Frau Gottsched and Frau Neuber, cf. Lesley Sharpe, ‘Reform of the German Theatre: Frau Neuber & Frau Gottsched’, Europa, no. 1, vol. i (1995), pp. 57–64. 178 Gottsched believed that the Germans had to resort to translations from regular classical jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 49 plays in German, Die Deutsche Schaubühne (The German Stage, 1741–1745), in which he included translations of Racine’s Iphigénie, Corneille’s Horace and Cid and Voltaire’s Zayre and Alzire. Gottsched and Friz are similar in that they both use the French classicism to reform their theatre, in Gottsched’s case the Ger- man wordly theatre and in Friz’s the Jesuit school theatre, which received so much criticism from government school reformers.179 Also in particular formulations and argumentations, an influence of Gottsched seems likely. In the discussion of the unity of place, the form and content of Friz’s argumentation show a striking similarity with Gottsched’s discussion of the topic. Both authors argue that the place represented on stage cannot change if the spectator remains on his seat. Gottsched argues as follows:

Wo man ist, muss man bleiben, und daher auch nicht in der ersten Hand- lung im Walde, in der anderen in der Stadt, in der dritten im Kriege und in der vierten in einem Garten oder gar auf der See seyn. … Zum dritten gehört zur Tragoedie die Einigkeit des Ortes. Die Zuschauer bleiben auf einer Stelle sitzen, folglich müssen auch die spielenden Personen alle auf einem Platz bleiben, den jene übersehen können, ohne ihren Ort zu ändern.180

Friz said about this:

Quid enim minus verisimile, quam ut idem locus, qui nunc silva est, urbs fiat, nunc mare, tum castra etcetera? Idque sine praestigiis, sine magia ulla (sic etenim mutatio verisimilis esset) certe arbores et parietes ambulantes, quae ad nutum et veniant et recedant, ridiculi quid prae se ferunt. … Dices nullum arborum motum hic fingere poetam, sed scenarum mutatione admonere auditores, ut, qui prius in media sibi urbe esse videbantur, fingant se in silva aut alio quodam loco, quem nova scena refert, constitutos. Sed vide, quae vis mihi ejusmodi spectaculo inseratur, dum saxa

French plays until they were able to write such plays in German themselves, as he believed he did in the case of Der Sterbende Cato and the sixth volume of his Deutsche Schaubühne, which contains only original plays. Cf. Meyer, Schriften zur Theater- und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, p. 114. 179 Compare also the intentions of some Dutch theatre reformers, who used classicism as a way to make their theatre morally acceptable and useful. Cf. De Haas, De wetten van het treurspel, pp. 1–11. 180 Gottsched, Versuch einer kritischen Dichtkunst (Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1730), p. 575. 50 introduction

et silvas re ipsa ad me venire video. Id a me postulat poeta, ut mihi persuadeam, non illa, quae moventur, sed me ipsum, qui semper quietus adsto, alio fuisse translatum. Quam id verisimile!181

Because what is less verisimilar, than that the same place, which now is a forest, becomes city, now sea, then a military camp, etcetera? And in the same way, without illusions and without any magic (because in that manner a change would be realistic) certainly walking trees and walls, which come and go at a nudge, manifest something ridiculous. … You may say: a poet pretends no movement of trees here, but warns the listeners by a change of stages that those who previously were seen to be in the middle of their city are now imagined to be in the forest, or another place, to which the new stage refers. But consider which effort I need to bring to a spectacle of this kind, when I see rocks and forests coming to me by themselves. The poet asks me to persuade myself, that those things which moved have not been transferred to another place, but I myself, while I am always standing still. How little does that resemble the truth!

Friz’s interpretation of Corneille’s unity of time is stricter than that of Corneille, who allows a narrative time of a little more than 24 hours. Friz, like Gottsched, allows only 12 hours. His criticism of colleagues who represent the main characters for twenty four hours in the same clothes and without eating or sleeping seems to have been inspired by Gottsched’s criticism of representing characters for a period of several days without eating, drinking or sleeping.182 Although Corneille had been a model in several Jesuit poetics before Friz’s, Friz’s choice for Racine is something rather unusual and new for a Jesuit poetics.183 Perhaps this choice was made under the influence of the Gottsched. Although Racine is mentioned explicitly only once,184 it is clear that he was

181 Friz, Epistola de Tragaediis, fol. 227v. 182 Friz, Epistula de Tragaediis, fol. 227r; Gottsched, Kritische Dichtkunst, p. 574. Cf. Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, p. 96. 183 Friz’s successor Franz Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 173 also mentions Racine prominently, only preceded by Pierre and Thomas Corneille in importance, in his list of contemporary models for the genre of tragedy: ‘Princeps habetur Cornelius senior et junior, quibus proxime accedit Racine, Ruaeus, uti et Poyre Galli, Metastasius Italus, Gottsched et Clausius, ille germanus, hic latinus.’ Cf. Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit, p. 301, n. 334. Neumayr is discussed more elaborately below in the discussion of contemporary Jesuit poetics in this introduction. 184 ms 938, fol. 229v. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 51 very important for Friz. Friz’s strict adherence to the three unities and his conception of verisimilitude, in which verisimilitude contributes to the moral effect of the play are very similar to Racine’s point of view. Friz’s reserved attitude towards Seneca may also be an influence of Racine.185 In his preface to his La Thébaide in the Oeuvres of 1675, 1687 and 1697, Racine’s rejection of Seneca as a model for tragedy is clear:

Je dressai à peu près mon plan sur les Phéniciennes d’Euripide. Car pour la Thébaïde qui est dans Sénèque, je suis un peu de l’opinion d’Heinsius, et je tiens comme lui, que non seulement ce n’est point une Tragédie de Sénèque, mais c’est plutôt l’ouvrage d’un Déclamateur, qui ne savait ce que c’était que Tragédie.

According to Racine, Seneca’s Thebaïde is a declamation rather than a tragedy. Although Racine had rejected Seneca, for Corneille Seneca was the most important Latin model.186 Friz’s rejection of Seneca can also be seen as a direct reaction to the tragedies of Nicolaus Avancini (1611–1686)187 and of Friz’ contemporary Anton Mau- risperg (1678–1748),188 a Jesuit working in Graz in the early eighteenth century. Avancini had recommended Seneca as a stylistic model in the preface to an edition of his plays alongside his rejection of the unities of time and place.189 Avancini’s famous LudiCaesarei were, therefore, no tragedies in the strict sense, to the extent that part of one of his plays was even entitled Antitragoedia. Maurisperg’s Virtus in Hoste Honorata seu Mucius Nobilis Romanus, for which Seneca was also an important stylistic model and which stands in the tradition of Avancini, was performed in Graz in 1710 and was published in 1730.190 It is

185 Jean Racine, Oeuvres Complètes, ed. by Raymond Picard, 2 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1950– 1952), vol. 2, p. 133 (Picard); Fladerer, ‘Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug’, p. 8. 186 Cf. Corneille, Discours du poème i, 45. 187 Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 9. 188 For a short biography and bibliography of Anton Maurisperg (2007) by Mareike Einfalt, cf. http://gams.uni-graz.at/archive/get/o:arj-074-4/sdef:TEI/get. Fourteen printed works of Maurisperg are known, among which mostly theological works and four plays. Most of these works are in Latin, the only exception being a German account of the life and miracle of Saint Francis de Hieronymo. 189 Nicolaus Avancini, Poesis dramatica, pars i (Vienna, 1665). 190 Anton Maurisperg, Dramataiv. Mutius,Deodatus,Stanislaus,JoannesNepomucenus.Variis in theatris, cum bene meritis in arena literaria victoribus praemio decernerentur, exhibita a 52 introduction likely to have provided Friz with examples of excessive references to mythology and erudition that are mocked by Lucian in the letter on tragedies.191 It seems no coincidence either that Friz’s example of an elaboration of an argumentum in which the unity of action, so valued by him, is not respected, takes the same story of Mucius Scaevola as Maurisperg’s play.192 Racine’s importance also shows from the first 74 folios of the tome which are devoted to an analysis of plays by Racine. After he left Graz (in 1644–1645), Friz continued to promote Racine, as well as the Italian playwrights Granelli and Metastasio, in Hungary as professor of repetitio humaniorum. A manuscript entitled Commentaria in litteras humaniores, now held in the university library of Budapest, advises future Jesuit playwrights to read and imitate Racine and Metastasio.193 This manuscript is dated around the middle of the century and is sometimes associated with Friz.194 The two Italian playwrights mentioned by Friz, Pietro Metastasio (1698– 1750) and Giovanni Granelli (1703–1770), are strongly influenced by the French tradition of Corneille, Racine, Molière and De la Rue. They are both representatives of the Italian literary classicism developed at the Arcadian Academy (the Accademia della Arcadia).195 The Academy was founded in 1690 in Rome by the

P. Antonio Maurisperg Societatis Jesu Sacerdote (Steyer: Grünenwald, 1730). On the influence of Seneca’s style on the play, cf. Ludwig Fladerer, Senecanische Gnomik im Mucius Scaevola des Jesuiten Anton Maurisperg, accessed 1 July 2013 at http://gams.uni-graz.at/ archive/get/o:arj-07B-18/sdef:TEI/get. 191 Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, p. 13. 192 Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, pp. 12–13. 193 University Library of Budapest, ms f. 37. 194 Pintér, ‘Zrinius ad Sigethum’, p. 252; Márta Zsuzsanna Pintér, A ferences iskolai színjátszás a xviii. században (Budapest: Argumentum, 1993), pp. 13–14. 195 Cf. A.F. Moore, ‘Classical’, in: Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell (eds.), New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2nd ed. London: Macmillan, 2001), vol. 5, p. 926; Oldani and Yanitelli, ‘Jesuit Theatre in Italy’,pp. 25–26; Francesco S. Minervini, ‘Drammaturgia e sacre scritture nell’età dei lumi’, Quaderni d’italianistica, 27, 1 (2006), 53–65. On Metastasio and the Arcadia, cf. Walter Binni, L’Arcadia e il Metastasio (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1984), 1984; Guido Nicastro, Metastasio e il teatro del primo Settecento (Bari: Laterza, 1973), pp. 11–60; Maria Teresa Acquaro Graziosi, ‘Pietro Metastasio e l’Arcadia’,in: Franco Onorati (ed.), Tricentenario metastasiano: M. da Roma all’Europa. Atti del Convegno a M. da Roma all’Europa, Roma, 21 ottobre 1998 (Rome: Fondazione Marco Besso, 1998), pp. 49–61; Anna Laura Bellina and Carlo Caruso, ‘Pietro Metastasio da Arcade a poeta cesareo: L’esordio napoletano e romano’, in: Enrico Malato (ed.), Storia della letteratura italiana, vol. vi: Il Settecento (Rome: Salerno, 1998), pp. 283–285. On Granelli, cf. Siro Ferrone and Teresa Megale, ‘Il teatro dei Gesuiti, Giovanni Granelli, Saverio Bettinelli’, in: Malato, Storia della jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 53 members of the literary circle around Maria Christina of Sweden. After that, ‘colonies’ of the Arcadia spread throughout Italy. The Arcadian Academy promoted a more sober approach to form and language than the baroque style, which was characterised by an indulgence in ornamentation. In this, antique models played a central role. The members of the Arcadia implicitly followed French models as well.196 The Arcadia aimed at pastoral simplicity and sweet- ness, and had both a didactic and aesthetic aim. The moral aspect of rendering virtue appealing and vice distasteful was very important in their literature. The famous Italian poet and dramatist Metastasio was active in Vienna from 1730. As a member of the Arcadian academy, he continued the reform of the opera libretto that had been initiated by Apostolo Zeno (1688–1750). Metasta- sio is said to have combined the Italian opera from the early eighteenth century, Italian epic poetry of the sixteenth and seventeenth century and French classical tragedy in his librettos. He refined the diction used in plays and polished its language for specific musical purposes. In his plays he followed the classical requirements of dramatic unity.197 His prose essay Estratto dell’Arte Poetica d’Aristotile e considerazioni su la medesima (‘Abstract of Aristotle’s Poetics and reflections thereon’) gives an overview of his interpretation of Aristotle’s Poet- ics.198 Although this was written after his most important dramas (and after the time of writing of Friz’s Epistola de Tragaediis), it faithfully reflects Metastasio’s practice as Friz knew it.199 On the unity of time, for example, Metastasio says that the duration of a tragedy should be limited to one revolution of the sun.200 The action takes place all on the same day, and lapses of imagined time are placed in the intervals required for changes of scenery. As to the unity of space, a field, a city or a royal court is a suitable boundary for Metastasio, although

letteratura italiana, vol. vi, pp. 861–864; Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 58 (2002), lemma Granelli, Giovanni, consulted 21.11.2013 on http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ giovanni-granelli_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. 196 About the influence of French literature on the literature of the Arcadia, cf. G. Ingegno Guidi, ‘Per la storia del teatro francese in Italia’; Viola, Tradizioni letterarie. Cf. also Lévy, ‘L’Importation de la tragédie française sur les scènes de collège italiennes’. 197 John A. Rice, ‘Metastasio the Romantic’, in: id., W.A. Mozart: La Clemenza di Tito (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 16–30, esp. p. 17. 198 It was first published in G. Pezzana (ed.), Opere di Pietro Metastasio (Paris: Hérissant, 1780–1782), 12 vols. The standard edition of this work is Bruno Brunelli (ed.), Tutte le opere di Pietro Metastasio (Milan: Mondadori, 1951–1954), 5 vols. Cf. Piero Weiss, ‘Metastasio, Aristotle, and the Opera Seria’, The Journal of Musicology, 1 (1982), 385–394. 199 Weiss, ‘Metastasio, Aristotle, and the Opera Seria’, p. 392. 200 Weiss, ‘Metastasio, Aristotle, and the Opera Seria’,p. 391; Brunelli, Tutte le opere, 2, pp. 1015– 1016. 54 introduction he states that the verisimilitude of various subplots may require special, separate locations.201 Also with respect to the unity of action, Metastasio mainly follows the French classicists. In his view, one should begin with some sub- ordinate action that announces the approach of the catastrophe and give the audience the information necessary for understanding the play.202 Metastasio’s operalibretti were popular all over Europe. For example, frequent performances of his opera libretti in cities such as Berlin, Bologna, Florence and Vienna, to mention but a few, are known.203 The Jesuit playwright Giovanni Granelli (1703–1770) produced and published his tragedies in the volgare.204 Granelli was one of the first Jesuit members of Parma’s Arcadian ‘colony’, with the Arcadian name Creniso Paronatide. Like Metastasio, Granelli was strongly influenced by French models. For example, the important role of characters of friends and servants who act as foils for the main characters and confidants revealing the thoughts and intentions of the protagonist are elements in the tragedies of both Granelli and of his disciple Saverio Bettinelli, sj (1718–1808) influenced by French models.205 Granelli’s plays contain borrowings from Racine’s plays.206 Granelli generally observed the unities of time, place and action.207 Although Friz criticises the frequent changes of scenery in the plays of the Italian playwrights with regard to unity of place,208 he mentions them as models for good drama,209 and says that “they never allowed themselves such a great liberty, that they, after having changed the appearance of an earlier place, completely removed the plot, the characters, and the previously begun emotions from the following place which they present.”210 He describes the transition between two scenes from Granelli’s Sedecias as an example of their freer but still regulated treatment of the unity of place. Granelli only

201 Weiss, ‘Metastasio, Aristotle, and the Opera Seria’, p. 392; Brunelli, Tutte le opere, 2, pp. 1025–1026. 202 Weiss, ‘Metastasio, Aristotle, and the Opera Seria’,p. 392; Brunelli, Tutte le opere, 2, pp. 1036. 203 Cf. Reinhart Meyer, ‘Die Rezeption der Opernlibretti Pietro Metastasios’, in: id., Schriften zur Theater- und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, pp. 509–558 and id., ‘Die Rezeption der Dramen Metastasios im 18. Jahrhundert’, ibid., pp. 559–564. 204 Cf. Oldani and Yanitelli, ‘Jesuit Theatre in Italy’, p. 19 and pp. 27–30. 205 Ibid., p. 29. 206 Ibid. 207 Ibid., p. 30. 208 ms 938, fol. 228r. 209 ms 938, fol. 229v. 210 ms 938, fol. 246r. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 55 changed the place in a following scene, but kept the same characters on stage, and continued the emotions which were represented in the previous scene. Friz’s respect for Granelli and Metastasio also becomes clear from his Latin translations of plays of both authors included in the manuscript. Moreover, Friz’s own pastoral plays, which he included there as well, follow conventions of the Accademia della Arcadia. The short play Alexis, also published in the 1757 edition of four of Friz’s plays, is described there as Dramation Pastoritium (short pastoral play).211 Its main characters are the shepherds Alexis and Lycidas. The events represented take place in Arcadia, which Friz describes as follows:

In Arcadia figetur scena. Eam accipite, cum pompa, et ornatu Regio incedere humilis renuit Musa. Arcadia pastoribus celebris, opportunum probuit poetae locum, pastoritium quoddam ubi regnum fingeret, pas- torem principem.”212

The scene is placed in Arcadia. Accept this place, since the humble Muse has forbidden entering there with ostentation and royal adornment. Arca- dia, famous for its shepherds, offers the poet a suitable location, where he imagines a kind of shepherd kingdom and a shepherd king.

Friz’s Psychis, also a pastoral play, focuses on Alexis, a prince who has become a shepherd (an element that may have reminded the spectators of Tasso’s popular Aminta (1573)), his master Psychis, and the shepherd Erastes. For both these plays Friz deliberately chose the simplicity of the countryside, conforming to the Arcadian ideal of the Italian classicism, instead of a royal setting with a great deal of ornamentation typical of the baroque. Granelli and Metastasio remained important models for Friz. As stated above, Friz, promoted these Italian authors, alongside Racine, after he left Graz (in 1644–1645) as professor of repetitio humaniorum in Hungary. In Szakolca he brought Granelli’s Sedecias to the stage and in the following years he assisted at the performance of plays by Granelli or Metastasio every autumn in Szakolca and Györ.213 Finally, as mentioned in the discussion of Racine, the Commentaria in litteras humaniores, now held in the university

211 Andreas Friz, Tragoediae duae et totidem dramatia (Codrus. Tragoedia—Cyrus. Tra- goedia—Alexis. Dramation Pastoritium—Salomon, Hungariae rex. Dramation.) (Vienna: Leopold Johannes Kaliwoda, 1757). 212 Friz, Alexis, Ms 938, fol. 263r. Compare the shorter description in the printed edition, Friz, Tragoediae duae et totidem dramatia, p. 126. 213 Pintér, ‘Zrinius ad Sigethum’, p. 252. For more information on Metastasio’s popularity in 56 introduction library of Budapest, associated with Friz, advises future playwrights to read and imitate Racine and Metastasio.214

Eighteenth-Century Jesuit Poetics In order to gain a thorough understanding of Friz’ work, it is important to sit- uate his poetics also within the context of other such similar contemporary works. As mentioned in the discussion of Corneille, Friz knew, and was influenced also by, Joseph Jouvancy’s works, commonly found at Jesuit colleges. Joseph de Jouvancy (also known as Josephus Juventius or Juvencius, 1643–1719) taught at famous Jesuit institutions such as La Flèche and Louis-le-Grand at Paris. He edited a number of school editions of Latin authors, such as Terence and the Ars poetica of Horace. As a Jesuit professor he was involved in writing and directing school plays. His De ratione discendi et docendi215 became the standard guide and method for classical studies at Jesuit colleges in Europe. It was subsequently reprinted many times. The work is divided into two parts, one on the appropriate method of learning, and another on teaching. The first part contains a chapter on poetry, in which Jouvancy explains what poetry is, and discusses the epic and dramatic genres in more detail.216 His Institutiones poeticae ad usum Collegiorum Societatis Jesu (Venice, 1718), a work intended for use at schools, also contains a section on the theatre. Like Masen, Jouvancy’s poetics are based on Aristotle. He defines tragedy as follows:

Definitur tragoedia imitatio actionis unius totius, verae, verisimilis, insig- nis, quae metro et harmonia; non narrando, sed agendo misericordiam ciet ac terrorem, ut affectuum expiationem seu purgationem inducat.217

Tragedy is defined as the imitation of a single action that is complete, true, probable, distinguished, which, in metre and harmony, and not through narration but through acting, brings about pity and fear, in order that it leads to the expiation or purging of feelings.

Hungary between 1740 and 1810, cf. József Szauder, ‘Metastasio in Ungheria’, Letteratura e critica: Studi in onore di Natalino Sapegno, 4 (1977), pp. 309–334. 214 University Library of Budapest, pressmark F. 37. 215 Josephus Juventius, Magistris scholarum inferiorum Societatis Jesu de ratione discendi et docendi (Florence: Nestenius, 1703). In the following references, I refer to the edition published in Paris in 1725 by Barbou, under the title Ratio discendi et docendi. 216 Juventius, ‘Articulus 2. De poetica’, in: De ratione discendi et docendi, pp. 68–87. 217 Juventius, Institutiones poeticae ad usum Collegiorum Societatis Jesu (Cologne: Wilhelm Metternich, 1726, first edition Venice: Nicolaus Pezzana, 1718), p. 70. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 57

The traditional Greek division of a play in four parts (protasis, epitasis, catastasis and catastrophe), a division common in Jesuit poetics, is still an essential part of Jouvancy’s discussion of the genre.218 However, apart from classical sources (Aristotle and Horace) and traditional Jesuit interpretations, Jouvancy mentions the Opera poetica by the French Jesuit Pierre Mambrun (1601–1661) and Corneille’s La pratique du théatre as important sources.219 In many cases, Friz and Jouvancy have very similar opinions. Both authors hold the three unities as important principles. It is likely that Friz depends on French theoreticians like Jouvancy in his statements on the unity of action.220 Like Friz, Jouvancy rejects Seneca on account of his lack of respect for unity of action.221 In several passages, a direct influence of Jouvancy on Friz seems probable. In the ironic words on faults of pronunciation, for example, Lucian’s advice to use the same loud tone without variation throughout the play shows a striking resemblance to passages on the fault of monotony in Jouvancy.222 The difference between Friz and Jouvancy lies mainly in their view of the value of ornaments. In Jouvancy’s poetics the traditional baroque appreciation of elements outside of the action (music, dance and elaborate stage sets) is still very prominent.223 In his De ratione discendi et docendi, Jouvancy argues that melody and the stage equipment (apparatus) give splendour to a play and excite emotions.224 A second eighteenth century Jesuit theorician whom Friz knew and consulted was Franz Lang. Lang (1654–1725) entered the novitiate of Landsberg in 1671. He taught at the Jesuit colleges of Ingolstadt, Augsburg, Eichstätt, Munich, Burghausen and Dillingen,225 and became famous as the creator of the genre of dramatic meditations. These meditations, which he wrote for the students of

218 Juventius, Institutiones poeticae, p. 64. 219 Juventius, De ratione discendi et docendi, p. 74. 220 Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, p. 74. 221 Juventius, De ratione discendi et docendi, p. 74. 222 Cf. Juventius, De ratione discendi et docendi, pp. 59–60; ms 938, fol. 235r. Compare also the discussion of monotomy in Franz Lang, Dissertatiodeactionescenica (Munich: Maria Mag- dalena Riedlin, 1727), p. 59. In the same chapter, Lang recommends Juventius’ discussion of the correct use of the voice. (Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, p. 57.) 223 Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater’, p. 213, n. 53. 224 Juventius, Institutiones poeticae, 66: “Quo sensu melodia et apparatus dicuntur esse partes dramatis? Quia quamvis extra drama esse censeantur ad eius tamen splendorem cum conferant plurimum, sicut ad commotionem affectuum: duae quoque dramatis partes vocantur a Philosopho.” 225 Valentin, Répertoire chronologique, 3.ii, 1074. 58 introduction the Marian Congregation in Munich,226 consisted of music, dialogue, and silent meditation of emblematic representations on stage.227 Lang’s Dissertatio de actione scenica, which he may have begun writing as early as 1696, was published posthumously two years after Lang’s death.228 It was intended as a practical manual for actors and directors.229 At the start of his treatise, he gives the following definition of the essence and purpose of theatre:

Actionem scenicam ego a meo sensu convenientem totius corporis vocisque inflexionem appello, ciendis affectibus aptam. Adeoque tam ipsam corporis moderationem, motus et posituras, quam vocis mutationem Actio complectitur, quas ad artis et naturae leges componit, ut spectatoribus delectationem faciat, et inde potentius moveat ad affectum.230

I define dramatic art, in my opinion, as the appropriate modification of the whole body and voice, which is suitable to excite emotions. And therefore the art of drama includes both the control over the body itself, its movements and postures, and the change of the voice, matters which it combines according to the rules of art and nature, in order that it gives pleasure to the spectators and through it moves them to an emotion.

The theory that causing emotions (affectus) among the audience through pleasing them (delectatio) is the main purpose of art, and theatre in particular, is typical of the baroque age.231 Lang’s definition of the tragedy is generally the same as that of the baroque Jesuit poetics, following Aristotle and Masen in the opinion that a tragedy can have a good ending.232 However, the use of comical scenes (scenae ridiculae), which Lang allows in tragedies, had been forbidden

226 Ronald G. Engle, ‘Lang’s Discourse on Stage Movement’, Educational Theatre Journal, 22, (1970), 179–187, esp. p. 179. Lang’s treatise is available in a facsimile edition with German translation and a useful introduction by Alexander Rudin. Cf. Franz Lang, Abhandlung überdieSchauspielkunst, ed. and transl. by Alexander Rudin (Bern/Munich: Francke, 1975). 227 Engle, ‘Lang’s Discourse on Stage Movement’, p. 179. 228 Ibid., p. 180. 229 Cf. Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, pp. 65–78. 230 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, p. 12. 231 Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 67. 232 Ibid., p. 71; Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, 71. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 59 explicitly in the poetics of Joseph de Jouvancy.233 Friz also strongly rejects the use of farcical scenes in tragedies.234 In contrast to Friz and his successors Neumayr and Weitenauer, Franz Lang rejects the strict observation of the three unities in his Dissertatio de actione scenica (1727).235 Similarly, suggests Lang, the rules of the ancient authorities (such as Aristotle and Quintilian) ought not to be applied as strictly as before.236 Lang does not accept the unities of time and place, and in his view the concept of verisimilitude should be applied only moderately. Within three or four hours on stage, without inconsistencies of verisimilitude, an action might be represented which takes place over a period of more than 24 hours.237 Contrary to Friz, Lang approves the use of subplots (episodes) and entertaining interludes (exhibitiones scenicae), albeit in moderation, since they refresh the audience and keep them interested.238 He is not concerned with the unity of action. On the subject of interludes, however, he does warn against excessive- ness. Like Friz, he does not allow excessive violence on stage.239 Lang distinguishes between the techniques of professional actors and student actors.240 Whereas professional actors act purely to achieve theatrical effects for their own sake, student actors, trained in a disciplined and more natural acting style, aim to move the audience with the emotion that the director intends. Lang criticises the superficial adornment and bad acting in court productions. For example, he discusses the use of gloves by actors on stage, which in his opinion obstructs the effectiveness of hand gestures. If gloves are to be used on stage, the actor should hold them in his left hand.241 Sim- ilarly, Friz had argued that kings ought not always to be represented carry- ing sceptres in their right hand,242 since it hinders their gestures with the

233 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, 35; Juventius, Ratio discendi et docendi, 80; Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 72, n. 154. 234 ms 938, fol. 257r. 235 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 94–99; Engle, p. 181. 236 Engle, ‘Lang’s Discourse on Stage Movement’,p. 182; Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 71; Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, p. 83; p. 85. 237 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 95–96. 238 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, p. 79, p. 99; Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 77. 239 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 90–91; ms 938, fol. 257r; Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, p. 78, n. 178. 240 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 33–34; Engle, ‘Lang’s Discourse on Stage Movement’, p. 184; Erlach, Unterhaltung und Belehrung im Jesuitentheater um 1700, pp. 74–75. 241 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 31–33. 242 ms 938, fols. 230v–231r. 60 introduction right hand that should accompany the actor’s words. In the same way, Friz rejected certain elaborate costumes and painted faces, because they hinder movement and facial expression.243 Both Friz and Lang regard movement as an important part of acting. Movement and vocal expression work together to stimulate the emotion of the audience.244 Lang perhaps goes a step further when he states that an actor should react to the speech of another character through movement before he responds vocally.245 For him, physical action is more important than speech. In the first ten chapters of the book, Lang discusses how various parts of the body (feet, arms, eyes, etcetera) should be used and formulates rules for effective gestures and correct movement on stage. Although Lang warns against too much spectacle, he believes that appropriate costumes are essential for the audience to distinguish the various characters, and includes a list (based on a list from Jakob Masen’s Speculum imaginum veritatis occultae (Cologne, 1650), describing the proper attire for allegorical and emblematic characters.246 He is also aware that a large part of the audience is not highly educated and has a taste for pranks or a nice stage set. Lang aimed to address, please and emotionally affect this part of the audience as well. Although there does not seem to be any direct influence of Gabriel François Le Jay’s Bibliotheca rhetorum (1725), it is interesting to compare his poetics to Friz’s letter on tragedies. The French Jesuit Gabriel François Le Jay (1657– 1734)247 was a famous professor of rhetoric at the collège Louis Le Grand in Paris, where he taught the young Voltaire. He published his Bibliotheca rhetorum, a handbook of rhetoric and poetics for both students and teachers, in Paris in 1725.248 It was reprinted several times in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The first volume discusses oratory and rhetoric. The second volume is dedicated to the rules of poetry, and contains a section on the poetics of drama. His dramatic theory has its basis in Aristotle’s Poetics. He translates and summarises Aristotle’s definition of tragedy as follows:

243 ms 938, fols. 231v–232v. 244 Cf. Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 11–12; Engle, ‘Lang’s Discourse on Stage Move- ment’, p. 184; ms 938, fol. 230v. 245 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 45–46; Engle, p. 184. 246 Lang, Dissertatio de actione scenica, pp. 107–154. 247 Cf. Joseph Fr. Michaud, Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne (Paris: C. Desplaces and M. Michaud, 1854), 45 vols., vol. 24, p. 39; Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie Jesus, 4, pp. 764–783. 248 Gabriel François Le Jay, Bibliotheca rhetorum (Paris: Gregorius Dupuis, 1725), 2 vols. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 61

Tragoedia definitur ab Aristotele Poeticae c. 6. Imitatio actionis gravis ac seriae, integrae, magnitudinem habentis, quae sermone ad voluptatem composito, non per narrationem, sed per misericordiam ac metum purgat animum ac levat ab huiusmodi perturbationibus.249

Tragedy is defined by Aristotle in his Poetics, chapter 6: the imitation of an important and serious action, complete, and having a certain size, which, with speech composed for pleasure, not through narrating, but through pity and fear purges the mind and relieves it from perturbations of this kind.

Clarifying the elements of this definition, he explains that ‘complete’ and ‘with size’, means that the play should have a beginning, middle and end, and should not be too long, nor too short. Further, the speech of a tragedy should be pleasant through the use of metre and singing. A tragedy should not be narrated, but presented. Finally, the purpose of tragedy is moral education: through pity and fear the mind is purged, and cured of bad morals. A tragedy for Le Jay consists of six parts: the plot ( fabula), morals (mores), meaning (sententia), diction (dictio), music (musica) and the stage scenery (scenae apparatus). Although the last two parts, music and scenery, do not theoretically pertain to poetics, they are important for the spectacle of the drama.250 From Le Jay’s preface to the second volume it is immediately clear that for this eighteenth century playwright the most important representatives of the French classicism, Corneille and Racine, are also important models:

Magnum theatro Gallico decus ac splendorem Cornelius ac Racinus con- tulere, quorum studio atque opera in eam dignitatem evasit, ut veteris Graeciae gloriam aemularetur. Cui si quid ultra videatur optandum, unum hoc precari liceat, ne, qui deinceps Tragoedias exarabunt Galli scriptores, a terendis utriusque vestigiis unquam declinent.251

Corneille and Racine bestowed a great honour and splendour on the French theatre. Through their zeal and effort they elevated it to such dignity, that it emulates the glory of ancient Greece. If one should wish

249 Gabriel François Le Jay, Bibliotheca rhetorum (Munich: Maria Magdalena Riedlin, 1726, reprint of the 1st edition, Paris: Gregorius Dupuis, 1625), 2 vols., vol. 2, p. 48. 250 Ibid., p. 54. 251 Ibid., p. 12. 62 introduction

for anything further for it, one may wish this one thing, namely that the French writers, who will write tragedies in the future, may never turn away from stepping into the footsteps of both.

In this quotation Le Jay’s admiration for the Greek tragedians is also clear. In his poetics, he discusses the classical Greek tragic playwrights Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. The only Roman example that he mentions, Seneca, is admired for his use of the iambic metre, but is otherwise not seen as a major model.252 The French rules for tragedy are as important for Le Jay as they are for Friz. The triplex unitas actionis, temporis ac loci receives separate treatment in his liber dramaticus.253 In his conception of the unity of action, Le Jay allows the occurrence of more than one danger, provided the unity of peril is observed.254 Regarding the unity of time, Le Jay allows a period of 24 hours, or even a little longer.255 A restriction of 12 hours is for him unnecessary. Similarly in his view on the unity of place, Le Jay is not very rigid.256 He discusses the three most common positions on this issue (from very free, to ‘medium’, to very strict). From this discussion he reveals a preference for a moderate type of unity of place, according to which a play takes place within a house or palace (which means: not neccesarily in one room, but in several parts of this building). Apart from the three classical unities, the concepts of verisimilitudo (‘verisimilitude’) and admirabilitas (‘the quality that produces admiration’) are important elements of Le Jay’s poetics. The structure of the plot, and the relation of the different actions and characters to each other should be logical and probable. The play should present the events as they could or should have happened, even if it does not represent the true story. Nothing in the drama should clash with verisimilitudo.257 Admirabilitas comes from unexpected turns of events, and especially out of the splendour (splendor) and moral goodness (probitas) of the main character, which cause the spectator to feel pity and terror.258

252 Ibid., pp. 12–13. 253 Cf. ibid., pp. 58–60. 254 “Nam si alii inciderint periculorum casus, quos, vel argumentum quod tractatur suppe- ditet, vel Poeta pro concessa sibi licentia confinxerit, illi sic cum primario periculo co- haereant oportet, ut efficiant quid unum et tanquam totidem causae ad informandam unius periculi unitatem alii ex aliis fluere videantur.” (Ibid., p. 58.) 255 Ibid., p. 59. 256 Ibid., pp. 59–60. 257 Ibid., pp. 60–61. 258 Ibid., pp. 61–62. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 63

The fourth author in this discussion of 18th century theatre poetics is Franz Neumayr, sj (1676–1765). Neumayr’s theoretical work Idea Poeseos illustrates the turn to classicism of many Jesuit authors, which we already demonstrated in Friz’s Epistola de Tragaediis. Neumayr entered the novitiate of Landsberg in 1712. Neumayr was a contemporary of Friz and his first play appeared on stage in 1731 at Munich.259 His Idea Poeseos is a schoolbook, a handbook for those who had to discuss poetics with their students.260 In his work, Neumayr discusses first the aspect of delectare, then docere and finally movere. Like Friz he is influenced strongly by the classicist theory of drama.261 In a list of his models, he includes Corneille, Racine, Charles de la Rue, Porée,262 Metastasio, Gottsched, and Anton Claus.263 However, in order to please the audience’s taste for spectacle, he combined regular classical structure with baroque interludes in his plays.264 Like Friz, Neumayr extends the purpose of the tragedy from moderating particular emotions through pity and fear—the Aristotelian theory—to the purging of these emotions and the promotion of virtue.265 He also argues that not only pity and fear, but also other emotions such as love, happiness, hope and hatred can be used as a means to achieve this purpose.266 The purpose of comedy is to correct an emotion or a vice, which can make people ridiculous.267 Apart from tragedy and comedy, Neumayr distinguishes other dramas without a real action and peripety (sudden reverse of circumstances), such as the dramata scolastica (school declamations, disputations and dialogues), the

259 On Franz Neumayr, cf. Petrus Th. van der Veldt sj, Franz Neumayr sj (1697–1765): Leben und Werk eines spätbarocken geistlichen Autors (Amsterdam and Maarssen: apa-Holland University Press, 1992), p. 83; Hans Gumbel, Franz Neumayr: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Lateinischen Dramas im 18. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt: Rheinische Verlagsanstalt und Buchdruckerei, 1938); Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, p. 184. 260 Van der Veldt, p. 84. 261 Van der Veldt, pp. 86–87; Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, pp. 184–190. 262 On Porée, cf. Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle, pp. 43–57. 263 Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 173. Cf. Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, p. 187. 264 Van der Veld, Franz Neumayr sj t, p. 86; Janning, Der Chor im neulateinischen Drama, pp. 70–72. 265 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 87; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 173. Cf. Valentin, La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle, p. 188. 266 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 87; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 173. 267 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 86; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, pp. 163 and p. 166. 64 introduction dramata officiosa (plays performed in the honour of religious and worldly dig- nitaries), the dramata simpliciter talia (plays which focus on an action without a peripety, in which the characters decide to do or refrain from doing something), and the meditatio.A meditatio is a drama, which causes supernatural emotions, and through which Neumayr aims to lead the reader to virtue.268 For Neumayr, the distinction between comedy and tragedy lies not in a positive or negative ending of the play, but in the rank of the protagonist. In a comedy this should not be someone of the lowest rank, but not someone of the highest either. The main character of a tragedy, on the other hand, should be someone of distinguished rank.269 For Neumayr, every person of high rank is suitable as the central hero of a tragedy. Neumayr, basing himself on Corneille and Gottsched’s definition of tragedy, believes that its heroes can be saints or villains. In this Neumayr does not restrict himself to Aristotle’s middle hero.270 The hero should incite imitation or disgust in the audience. In order to increase this effect, the other characters should stand in stark contrast to the protagonist.271 With regard to action, Neumayr does not distinguish between tragedy and comedy. The main structural principles are the three classical unities. In his discussion of the unity of action, Neumayr forbids any parallel action that is not directly related to the plot. The action should be complete (integra), and have a clear beginning, middle and end.272 The first scenes should explain the background of the plot to the audience, and they should be closely linked to the final scenes. The middle part should show complications and intrigue, which should be structured in such a way that the spectator has an answer to all his questions regarding the story by the end of the play.273 With regard to the unity of place, Neumayr allows a distance of three hundred steps between the different places in different acts. Within an act, however, no change of location is allowed. In this regulation, Neumayr is less strict than Corneille’s original interpretation of the unity of place.274 In his interpre-

268 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, pp. 88–89; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, pp. 195–196. 269 Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 174; Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, p. 188. 270 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 90. 271 Ibid., p. 91. 272 Ibid., p. 92; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 167; Aristotle, Poetica 7, 1450b24–27. 273 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 92; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 167. 274 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 93; Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, pp. 189–190; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 177. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 65 tation of the unity of time, Neumayr is stricter than Corneille.275 Like Friz, he allows a period of 12 hours for the events represented.276 On performance Neumayr gives the following practical advice.277 The director should choose the costumes carefully and enforce restrictions: costly and inappropriate costumes are ridiculous. The set for the performance of tragedies may be more expensive than in the case of comedies, because of the seriousness of the story. The students should practice their role first off stage, and focus on an appropriate tone of voice and articulation, before practicing on stage. Fur- ther, the actors should have a good physique, an honest face, and lively eyes.278 As stated above, Neumayr’s attitude towards the choir forms somewhat of an exception to his otherwise enthusiastic following of the French classicists. Neumayr does not subject prologue and choir to the three unities.279 On the contrary, they are an opportunity for the playwright to use all the available technical and artistic possibilities, including music, pantomime and dance, to prepare the spectator to accept the argumentum and its moral lesson willingly. The interludes sometimes contain a parallel plot for the same purpose. Neu- mayr notes that the Germans in particular have achieved a high level in their choirs, while other peoples are often satisfied with only a printed prologue.280 The prologues and interludes in Neumayr’s plays are characterised by a great deal of spectacle, music, singing and elaborate stage sets.281 For Neumayr, the aim of prologues and choirs is to represent the playwright’s purpose in play and to explain its action. They can also offer parallel stories from the Old Testament or mythology.282 In this aspect of his work he follows the Jesuit tradition of the baroque rather than the rules of the French classicism and Gottsched’s theatre theory. Neumayr’s appreciation of baroque spectacle is in stark contrast to Friz’s rejection of it. His respect for the classical French rules for tragedy, on the other hand, is a common element in both Friz and Neumayr’s work. Neumayr’s

275 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 93. 276 Valentin, ‘La diffusion de Corneille en Allemagne au xviiie siècle’, p. 190; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 177. Valentin explains that this rule of the ‘artificial day’ is a concept of Jean Chapelain (1595–1674) and Madeleine de Scudéry (1607–1701) against Corneille ideas on the unity of time. 277 Cf. Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 95. 278 Ibid., p. 95. 279 Ibid.; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, pp. 181–184. 280 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 96; Neumayr, Idea Poeseos, p. 181. 281 Van der Veldt, Franz Neumayr sj, p. 100. 282 Ibid., pp. 95–97; Janning, Der Chor im neulateinischen Drama, p. 70. 66 introduction treatise shows that, even though there was a strong influence of French classical theatre and its three unities, even in the middle of the eighteenth century Jesuit playwrights resorted to baroque methods to please the audience and compete with worldly theatre and opera. The last important Jesuit theatre theorist, Ignaz Weitenauer (1709–1783), was born in Ingolstadt.283 He entered the novitiate of Landsberg in 1724. In the period 1726–1729 he studied philosophy in Ingolstadt, and from 1735 until 1739 theology. In the period after that he worked as a teacher of rhetoric at Ingol- stadt, Neubourg, Eichstätt, Landsberg, Landshut, Mindelheim and Freiburg im Breisgau. From 1752 until 1754 he was historiographer of the province of Germa- nia Superior. In 1754 he became professor of oriental languages at the university of Innsbruck. In 1773, when the Jesuit order was dissolved, he retired to the monastery of Salem, where he died on 4. February 1783. Weitenauer’s poetics takes the form of a commentary on Horace’s Ars poetica. However, Weitenauer adapted the structure and content of the letter to his own principles. Horace did not give a rigid systematic treatment of poetics, but rather discussed single matters that interested him in a loosely structured format.284 Weitenauer’s interpretation of the Ars was different. He divided the work into these four parts:

1–46 De rerum constitutione. 47–152 De elocutione. 153–288 De theatralibus. 289–476 De scribendi adminiculis.

Weitenauer’s different analysis of the structure of Horace’s Ars poetica seems to have been influenced by the structure of contemporary poetics, such as Gottsched’s Kritischer Dichtkunst (1730). A discussion of the poet and poetry in general commonly formed the first part of a poetics. Weitenauer’s concept of poetry, although he found a lack of the pleasant more excusable in a play than a lack of the useful.285 Apart from the content, the form of the play is very

283 On the life of Weitenauer, cf. Edith Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Innsbruck, 1958), pp. 1–4; Valentin, Répertoire chronologique, 3.ii, p. 1128. 284 Cf. C.O. Brink, ‘Has the “Ars Poetica” a Structure?’, in: id., Horace on Poetry: Prolegomena to the Literary Epistles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), pp. 3–14. A different interpretation can be found in Fuhrmann, Einführung in die antike Dichtungstheorie, pp. 100–102. 285 Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales, p. 58. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 67 important for Weitenauer. He finds many occasions throughout Horace’s work to include his own criticism of poets of versiculi inertes, such as Catullus.286 In his discussion of drama, Weitenauer discusses actio, metrum, musica and chorus as the most important elements. Weitenauer attributes an important role to the choir. The choir should take a stand about the action in the play, and influence the hero. In this, he places himself in the tradition of the Greek and Roman playwrights.287 Weitenauer does not discuss the subject of pity and fear in his Ars poetica, because Horace’s poetics does not provide an opportunity to do so. However, in the introductions to his plays, fear and pity are discussed extensively.288 Pity and fear, applied to the spectator, are for Weitenauer both related to the character of the tragedy’s hero: pity is guaranteed by his virtue, fear by his vice, because, following Aristotle, Weitenauer’s heroes are not bad people, but not perfect either.289 In this aspect, Weitenauer’s poetics differs from Corneille’s, and agrees with Lessing.290 In a note on Horace’s lucidus ordo, Weitenauer enters into a discussion of the unity of action in Corneille’s tragedies and the three classical unities.291 The three unities are essential for Weitenauer:

Servanda religiose est unitas temporis, unitas loci, unitas actionis in re theatrali.292

The unities of time, place and action should be observed religiously in the theatre.

According to the unity of action, each event should result from the previous event. The action of a play should take place within one course of the sun.293 The unity of place, even though it hinders the emotional effect of the play on

286 Ignaz Weitenauer, Ars poetica (Augsburg and Freiburg i. Breisgau: Wagner, 1757, reprint: Whitefish, Montana: Kessinger 2009), p. 193. 287 Ibid., p. 116. 288 Ignaz Weitenauer, Tragoediae Autumnales, cum animadversionibus. Accessit Ego Comoedia (Augsburg and Freiburg: Ignatius and Antonius Wagner, 1758). 289 Weitenauer, Tragoediae Autumnales, p. 18; Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales, p. 78. 290 Weitenauer, Tragoediae Autumnales, p. 2; Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales, p. 91. 291 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, pp. 25–26. 292 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 27. 293 Weitenauer, Tragoedia autumnales, p. 112. 68 introduction the spectator, should be observed strictly.294 The unity of time and place are for Weitenauer the accomplishment of his age.295 Surprisingly, if we consider that in general Weitenauer is a rationalist, he allows the use of a deus ex machina, following Horace, but only if there are no other options and if there is a good reason for using it.296 Concluding, he advises:

Tu, siquid est mei consilii, peccatum vitare males, quam excusare.297

If you value my advice at all, you should prefer to avoid a fault, rather than to excuse it.

Like Friz, and like Horace, Weitenauer rejects cruelty on stage.298 He does not agree with Corneille, when he shows murder as punishment of a sinner on stage. Weitenauer only allows suicide on the stage, not murder.299 On the basis of the authority of Horace, he also forbids miracles, because they do not agree with the concept of verisimilitude.300 The three most important French classical playwrights, Corneille, Racine and Molière, are central to Weitenauer’s poetics. Corneille is his most important theoretical and practical model, whom he repeatedly places above all other playwrights of the past and of his own time.301 Numerous examples of Corneille’s theory and plays are used as an authority for Weitenauer’s poetics. Racine also receives Weitenauer’s praise, although his choice to represent intempestivos amores goes against Weitenauer’s concept of verisimilitude and the Aristotelian rule that the heroes should not be excessively burdened.302 Molière is the most important model for comedy. He is praised for his lifelike representations of real people, based on his own observations.303

294 Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales, p. 85. 295 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 27. 296 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, pp. 111–113. 297 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 113. 298 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 105. 299 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, pp. 104–105. 300 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 105. 301 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, pp. 25, 80, 104. Cf. Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales, pp. 108–109. 302 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 159; Kellner, Ignaz Weitenauers Ars poetica und tragoediae autumnales, pp. 109–110. 303 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 161: “Qui docte ac vere imitari voluerit, eum respicere iubet homines ipsos, eorumque cogitandi, loquendi, agendi modum in rem suam convert- jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 69

Apart from these three famous authors, Weitenauer repeatedly praises Voltaire, but only in examples where Voltaire follows the rules. For example, he uses historical subject matter, and allows the suicide of the character Palmyra.304 However, his Mahomet is criticised for a lack of prodesse. The lack of liveliness is also a matter for criticism on this play.305 From this overview a rationalistic, classicist turn is evident among many Jesuit dramatists and theorists in the eighteenth century. The eighteenth century does not have the baroque appreciation of spectacle as a central concept in the same way as the seventeenth century did. In this period, the classical French theatre of Corneille and Racine becomes an important model, often along with that of their Italian counterparts Granelli and Metastasio. However, a range of theoretical approaches to the application of their principles can be discerned. All of the theoreticians discussed here saw their school theatre as a combination of the Horatian dulce and utile. Jesuit theatre had the purpose of improving the souls of both students and audience; through pity and fear bad morals should be moderated. Therefore, all of the authors discussed above paid a great deal of attention to the emotional effect of the play on the actors and spectators. Basing themselves on traditional Aristotelian Jesuit poetics and the poetics of French and Italian playwrights of the classicist movements, many attributed a great deal of importance to the three unities and the concept of verisimilitude. These were a means of achieving the so-called ‘purging’ of the soul. In many respects, Friz is very similar to his colleagues. He, like Jouvancy, Le Jay, Neumayr and Weitenauer, advocated a more or less strict application of the unities of time, place and action. In his observation of the three unities, Lang is the exception in the group, completely rejecting the unities of time and place, and only applying the unity of action in a very free way. In his interpretation of verisimilitude, Lang resembled Jouvancy and Friz, as all three found an effective and suitable pronunciation critical. Although all five examples respect the rules of the French classicism, their practical implementation of the rules differed. Jouvancy found music and elaborate stage sets important for giving splendour to a play. Le Jay, even though he admitted that music and stage sets should strictly not be part of a discussion of poetics, also gave these elements

ere. Sic veras voces et poeta, et orator depromet. Sic theatrum comicum Joannes Bap- tista Molierius implevit characteribus personarum eorumque copia et novitate Graecos Romanosque post se reliquit. Solitus enim erat, ubicunque esset, tacitus ac paene moro- sus dicta hominum et mores veluti ex insidiis observare et apud se expendere. Inde vero, quae idonea sibi decerpserat, in opportunitatem proximam conferebat.” 304 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, pp. 74 and 104. 305 Weitenauer, Ars poetica, p. 170 says about the play: “ingens cadaver est, anima caret.” 70 introduction an important role. Neumayr, although a strict classicist in his application of the unities, made an exception for the use of baroque interludes. Weitenauer made exceptions for choir and deus ex machina constructions. Friz stands out as the most ‘classicist’ of the five examples. He criticised his colleagues for allowing too much spectacle, and argued for the bare minimum of ornamentation.

Description of the Manuscript and Edition Principles

Description of the Manuscript306 Friz’s Epistola de Tragaediis is part of manuscript 938 of University Library Graz. It was written between 1741 and 1744, when he taught poetry at the university of Graz. This document is written in Latin on paper in 4o format. Except for a number of damaged pages (226–236, 296, 314–319), the manuscript is reasonably well preserved. Several pages have damage on the bottom of the page.307 The contemporary eighteenth century leather binding shows signs of wear and tear. The manuscript has 351 numbered leaves. Leaves 316–351 are empty. The leaves are 21 by 16cm, and the writing on each page covers about 17–18cm. On most pages pencil lines are visible. The handwriting in the manuscript is clear and regular. It contains very few abbreviations. The Latin text is written in black ink, while the marginal notes are written in brown. Apart from the EpistoladeTragaediis, the manuscript contains discussions of several dramas of Jean Racine, the texts of plays by the Italian playwrights Pietro Metastasio and Granelli, a translation of Metastasio’s Joseph ( Joseph, a fratribus suis adoratus et agnitus), and several plays by Friz himself.308

Edition Principles The original spelling of the text has been maintained as much as possible. In cases where spelling mistakes in the original have been corrected, both the original spelling and the corrected spelling have been included in the critical apparatus. All abbreviations have been expanded. Since there were no unusual abbreviations in the text, this has been done silently.

306 This description is based on Einfalt, Fladerer and Syrou, Beschreibung der Handschrift 938. 307 Pages 6, 33, 36, 49, 125, 132, 183, 187, 208, 241, 242, 244, 257. Cf. Einfalt, Fladerer and Syrou, Beschreibung der Handschrift 938, p. 3. 308 On the content of the manuscript, cf. paragraph 2.1. jesuit theatre, poetics and andreas friz 71

figure 2 First page of the Epistola de Tragaediis. Ms 938, University Library Graz, f. 224r 72 introduction

All punctuation and capitalisation have been adjusted to modern usage. All diacritical marks have been left out. I have retained the presentation of the letters ‘j’ and ‘i’ as in the manuscript. Since the original text has a mostly logical division in paragraphs, the original paragraphs have been retained. Subheadings have been added in the translation to better show the logical division of the text. Where these headings do not follow Friz’s marginal notes, they have been put in square brackets. For ease of navigation between my edition, the translation and the original manuscript, I have included the page numbers of the manuscript in the text and in the translation (in the margin). Wherever I have found it necessary to supply emendations, the original version and the emendation are presented to the users of the edition in order that they can determine whether those emendations are correct or reasonable. Marginal notes are given in the margins of the Latin text. A brief commentary on the text is given in endnotes with the translation. This commentary mainly contains the explication of difficult passages, translations of passages in the text which are not in the main language of the text, and the identification of quotations and parallels in phrasing in other texts, as well as interpretation of their meaning.

222r Opera R.P. Andreae Friz e S.J. 223r Epistola de Tragaediis. 224r De Tragoediis.

Petiisti dudum, ut, quae in nostrorum tragoediis et comoediis vitiosa censeam, tibi aliquando perscriberem, atque etiam promisi. Sed prope abest, ut me datae fidei paeniteat. Dum enim ea, quae in theatris nostris vidi, cum dramaticae praeceptis confero, volumina mihi conscribenda video, si attingere vellem omnia, quae in artis hujus leges peccantur. Ut tamen promissum, quoad licet, exolvam, pauca temere et ut quaeque in mentem venerunt, in chartam conjecta accipe. Finis Primum omnium: finem artis suae ignorare visi sunt dramatici poetae nostri. dramatis Id unum spectant, ut auditoribus placeant, hoc obtento (si tamen obtinent) se beatos et munere suo probe functos arbitrantur. Aristoteles virtutis amorem et odium vitii, utque ipse loquitur, purgationem affectuum, dramaticae finem statuit. Hunc etiam finem sibi praefixisse veteres tragicos ex eorum, quae extant, operibus non obscure colligimus, qui sententiis auditori utilissi- mis ornarunt tragoedias et elato, quantum potest, virtutis pretio vitia omnia detestanda docuerunt. Nec eo contenti, aliquando etiam, quid drama totum doceat, disertis verbis ad calcem subjunxerunt. “O patriae meae,” inquit cho- 224v rus in Sophoclis Oedipo Tyranno. | “O patriae meae Thebanae terrae cives, videtis, Oedipus iste, qui inclyta Sphyngis aenigmata solvebat etcetera, in quantam tempestatem horrendae calamitatis inciderit. Quamobrem tu, qui morta- lis es, supremum illum diem specta et memineris, ne quem unquam beatum

[Introduction]

A long time ago you asked me to describe for you one day what I consider to 224r be the faults in the tragedies and comedies of our writers, and I promised to do so. However, I almost regret that I have given this promise, because when I compare what I have seen in our theatres with the rules of dramatic art, I see that I would fill several books with writing, if I wanted to discuss all the faults which are committed against the laws of this art. However, in order that I fulfil my promise as much as possible, accept these few words, which I have thrown onto paper hastily and as each of them came into my mind.

The Purpose of Drama

First of all, our dramatic poets seem to ignore the purpose of their art. They only aim to please their listeners, and when they have achieved this (if they achieve this at all, however), they believe that they are blessed and that they fulfilled their task properly. Aristotle stated that the love of virtue, the hate of vice, and, as he says himself, the purgation of emotions are the purpose of dramatic art.1 We clearly inferred from the extant works of the ancient tragedians, that they also fixed this purpose for themselves, as they furnished their tragedies with sententiae that are most useful for the listener, and as they taught that the value of virtue should be praised as much as possible and that all vices should be detested. And, not content with that, they sometimes, to this end, even included a clear statement of what the whole drama teaches. “O citizens of my fatherland,” says the choir in Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus, | “O citizens of 224v Thebes, my fatherland, look on this man, this Oedipus, who solved the famous riddles of the Sphinx, etc. What a severe storm of terrible disaster has he fallen upon! For this reason you, being a mortal, should consider that last day, and remember that you cannot call a mortal happy before he has passed beyond

1 Cf. Aristotle, Poetics, ch. 6 and my discussion of this reference in the introduction. 76 epistola de tragaediis

praedices, priusquam extremam vitae metam absque calamitate transierit.” Item in Antigone: “Sapere ad beatitudinem praecipuum est. Oportet vero divina non afficere contumelia, superbi enim sermones gloriosorum, dum puniun- tur ingentibus malis, docent ad extremum sapere.” Hunc artis suae finem sta- tuerunt ethnici. Quid nos isthic spectare deceat, qui non modo artem eandem profitemur, sed emendandis vitiis et commendandis virtutibus peculiari ratione obstringimur? Neque ab hoc fine excluduntur comoediae risui ciendo accommodatae. Ut enim tragoediae gravioribus affectibus aut sensum virtutis eliciunt, aut absterrent a vitiis, sic comoediae ea arte ridiculum reddunt vitium, ut spectatorem, si reus sit, talem fuisse pudeat, aut certe is caveat, ne talis posthac videatur. Quin saepe plus ad emendandos mores valere videtur comoedia, quam tragoedia. Comoedia enim, si recte fiat, loquacitatem, inanem ostentationem, avaritiam et quae ejusmodi ridenda exhibet et his vitiis obnoxios rubore suffundit. Cer- 225r tum autem est nos illa, ad quae omittenda | nulla eloquentiae vi aut authoritate adduci possemus, saepe pudore victos praetermittere. Quidvis haberi malumus, quam stulti. Atque haec de artis hujus fine non eo a me dicta existimes, quod in poetis nostris placendi studium omnino reprehendam. Imo hoc poetis omnibus necessarium existimo, quorum est delectando docere. Sed animadverti saepe, nostros solam spectatorum voluptatem habere ob oculos, dum tot inter cantus, saltus et alia intempestiva non raro ornamenta summo studio conquisita nihil unquam appareat, quo melior efficiatur auditor. letter on tragedies 77 the final boundary mark of life free from calamity.”2 The same is in Antigone: “The most important thing for happiness is wisdom: we must not act impiously towards the gods, because at the end the boastful words of arrogant men teach wisdom, when they are punished with enormous misfortunes.”3 The pagans prescribed this purpose of their art. What should we consider in this matter, who not only practice the same art, but are also, for our own reason, obliged to emend vices and commend virtues? Comedies, adapted to excite laughter, are not excluded from this purpose.4 Because, just as tragedies draw out an understanding of virtue or deter from vices through more serious emotions, so comedies render a vice ridiculous in such a way that a spectator, if he is guilty, is ashamed to be so, or at least that he is careful not to be seen as such afterwards. Indeed, comedy often seems to be more effective in correcting morals than tragedy, because a comedy, if it is made correctly, shows loquacity, vain display, avarice and other vices of this kind as something laughable, and makes those guilty of these vices blush. But it is certain that we, when overcome by shame, often leave those things undone | which we cannot be moved to give up by any force of eloquence or authority: 225r we prefer to be considered anything but foolish. And do not reckon that my words on the purpose of this art are said, because I reprehend the desire to please in our poets completely. No, I rather consider it necessary for all poets, whose task it is to delight. But consider that our poets often only have the pleasure of the spectators in view, while nothing ever appears which can improve the listener among so many songs, dances and other inopportune and frequent ornaments that are sought after with the greatest eagerness.

2 Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, 1524–1530. The Latin quotation is taken from Vitus Winsemius’ translation of Sophocles, which was first published in Frankfurt, 1546 (2nd edition 1549), and then included in a number of bilingual editions, such as that published by Johannes Field, Sophoclis Tragoediae vii (Cambridge 1669). It was reprinted in 1669 and 1673, and also appeared in an edition printed by Tonson and Watts (London, 1722). Cf. Franz L.A. Schweiger, Handbuch der classischen Bibliographie (Leipzig: Friedrich Fleischer, 1830), vol. 1, 291; Frederic A. Ebert, A General Bibliographical Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1837), vol. 4, p. 1752. 3 Sophocles, Antigone, 1348–1353. For the origin of the Latin translation, see note 2. 4 This idea is also expressed in previous Jesuit poetics. Cf. Donati, Ars poetica, pp. 10–11; 240; Jacob Masen, Palaestra eloquentiae, 3 (Cologne: Ioannes Busaeus, 1664), p. 10. 78 epistola de tragaediis

Mat. Finem hunc sibi ponat ob oculos, quisquis, non dico, religiosi poetae, sed dramatis vel profani nomen habere velit. Materiam proinde dramatis deligat, qua non erudire minus, quam delectare possit auditorem. Cum autem duplex sit virtus, quam doceri, ad quam amplectendam moveri quis possit, christiana et philosophica, quarum istam profanae etiam historiae docent, illam sacrae duntaxat. Quaerunt nonnulli, utri horum in dramatibus nostris praeferendum. Miror hic quos clam vel dubitare et non vitae nostrae instituto admoneri nos ea decere, quae ascesim et christianam philosophiam sapiant. Proferenda certe nobis sacra materia, ita tamen ut ob graviores rationes difficile sit profanas historias, 225v modo ad virtutem ducant, e theatris nostris penitus ejicere. De hoc pluribus, | si otium aliquando fuerit, apud te disseram. Interea ut sacram materiam praefero, sic si apta ad manus non sit, historiam etiam profanam, ex qua mansuetudi- nem, clementiam, pietatem in parentes et patriam, juris jurandi religionem, in rebus adversis constantiam, divitiarum honorumque contemptum, et quamcunque virtutem discere quis possit, materiam esse arbitror, religioso quantumvis poetae non erubescendam. Sunt, qui finem hunc spectant quidem, viam autem non ingrediuntur, qua ad illum pervenire queant, hanc viam sola praecepta sternunt. letter on tragedies 79

The Subject Material of Drama

Whoever wants to have the name of poet, not of a religious poet, I say, but even a profane poet, should place this purpose for his eyes. Hence he should prefer subject material by which he can both instruct and delight the listener. Because virtue, which someone can be instructed in and moved to embrace, is twofold: there is Christian and philosophical virtue, the latter of which is taught by profane stories, the former only by sacred stories.5 Some ask, which of these should be preferred in our dramas. I am surprised here that they indeed secretly doubt, and are not reminded by the institution of our life that those subjects which suggest ascetism and Christian philosophy are suitable to us. We should certainly prefer a sacred subject, but to such an extent that for more serious reasons it is difficult to reject profane stories completely from our theatres, provided that they lead to virtue. On this subject I will speak more elaborately, | if there is some free time. In the mean time, although I prefer sacred subject 225v material, I believe that a poet, however religious he is, should not be ashamed of also using a profane story as his subject, if it is not fitted for violence, a story from which someone can learn mildness, clemency, piety towards parents and fatherland, scrupulousness of oath, constancy in adversity, contempt for riches and honours and whatever virtue.6 There are people, who indeed strive for this purpose, but do not enter the way by which they can reach it. This way is paved by rules alone.7

5 The distinction between virtus Christiana and virtus philosophica, naturalis or humana is common in eighteenth century Jesuit literature. Since Jesuit theologians, unlike the Augus- tinians, denied that man’s nature had been fundamentally vitiated by Original Sin, and believed that human nature, and with it the capacity for moral action, had remained intact, ‘natural’ morality and religion could exist. Although non-Christian religions, such as the Chi- nese, did not enjoy ‘supernatural’ revelation, they should be interpreted positively and as part of the theism ‘natural’ to all men. Cf. Caroline M. Northeast, ‘Natural and revealed religion’, in: id., The Parisian Jesuits and the Enlightenment 1700–1762 (Oxford: The Voltaire Foundation, 1991), pp. 156–175. 6 Compare Martin du Cygne, De arte poetica libri duo (Leodii: Vidua Balduini Bronckart, 1664), p. 277. In contrast, Joseph de Jouvancy, De ratione discendi et docendi (Paris: Barbou, 1625), p. 75 allows only subjects from the bible or ecclesiastical history. Note also that most of the themes or virtues (mildness, clemency piety towards one’s parents and patriotism) which Friz lists here were very frequently used as central themes in plays of his time, as noted by Maria-Elida Szarota. Cf. Elida M. Szarota, Das Jesuitendrama im deutschen Sprachgebiet: Eine Periochen-Edition (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1979–1987) 4 vols., vol. 1, Vita humana und Transzendenz, pp. 57–89. 7 I take sola praecepta as the subject of sternunt here. In the translation I have used a passive construction in order to improve the flow of the English. 80 epistola de tragaediis

Verisi- Generale quoddam et praecipuum praeceptum est, ut quidquid in theatro militudo dramatis fingitur, dicitur, agitur, omnia denique sint verisimilia. Drama enim est imitatio actionum humanarum, patet autem imitationem, quae similitudine caret, imitationem non esse, igitur nec drama. Finem vero si, quem dixi, spectes, virtutis amorem scilicet et vitiorum odium per drama, nisi verisimile sit, nunquam obtinebitur. Ad hunc enim motum animorum consequendum necessarium esse nemo negaverit. Quis autem motus in auditorum animis existet, nisi verisimilia sint, quae in theatris geruntur? Nam quid est, quod saepe lachri- mas excutit auditoribus? An juvenum, qui partes suas agunt, sinistra fortuna 226r et calamitas? Non existimo, scit enim quivis actorem re ipsa | nihil ejusmodi perferre, ficta et comentitia esse omnia. Quid igitur dolemus et solliciti sumus, dum spectamus tragoediam, nisi quod ejusmodi spectaculo sensim ita abri- piamur, ut actorum fere obliti, toti simus in historia illa, quam imitantur, nec tam personatos quosdam juvenes, quam re ipsa Iosephum, Isaacum, Marty- rem aliquem nos videre arbitremur fictionisque immemores, grato ejusmodi mentis errore velut abducti, de fictis malis tanquam de veris doleamus? Jam vero nihil opportunius video ad auditoris animum sic suaviter abducendum et fovendum errorem illum, a quo motus omnis pendet, quam si nihil usquam in dramate aut manifeste falsum aut fictum appareat aut ejusmodi sit, ut aegre quis illi tanquam rei verae fidem habere possit. Si enim quid tale sive in fictione, sive elocutione, sive gestu et pronuntiatione occurrat, id illico verum esse negamus aut dubitando fictionis vel inviti admonemur, ab illo utili non minus quam grato errore reducimur. Itaque et affectus ex eo ortus aut desinet, aut certe infringetur. Non jam si haec perpenderis, dubium tibi fore arbitror drama omne verisimile esse oportere et eo admovendos animos, igitur et consequendum finem eo plus valiturum, quo verisimilius fuerit. Patet hinc ratio, cur praeceptores 226v illas actiones e dramate excludant, quibus extra scenam perficiendis | longo letter on tragedies 81

Verisimilitude of a Drama

[Verisimilitude as a General Rule] A general and important rule is that, whatever is represented, said, acted, everything should resemble the truth.8 For drama is the imitation of human actions, and it is clear that an imitation that lacks that resemblance is no imitation, and therefore no drama. Indeed, if you strive for the purpose which I just mentioned, namely the love of virtue and the hatred of vices, it will never be achieved through a drama, unless it resembles the truth. Because no one would deny that this is necessary in order to achieve such an emotion. What emotion will exist in the minds of the listeners, if what is acted out in the theatres does not resemble the truth? For what is it, that often brings out tears from the listeners? Is it the misfortune and calamity of the young men who play their parts? I do not think so, because anyone knows that an actor does not suffer anything of this kind himself, | and that everything is fictitious and 226r pretended. Why then are we mourning? And why are we distressed, when we watch a tragedy, if not because we are slowly so carried away by a spectacle of such a kind that we, almost forgetting the actors, are completely in that story which they imitate, and that we think that we see not some fictitious young men, but in fact Joseph, Isaac, or some martyr, and that, not thinking of the fiction, we are, as it were, carried away by a welcome error of the mind and mourn over fictitious misfortunes as if they are real? Truly, I do not see anything now that is more suitable to lead the mind of the listener so softly away and to cherish that error, on which the whole affection depends, than if nothing in the drama would ever seem clearly false or fictitious, or would be such that anyone could hardly believe it as if it were a real matter. Because if any such thing would occur in representation, elocution, or gesticulation, we would immediately stop believing that that is true, or we would, because of our doubt of fictitiousness, indeed be admonished against our will, and we would be brought back from that error that is as useful as welcome. Therefore also the emotion originating from it would either stop, or certainly be weakened. If you consider these things, I do not think you have any doubt that a drama should completely resemble the truth, and that it will have more strength to move souls, and therefore to achieve the goal, as it resembles the truth more closely. Hence it is clear, why teachers exclude those actions from a drama, which need a long time to bring about offstage. | For example, if in the first 226v

8 Cf. Aristotle, Poetics, ch. 9. The principle of verisimilitude is followed (even if in different ways) by all important theatre theoreticians, including the Jesuits, Corneille and Gottsched. On the different interpretations of this concept, see my introduction. 82 epistola de tragaediis

tempore opus foret. Ut si in primis scenis Vienna Constantinopolim legatus moveret, sub finem vero ejusdem tragoediae rediret, rideret itineris celeritatem spectator et quidquid seu triste, seu laetum redux persona attulerit, movebit neminem aut certe leviter admodum. Nimia enim celeritas fictionis nos admo- net, nec quisquam erit, qui sibi etsi velit, in hac persona verum aliquem legatum fingat. Cum tamen haec dicta persuasio ad affectum sit necessaria. Unitas Pervulgata esta temporis divisio, quam in dramate artis magistri receperunt. temporis Primum est verum tempus seu illud, quod re ipsa effluit, dum agitur drama, duae verbi gratia horae. Alterum est fictum tempus et poeticum, ut si in prima scena fingas Annibalem Capuam ad hiberna concedere, in ultima vero scena ex hibernis in campum reducere militem. Fingitur hic intra duarum horarum spatium hyemem seu menses aliquot effluxisse atque hoc tempus est, quod fictum et poeticum nomino, non enim tempus illud tunc vere elabitur, sed elabi fingitur. Si tempus hoc poeticum a vero dramatis tempore nimium differat, non potest non ridicula et inanis videri fictio, e contra quo magis tempus poeticum ad verum accesserit, eo verisimilius erit drama. Optimum denique ac verisi- millimum, si tempora haec sint omnino aequalia, si nempe ea, quae in theatris duabus horis finguntur, etiam extra illud eodem tempore geri potuissent. Cum 227r tamen aegre omnis ma-|teria in tam arctum spatium cogi possit, libertatem hic quandam poetis concedendam censent praeceptores omnes. Quanta sit ea libertas, non satis inter authores convenit. Quidam aliquot dierum spatium indulserunt tempori poetico, sed jam exolevit haec sententia. Multi etiamnum viginti quatuor horarum licentiam hanc definiunt, in qua sententia diu ipse

aPervulgata est] Pervulgata es emend. letter on tragedies 83 scenes a legate moved from Vienna to Constantinople, and if he returned towards the end of the tragedy, the spectator would laugh about the speed of his journey, and whatever sad or happy message the returning person will report, it will move no-one, or surely very lightly. Because too much speed of fiction warns us, that there will be no-one who can, even if he wants to, imagine a true legate in that character. Because this said persuasion is nevertheless necessary for an emotion.

Unity of Time The division of time, which the masters of the art have taken up in their drama, is very well known.9 The first [aspect of time] is the true time or that which passes from the very matter, when the drama is acted, for example two hours. The other is the fictitious time, and the poetic time. For example, if you imagine that in the first scene Hannibal withdraws to Capua to his winter-quarters, but that in the last scene he leads his soldiers from the winter-quarters to the battlefield. Within the space of two hours the winter or some months are imagined to have passed, and this is the time that I call fictitious and poetic, because that time does not really pass then, but is imagined to pass. If this poetic time differs too much from the true time of the drama, it is impossible for the fiction not to seem ridiculous and empty, and in an opposite manner the drama will resemble the truth the more, as the poetic time resembles the true time more. Therefore it is the best and the most realistic, if these times are completely equal, certainly if the things which are represented in the theatre in two hours, could be acted out also offstage in the same time.10 Since the whole plot however | can hardly be forced into such a short space of time, all the 227r teachers believe that some liberty should be conceded to the poets here. How much that liberty should be, is not agreed upon enough among the authors. Some allowed the space of a few days to the poetic time, but this opinion has become obsolete.11 Many still define this license as twenty-four hours.12 I was of this opinion for a long time myself. But now I can hardly restrain my laughter,

9 On the various interpretations of the unity of time by other playwrights, see my introduction. 10 Compare Pierre Corneille, Oeuvres complètes, ed. by Georges Couton (Paris: Gallimard, 1987), 5, p. 210; Johann Christoph Gottsched, Versuch einer Critische Dichtkunst für die Deutschen (Leipzig, 1729), p. 574. 11 For example, Franz Lang states in his Dissertatio de actione scenica that he does not disapprove of playwrights who represent an action which in reality would take more than 24 hours, or even several years. Cf. Lang, Diss. de act. scen., p. 96. 12 This opinion is based on Aristotle, Poetics, ch. 6, and is followed in the most important 84 epistola de tragaediis

fui. At nunc risum vix teneo, cum tot personas video viginti quatuor horas in iisdem vestibus, sine somni cibive cura, sine ulla mutatione, quam temporis hujus ratio postulat, exigere. Profecto nimis a vero remota mihi videtur ejusmodi fictio, quam ut de ea sine risu cogitem. Quare illis me adjunxi, quibus longissimum spatium, quod licentiae poeticae tribuunt, dies est, non mathe- maticus, sed qui solis ortu et occasu definitur aut potius 12 circiter horae, seu nocturnae illae sint, seu diurnae, pro materiae ratione, aut etiam partim nocturnae partim diurnae. Hoc enim tempus est, quod si necesse foret, fingere auderem, non quia verisimilis esset haec fictio (quis enim verisimile dicat, ea duabus aut tribus horis absolvi, quae 12 horas exigunt?), sed quod auditorem temporis immemorem sperare possim, si non tot absurda manifeste appareant, maxime vero si ad artis leges ita involvatur historia, ut auditor peripetiae eventum scire avidissime cupiat, tunc enim etiam brevis mora longa videri solet, et quantum tempori deest, tantum ad fallendos auditores addit cupiditas, quam 227v ars et poetae ingenium illorum animis injecit. | Unitas Eidem rationi innititur, quod de unitate praecipitur, ne scilicet in eadem loci tragoedia scena unquam faciem mutet. Quid enim minus verisimile, quam ut idem locus, qui nunc silva est, urbs fiat, nunc mare, tum castra etcetera? Idque sine praestigiis, sine magia ulla (sic etenim mutatio verisimilis esset) certe arbores et parietes ambulantes, quae ad nutum et veniant et recedant, ridiculi quid prae se ferunt. Insipiens nobis videretur ille, qui fingeret legatum

early modern poetics. Cf. Corneille, Oeuvres complètes, 5, p. 209; Gottsched, Kritische Dichtkunst, p. 574; Donati, Ars Poetica, p. 188; Masen, Palaestra eloquentiae, 3 (ed. 1664), p. 15. letter on tragedies 85 when I see so many characters spend twenty-four hours in the same clothes, without concern for sleep or food, without any change which a consideration of this timeframe demands.13 Indeed a fiction of this type seems to me to be too far removed from the truth to look at it without laughter. Hence I join those, for whom the longest space which they attribute to poetic license is the day, not the mathematical day, but that which is defined by the rise and set of the sun, or rather around 12 hours, whether they are during the night or day, in accordance to the reason of the plot, or even partly during the night and partly during the day.14 Because this is the time which, if it were necessary, I could dare to represent, not because this fiction resembles the truth (because who would say it resembles the truth that those things are completed in two or three hours, which require 12 hours?15), but because I can hope that the listener forgets the time if not so many clearly absurd things appear, especially if the story becomes so intricate according to the laws of the art, that the listener very eagerly desires to know the event of the peripaty, because then even a short delay usually seems long, and as much time as is missing is added to mislead the listeners by the eagerness which the art and talent of the poet bring into their minds.

Unity of Place16 227v Resting on the same reason is the rule which is taught on unity, that the stage should never change appearance in the same tragedy. Because what is less realistic, than that the same place, which now is a forest, becomes city, now sea, then a military camp, etcetera? And in the same way, without illusions and without any magic (because in that manner a change would be realistic) certainly walking trees and walls, which come and go at a nudge, manifest something ridiculous. He would seem foolish to us, who would represent that

13 Compare Gottsched’s remarks on a poetic time of several days, Kritische Dichtkunst, p. 574. Cf. Bernhard Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz: Ihre Anschauungen und Quellen’, p. 50. 14 Cf. Josephus Juventius, Institutiones poeticae, p. 61. The same opinion can be found in Bruno Brunelli (ed.), Tutte le opere di Pietro Metastasio (Milan: Mondadori, 1951–1954), 5 vols, vol. 2, pp. 1015–1016 and Franz Neumayr, Idea poeseos, sive Methodica Instructio de praeceptis, praxi et usu artis ad ingeniorum culturam, animorum oblectationem, ac morum doctrinam accommodata (Augsburg and Ingolstadt: J.F.X. Crätz and T. Summer, 1759, 1st ed. Augsburg & Ingolstadt: Crätz & Summer, 1751), p. 177. 15 Compare Franz Lang’s similar remarks on the representation of 24 hours in the space of 3 or 4 hours. Note that Lang’s solution of this problem is very different from Friz’s. Friz has a much stricter approach to the unity of time than Lang. Cf. Lang, Diss. de act. scen., p. 96; Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, p. 51. 16 See my introduction for the various interpretations of this rule. 86 epistola de tragaediis

unius horae spatio Vienna Constantinopolim et profectum et rediisse. Idque non aliam ob causam damnamus, quam quod tanta celeritas prorsus incredibilis videatur. Facilius tamen hoc credam, quam arbores, silvas totas, et urbes ambulare. Dices nullum arborum motum hic fingere poetam, sed scenarum mutatione admonere auditores, ut, qui prius in media sibi urbe esse videbantur, fingant se in silva aut alio quodam loco, quem nova scena refert, constitutos. Sed vide, quae vis mihi ejusmodi spectaculo inseratur, dum saxa et silvas re ipsa ad me venire video. Id a me postulat poeta, ut mihi persuadeam, non illa, quae moventur, sed me ipsum, qui semper quietus adsto, alio fuisse translatum. Quam id verisimile! Non falsa modo mihi fingam necesse est, sed illis, quae video omnino opposita. Ex hoc facile conjicies, quid de nostrorum arte 228r sentiam, qui magnam elegan-|tiae partem in varia eaque frequenti scenarum mutatione ponunt. Scio non ignobilium quorundam poetarum ac Italorum maxime authoritatem opponi posse (quorum ingenium ut summum, ita fraeni impatiens mihi videtur, et ut plurium praeceptorum, sic et hujus quoque jugum excutere). Sed eam authoritatem revereatur, qui volet. Mihi ratio potior est. Quamvis si etiam authoritate pugnandum, adducam veteres, cum quibus ne ipsi quidem de dignitate contendent. Accedit, quod magni illi poetae unius alteriusve praecepti neglectum sublimi eloquentia, vehementia affectuum atque aliis veris ornamentis ita compensent, ut vitia in illis vix appareant. Nescio an idem sperare possint imitatores illi, qui a vitiis imitationem inchoant. Miror, nos non veras elegantias, quibus authores abundant ex illorum operibus in usum nostrum excerpere, sed in ea solum irruere, in quibus aut errore, aut negligentia, aut aliam ob causam a legibus recesserunt. letter on tragedies 87 a legate in one hour went from Vienna to Constantinople, and returned. And we condemn it because for no other reason than that such speed seems utterly incredible. But I would believe this more easily, than that trees, whole forests, and cities walk. You may say: a poet pretends no movement of trees here, but warns the listeners by a change of stages that those who previously were seen to be in the middle of their city are now imagined to be in the forest, or another place, to which the new stage refers. But consider which effort I need to bring to a spectacle of this kind, when I see rocks and forests coming to me by themselves. The poet asks me to persuade myself, that those things which moved have not been transferred to another place, but I myself, while I am always standing still.17 How little does that resemble the truth! It is not only necessary that I imagine false things for myself, but things completely contrary to the things which I see. From this you can easily deduce, what I think about the art of our authors, who place the most elegance | in that various 228r and frequent change of stages. I know that the authority of certain, and in particular Italian, famous poets can be opposed strongly (their talent seems to me as great as ungovernable, and they throw off the yoke of this rule, as they threw off the yoke of many rules. Whoever feels like it, may respect their authority.18 For me reason is stronger, although I, if I also have to disagree on the basis of an authority, will bring forward the old writers, with whom not even they can compare in dignity.It happens that those great poets compensate for their neglect of one or another rule with sublime eloquence, vehemence of emotions, and other true ornaments in such a way that the faults in them are hardly visible. I do not know if those imitators can hope the same, who begin their imitation with the faults. I am surprised that we do not excerpt the true elegances, which those authors have in abundance, from their works for our own use, but that we only seize upon those things, in which they depart from the rules either by error, or negligence, or for another reason.

17 Compare Lang, Diss. de act. scen., p. 99 and Gottsched, Kritische Dichtkunst, p. 575. 18 Friz probably refers to Italian playwrights active in Vienna, such as Metastasio, who, although he supported the idea of the unity of place, refused to limit himself more than to the space of a field, or a city, or a royal court. He allowed changes of scenery for subplots which happened in a special, separate location, such as a chamber, a public square, a dungeon, or a royal hall. Metastasio, Tutte le Opere, 2, pp. 1025–1026; Piero Weiss, ‘Metastasio, Aristotle, and the Opera Seria’, The Journal of Musicology, 1 (1982), 385–394, esp. p. 392. Metastasio was known for his magnificent changes of scenery. Cf. Simon Towneley, ‘Metastasio as a librettist’, in: id. a.o. (eds.), Art and ideas in eighteenth-century Italy. Lectures given at the Italian institute 1957–1958 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1960), pp. 133–145, esp. p. 133. 88 epistola de tragaediis

Si tamen quae scenas mutandi occasio aut potius necessitas occurrat, loca fingantur minime disjuncta, haec locorum propinquitas non quidem magis verisimilem, sed minus absurdam reddet mutationem. Intra eandem urbem forum est, aula, templum proximum, quin intra eandem aulam conclave, 228v atrium etcetera, quorum singula forte | singulis actionibus convenient. Intra eundem tamen actum theatrum nullam unquam ob causam mutandum censeo, praeterquam enim quod scenarum, de qua infra dicturus sum, connexionem impediat, nulla inter actus ejusdem scenas intercedit mora, quae subitam loci metamorphosim aliqua ratione excuset. Dixi: si necessitas occurrat, quae apud nos rara admodum est, in privatis vero scholarum nostrarum dramatis certe nulla. Quidquid causae isthic adferre solent, leve esse ex iis, quae de ornamentis dramatum dicam, intelliges. Ad haec, ut immotum ipsum locum scenae esse convenit, sic et vicina loca. Verbi gratia si vicinam silvae urbem fingas, quae ad laevam sit e silva exeun- tibus, quicumque in urbem properat aut ex ea redit, ad laevam se convertat aut inde redeat, nisi causam adferat, cur ambagibus uti velit. Vidi in eadem comoedia viis plane oppositis in eandem urbem quam celerrime properantes. Vix abeunte persona ad laevam urbem esse mihi finxeram, at persona eadem redeunte eam ad dextram translatam fuisse, paulo post in eundem locum rediisse comperi. Idem est de conclavi, in quo certi aditus statuendi sunt, nisi 229r cubiculum | meram portam esse fingamus. Pervulgatum est apud nos miraculum, quo se actores in conclave nullo negotio per quemvis parietem penetrant. Aliud est, si theatrum locum referat undique patulum, ut sunt quaedam atria solis columnis cincta, silvae, et multa ejusmodi. Verisimi- Verisimile item miserum in modum vapulat in praecipuis affectibus. Vidi litudo quoad saevissimos tyrannos uno alterove amici dicto in scena mitigari, avaros nullo affectus mortis aut alio gravi periculo adductos pecuniam reddere, summa odia non letter on tragedies 89

But if an occasion arises to change the scenery, or rather a necessity, places should be imagined to be the least distance apart from each other.19 This nearness of locations does not make the change more realistic, but less absurd. Within the same city there is a forum, a court, a temple near, and within that same court there is a dining hall, atrium, etcetera, each of which are perhaps | suitable for specific actions. However, I believe that the theatre should never 228r change for any reason during the same act, because, except that it hinders the connection of the scenes, which I will discuss below, there is no delay between scenes of the same act, which would excuse a sudden change of place for any reason.20 I said, if necessity arises, which among us is rather rare, but there is certainly no necessity in private dramas of our schools. On the basis of what I will say about the ornaments of dramas you will understand that whatever reason they usually bring forwards in this affair, it is something unimportant. With regard to these things, as it is fitting that the location itself of the stage is immovable, so it also is also fitting to use nearby places, for example if you represent a city next to a forest, and if the city is on the left of those exiting the forest, then whoever hastes into the city, or returns from it, should turn to the left, or come back from that side, respectively, unless he gives a reason, why he wants to use a roundabout way. I have seen actors hasting very quickly into the same city from clearly opposite roads in the same comedy. As a character was just leaving, I had imagined that the city was on the left, but when the same character returned, I learned that it had been moved to the right, and, shortly after, that it had returned to the same place. The same is true with regard to a dining hall, in which certain entrances should be fixed, unless we should imagine | that a bedroom is a pure gate. The miracle, by which actors without 229r trouble enter through whichever wall to the dining hall, is very well known among us. It is another matter, if a theatre represents a place that is open from all sides, as there are certain atriums connected by separate columns, forests, and many [other] places of this kind.

Verisimilitude with Regard to Emotions Similarly, realism is attacked in a sad manner in the case of the principal emotions. I have seen that very cruel tyrants are calmed down by one or another word of a friend, that avaricious ones, persuaded without any danger of death or another severe danger, give money, and that the greatest hatred is laid aside

19 Compare Corneille, Oeuvres complètes, 5, p. 213; Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, p. 53. 20 The same opinion is expressed in Corneille, Oeuvres complètes, 5, p. 214 and Lang, Diss. de act. scen., p. 99. 90 epistola de tragaediis

aliam ob causam poni, quam quia poetae placuit. O mitem tyrannidem! O libe- ralem avaritiam! O amica odia! Si tam facile tragici nostri auditorum animos moverent, quam personas suas ab uno affectu ad alterum traducant, pares illis tragicos orbis non habuisset. Sed hujus rationem audivi saepius, si, ut verisimile est, suum cuique affectui spatium relinqueretur, si affectuum vehementior mutatio lente per gradus, et cum lucta quadam fieret, nimium, inquit, pro- duceretur drama, cum tamen vel soli cantus, saltus et musica duas horas sibi vendicent. Nempe hi partem corporis pulcherrimam, imo necessariam rescin- dendam autumant, ut pluribus, ac enormibus ornamentis locum faciant. Muti- 229v lum drama habere | malunt, quam non ad insaniam ornatum. Longitudo Hunc errorem multum fovere videtur praeceptum illud inter nostros pervul- scenarum gatum, quo cavetur, ne scena multum ultra 50 versus habeat. Si scena aut materia ita poscente, aut poetae imperitia affectuum varietate et vehementia careat, si juvenes affectus omnes apte exprimere docti non sint, tunc enimvero legem hanc non modo non ut duram rejicio sed nimiae potius indulgentiae arguo, ut quae frigidum poetam spatio 50 carminum auditorum patientia abuti sinat. Si quis contra affectibus idoneis, eloquentia et pronunciatione scenam animare noverit, brevitati quidem studendum semper, non tamen ita, ut etiam 100, et ultra versus aliquando facere vereatur. Dico: aliquando, nec enim omnes aut plurimae scenae sine vitio adeo producerentur, cum optimarum etiam rerum tandem nos etiam satietas capiat, quod tamen in una alterave scena, in qua rerum explicatio aut affectus maior requiritur, non metuendum. Nec movet me auctoritas Massenii aut quiscunque hujus praecepti auctor fuit. Infelix certe in eo est, quod nullum e praecipuis, qui exstant, scriptoribus adferre possit, qui huic sese legi subjecisset. Mihi certe potior est veterum Plauti, Terentii, e recentioribus Cornelii, Racini, Molierii, Ruaei, Metastasii, Granellii authoritas, quorum nullus est, qui non saepe 50 carminum numerum multum excessisset. In veteribus Sophoclem, Euripidem, Aristophanem nominassem, sed vereor, ne letter on tragedies 91 for no other reason than that it pleased the poet. O mild tyranny! O generous avarice! O loving hatred! If our tragic poets moved the souls of their listeners as easily as they transfer their characters from one emotion to another, the world would not have had tragedians equal to them. But I have heard the reason of this person rather often: if, as is realistic, each emotion were permitted its own space, and if a more vehement change of emotions would come about slowly, in degrees and with some difficulty, then an excessively long drama would be produced, he says, because singing, dancing and music alone would still claim two hours for itself. Without doubt these men assert that this most beautiful, even necessary part of the body should be cut off, in order that they make place for frequent and enormous ornaments: they prefer to have a mutilated play, | rather than one that is not decorated to death. 229v

Length of Scenes That rule that is very famous among our writers, by which one is warned that a scene should not have much more than 50 lines, seems to support this error. If a scene, either because the subject material demands it, or because of inexperience of the poet, lacks variety and vehemence of emotions, if the young actors do not know how to express all emotions suitably, then indeed I not only do not reject this law as harsh, but I rather complain about too much indulgence, since this rule allows an indifferent poet to abuse the patience of the listeners in the space of fifty verses. If anyone, on the contrary, knows how to animate a scene with suitable emotions, eloquence and pronunciation, then indeed he should strive after brevity, but not to such a degree, that one fears to produce sometimes even 100 or more lines. I say ‘sometimes’, because not all or many scenes would be extended to such a length without fault, since in the end we also become satiated with even the best things, but this should not be feared in one or another scene, in which an explanation of events or a major emotion is required. And nor does the authority of Masen trouble me, or whoever was the author of this rule.21 It is certainly unfortunate for the reason, that who subjected himself to this law cannot give any example from the principal writers, who are prominent. For me the authority of the ancient Plautus and Terence, and from the more recent writers Corneille, Racine, Molière, De La Rue, Metastasio, and Granelli, is stronger. Each of these often exceeded the number of 50 verses by many lines. Among the ancient poets I would have named [also] Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, but I fear that you, drawn

21 It is unclear which author was the source of this rule. It cannot be found in Masen’s Palaestra eloquentiae. 92 epistola de tragaediis

230r exemplo meo ad-|ductus ea nomina coram nostris proferas et monstra quaedam locutus videaris. Nec firmiori fundamento nititur lex de scenarum brevitate, cui infimum numerum 20 versus statuunt. Ergo etiam invita materia, ubi quid obiter solum referendum esset, meliorem scenam putem, quae inutili amplificatione pro- ducitur, quam quae sex septemve solum versibus, attamen materiae idoneis constet? Horum ego in condendis versibus furorem miror, ubi nil opus, ubi neque ratio, neque veterum authoritas, nec necessitas ulla, nescio, quibus undique limitibus poetarum ingenia coercent. In unitate loci vero et temporis, in scenarum connexione et aliis veris dramaticae praeceptis praepostera indul- gentia quidvis facile poetae concedendum putant. Sententiae Inter inutiles et vero minime similes tragicis tamen familiarissimas amplificationes sunt sententiae, dum nempe actores in summa affectuum lucta et perturbatione tanto numero gravissimas sententias fundunt, ut ne pacato animo tot homini succurrere posse sit verosimile, nec foemina viro gravi, nec juvenis in sententiis fundendis parcior sit, quam senex, et quae sunt ejus generis. Sententiae quidem inter praecipua sunt tragoediae ornamenta, sed ut insignes gemmae adhibendae sunt. Quibus si nasum suum quis ornaverit, nae is ad for- mae suae elegantiam parum adjunget. 230v Pronuntiationem quod attinet, tam verisimilis esse | solet, ut aliquando quot Pronun- actores, tot deliros et fanaticos me videre arbitrer, plurimi enim ut statuae tiatio adstant. Non oculos, non vultum ullus ad eum convertit, quicum loquitur. Somniare mihi saepe videntur actores nostri, non colloqui. Denique quidvis potius quam sani hominis actiones imitari, cum tamen ita gestum, vultum, oculos, omnem denique corporis motum comparatum esse deceret, ut vel linguae Latinae ignarus non solum affectus personae ex actoris vultu legat, sed etiam sciat, imo oculis suis videat, quem alloquatur. Quod ni fiat, etiam letter on tragedies 93 by my example |, make these names known to our writers, and seem to speak 230r about some monsters. Nor does the rule on the brevity of scenes, upon which they impose a minimum of 20 verses, rest on a stronger foundation. Should I therefore, in spite of the subject, in which something only requires mention in passing, consider a scene which is presented with useless amplification, better than one consisting of only six or seven verses which are nevertheless suitable for the subject material? I am surprised by their madness in producing verses where no need, no reason, no authority of the ancient writers, nor any necessity confines the temper of the poets within whatever boundaries on every side. With an absurd indulgence they think that in the unity of place and of time, the connection of scenes, and other true rules of dramatic art anything should easily be conceded to the poet.

Sententiae Among the useless and least realistic amplifications, yet most familiar for the tragedians, are the sententiae,22 when actors in the highest struggle and with perturbation of emotions pour out the most serious sententiae in such a high number, that it is not realistic: so many things occur to a man with a calm mind, a woman pours out sententiae more generously than a serious man, and a young man more generously than an old man, and more situations which are of this kind. Indeed, sententiae are among the most important ornaments of tragedy, but they should be applied as exceptional gems. If someone decorates his nose with them, he would truly add hardly anything to the elegance of his appearance.

[Acting] [Verbal and Non-verbal Communication] With regard to pronunciation, usually it is so unrealistic, | that sometimes I 230v believe I see as many actors as crazy fanatics, because most of them stand there like statues. No-one turns his eyes or face towards the character who is speaking. Often our actors seem to me to be dreaming, not to be speaking to each other. Anyhow, they do anything rather than imitate the actions of a sane man, while it would nevertheless be suitable that the gestures, expression, eyes, and every movement of the body are in agreement with each other to such a degree, that even someone who does not know the Latin language can not only read the emotions of a character from the face of the actor, but would also know, even see with his own eyes, to whom he is speaking. If this does not happen,

22 Cf. the extensive discussion in Masen, Palaestra eloquentiae, pp. 24–29. 94 epistola de tragaediis

illi, qui latine intelligunt, dubitare incipient, num verba intellexerint, cum reliqua tam a verborum significatione sint aliena. Nolo tamen personas ita facies suas sibi obvertere, ut vox scenis intercepta auditorum auribus non nisi obscurior illabi possit. Saepe solo oculorum motu gestuque oculos comitante, potissimum autem vultu etiam et corpore paulum converso totum conficitur. Non immotae adstent personae, sed neque theatrum obambulent assiduo, De regio verbo is in omnibus motus sit, qui homines colloquentes referat. sceptro in Leve videri posset, sed tamen oppido ridiculum, quod reges nostri nunquam, actione ne in intimo quidem conclavi, dum mensae cuidam assident, ubi soli aut cum amicissimis agunt familiarius, sceptrum ponant. Tum enim videtur sceptrum commodius in mensulam reponi, imo et alias contingere potest, ut sceptrum proximo cuidam, aut ephebo, aut ministro tradendum sit, dum nempe actiones 231r occurrunt, | quae regi sceptrum tenenti molestae accidere possent. Nos, credo, regis etiam in lecto decumbentis manum sceptro ornaremus. Accedit, quod iidem reges tragici sceptrum nunquam a dextra in sinistram transferant, sed flabelli instar in auras jactent, quo fit, ut dextra vix unquam idoneo gestu verba comitetur. Cujus tamen liberior motus atque ipsorum etiam digitorum diversa collocatio quantum saepe non ad elegantiam modo, sed letter on tragedies 95 even those who understand Latin will begin to doubt if they understood his words, because all his non-verbal communication is so different from the meaning of his words. However, I do not want that characters turn their faces towards each other to such a degree, that a voice, hindered by scenery, can only flow into the ears of the listeners more obscurely.23 Often everything is achieved by the movement of the eyes, the gesticulation accompanying the eyes, but the most by the slight turn of the face and body. Characters should not stand by without movement, but should not constantly walk around the theatre either. In short, this movement, which represents people holding a conversation, should be in all characters.24 It could seem trivial, but is nevertheless utterly ridiculous, that our kings never put aside the sceptre, not even in the inner dining room, when they are sitting at a table, where they are alone or talk with friends in a familiar context.25 Because it seems more comfortable that the sceptre is then placed upon a little table, even that it can be elsewhere, so that the sceptre should be handed over to someone close, or a youth, or a servant, as long as actions occur | which could be awkward for the king when he is holding the sceptre. We 231r would, I believe, even adorn with a sceptre the hand of a king who is lying in bed. Add to this that the same kings in tragedies never transfer the sceptre from the right to the left hand, but wave it in the air like a fan, and through this it is brought about that the right hand hardly ever accompanies words with a suitable gesture.26 But those who compare both ways of acting, or

23 Compare Lang, Diss. de act. scen., pp. 40–41; 43–45. Compare also the illustrations Figura v (between pages 40 and 41, illustrating the actor viewing into the audience as he enters the stage), vi (between pages 42 and 43, wrongly numbered iv above the image) and viii (between pages 54 and 55). 24 Compare Lang, Diss. de act. scen. pp. 55–56 and Figura viii on the preceding page. 25 Compare Lang’s opinion about the consequences of actors constantly wearing gloves on stage. As a consequence of their covering their hands, he says, their gestures become unclear to the audience (Lang, Diss. de act. scen., pp. 31–34.) As a solution, he approves of actors in German or French costumes who wear only the left glove and carry the other glove in the same (left) hand. This way, the right hand is still available for hand gestures. See the image showing this, Figura iv, between pp. 34 and 35. 26 Compare Lang’s discussion of the function of the hand in acting. According to Lang, the hands, and especially the right hand, are essential for the expression of emotions. Cf. Lang, Diss. de act. scen., pp. 28–39. The illustrations between page 28 and 29 (Figura iii) and between page 34 and 35 (Figura iv) offer interesting visual comparison material. Lang based himself on rhetorical handbooks which in turn are based on the instructions on facial expressions and gestures in the writings of Cicero, Quintilian and the Auctor ad Herennium. Since the middle of the sixteenth century, the art of pronuntiatio or actio (the 96 epistola de tragaediis

ad exprimendos etiam sensus faciat, facile perspicient illi, qui aut utrumque agendi modum contulerunt, aut alioquin gestuum vim satis intelligunt. De somnis Miraculo saepe mihi fuit personarum nostrarum somnus, dum in theatro personarum obdormiunt. Sensim alias obrepere solet somnus, poetis tamen nostris mire obtemperat. Persona in auditorum conspectu agit, loquitur, alacris ambulat, tum vix considet, vix claudit oculos, jam altum dormit, idque saepe non aliam ob causam, quam ut miser aliquis cantor exercendae vocis locum habeat. Spec- tator tamen interea vel invita natura et ratione persuadere sibi cogitur, illam, quam videt, personam, re ipsa dormire. Sed vereor, ut tanta sit auditorum, quanta poetarum ejusmodi in fingendo felicitas. Si mora quaedam interposita obdormiat actor, vel si, dum theatrum aperitur, dormientem aspiciam, facile eum aut sub illa, quam dixi, mora aut ante comoediam obdormivisse mihi per- suadebo, sed ut me spectante tam rudi, ut solet, fictione mihi illudi patiar nemo certo efficiat. |

part of rhetoric which included hand gestures) became increasingly specialised, so that subjects such as chirology (‘hand or finger language’) and chironomy (‘the art of expressive hand movements’) came into being. Lang also refers to a Jesuit work on this art from the early seventeenth century: Nicolas Caussin’s Eloquentiae sacrae et humanae parallela libri xvi (Paris 1619), in which the Jesuit developed a highly specialised sign language; cf. Nicholas Caussin, Eloquentiae sacrae et humanae parallela, libri xvi (Lyon: André, 1651), vol. 9, ch. 9, pp. 384–388). Cf. Franz Lang, Abhandlung über die Schauspielkunst, ed. and transl. by Alexander Rudin (Bern/Munich: Francke, 1975), pp. 324–325. letter on tragedies 97 who understand the power of gestures enough otherwise, will easily see how much its freer movement and even the varied position of even its fingers often contributes to both elegance and the expression of emotions.

Sleeping on Stage The sleeping of our characters, when they fall asleep in the theatre, has always seemed a miracle to me.27 Elsewhere sleep usually creeps upon someone slowly, but it obeys our poets marvellously. A character acts in sight of the audience, speaks, walks around cheerfully, and then he hardly sits down, hardly closes his eyes, and he is already in a deep sleep. Often this happens for no other reason, than in order that some poor singer has an opportunity to use his voice.28 However, in the mean time the spectator is, in spite of logic and reason, forced to persuade himself, that the character whom he sees is truly asleep. But I fear that the audience is not as skilful in inventing things as poets of this kind. If an actor falls asleep after some time has passed in the meanwhile, or if I see him sleeping, when the theatre is opened, I will easily persuade myself that he fell asleep during that period of time that I mentioned, or before the comedy, but while I am watching certainly no-one can bring about that I allow to be deceived by such a raw fiction, as is customary. |

27 Sleep scenes were a convention of the dramma per musica (opera) and had a great influence on baroque Jesuit theatre. It was a dramatic device which offered the opportunity for arias and musical interludes. Cf. Ellen Rosand, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007, 1st ed. 1991), pp. 338–342; Melania Bucciarelli, Scène di vaticinio nell’opera del seicento (Rome, 1990–1991); Paolo Fabbri, Il secolo cantante: Per una storia del libretto d’opera nel Seicento (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1990), pp. 174–178. Sleep scenes in other vernacular theatre traditions also offer interesting comparison material. On sleep scenes in English theatre, cf. Sarah Y. McCleave, ‘The Moment of Morpheus: The Dramaturgical Function of Sleep Scenes in Restoration and Georgian Musical Drama’, in: Sibylle Dahms and Stephanie Schroedter, Tanz und Bewegung in der Barocken Opera: Kongreßbericht Salzburg 1994 (Innsbruck and Wien: Studien Verlag, 1996), pp. 107–124; on sleep scenes in French theatre, cf. Jacques Morell, ‘La présentation scénique du songe dans les tragédies françaises au xviie siècle’, Revue de la société d’histoire du théâtre 3, 2 (1951), 153–163; on sleep scenes in Dutch theatre, cf. Natascha Veldhorst, ‘Zacht ruisend daalde het inzicht neer. De Slaapscène’ in: id., De perfecte verleiding: Muzikale scènes op het Amsterdamse toneel in de zeventiende eeuw (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2004), pp. 155–179. 28 Compare Natascha Veldhorst’s discussion of the musical sleep scene in seventeenth- century Dutch theatre, cf. Veldhorst, De perfecte verleiding, pp. 160–166. 98 epistola de tragaediis

231v Praeterea vix unquam me regem in theatro sine milite vidisse memini, ne in intimis quidem aulae penetralibus. Vidi saepe eandem, quam paulo ante in campo, deinde in conclavi aciem explicari. Pro foribus excubant milites, regem aliquo domo egressum comitantur, aut etiam in atrii vestibulo excubias quasdam stare verisimile est, sed ut in quovis cubiculo longo utrinque ordine cum hastis et clypeis omnes assistant, hoc non nisi infelicis et a vero alienis- simae poeseos commentum est. Si implendi theatri et magnificentiae causa id faciant, non video cur non ephaebis, ministris, aulae proceribus spatium implere malint quam legiones in cubiculum immittere. Vestes Dum vero nostri veluti data opera omnia congerunt, quibus drama quam personarum minime verosimile reddi possit, nescio, quo sinistro fato in praeposteram dili- gentiam incidunt, ut illa, quae minime opus est, quam verosimillima velint. Si Asiatica sit historia, ut illis gentibus, sic actoribus quoque plurimo lino tument, pilei, braccae latissimae, vestes amplissimae, nec animadvertunt, quantam faciei ejusmodi pileus umbram faciat, quam caput oneret, cujus expeditos motus pondus illud impedit. Non vident, quam vestes illae pedes obtegant, qui rite collocati magnam personae elegantiam addunt, modo per vestes videri 232r | possint, quam totum denique corporis habitum obnubant, adeo, ut isti in illis solum rebus a vero recedere nolle videantur, in quibus de dramatis elegantia quidpiam detrahere possint. Quales eas vestes esse oporteat, docere letter on tragedies 99

[Group Scenes (Guarding of a King by His Soldiers)] 231v Furthermore, I remember that I have hardly ever seen a king in the theatre without a soldier, not even in the innermost rooms of a court. I have often seen the same battle-array, which I saw drawn up a short time ago on a field, then in the dining room. Soldiers keep watch at the front door, they accompany the king when he exits a house, or it is even realistic that they stand watch in the vestibule of the atrium, but that they all stand by in any bedroom in a long line from both sides with lances and shields, this is only an invention of an unfortunate and most unrealistic poem. If they do this for the sake of filling the theatre and to achieve magnificence, I do not see why they do not prefer to fill the space with youths, servants, and the leading men of the court, rather than to send legions into the bedroom.

[Excessive Realism in Unnecessary Ornaments] Costumes29 While our writers, as if an effort had been made to do so, bring together everything, by which a drama can become the least realistic, they fall by some sinister bad fortune into [the trap of] absurd diligence, so that they want all the things which are the least necessary to be the most realistic. If a story is Asian, they dress the actors, like those people, also with caps, the widest trousers, and the most handsome clothes made in plenty of linen, and they do not give heed to how much shadow a cap of that kind causes to fall over the face, how it burdens the head, because that weight hinders its unimpeded movements. They do not see, how those clothes conceal the feet, which, rightly placed, add much elegance to a person, provided they can be seen through the clothes, | [and they do not see] how they cover the whole appearance of 232r the body, to such a degree that only in those matters, through which they can detract something from the elegance of drama, they seem to refuse to move away from the truth. This is not the place to teach of what kind those clothes

29 To have an impression of what Jesuit costumes looked like in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, see the costume design for an allegorical figure (possibly a personification of Fire) which was possibly made for a production of Sacer Hymeneus de profano amore victor in S. Amalia, Flandriae patrona, staged at Vienna in 1710, now in the Sopron collection. Cf. József Jankovics (ed.), The Sopron Collection of Jesuit Stage Designs (Budapest: Encik- lopédia Publishing House, 1999), pp. 146–147. Compare also Lang’s remarks on theatre costumes, Diss. de act. scen., p. 104, and his catalogue of personifications and their costumes, ‘Imagines Symbolicae, Adaptatae Exhibitioni, et Vestitui Theatrali’, in: Diss. de act. scen., pp. 107–154. He based himself on a similar catalogue Jacob Masen’s Speculum Imag- inum Veritatis Occultae (Cologne, 1650). 100 epistola de tragaediis

hujus loci non est. Declarant id imagines, quae aeri incisae circumferuntur. Ceterum magistros nostros haec vestium cura non magnopere sollicitos habeat, potissimum enim, quid juvenes habeant, magis spectandum, quam quid in aliis theatris usitatum. Curam gerant, ut in artem poeticam non peccent, ut recte instituant juvenes et, quod suum est, fecerint. Novit quisque nostrum non esse aut vestes facere, aut ornamenta magnopere curare. Imo curandum a magistro, ut quam minimo, et si fieri possit, nullo etiam juvenum sumptu vestes parari possint, ne illis oneri sint hae exercitationes scholasticae, quibus commodo esse deberent. Nec erit qui in privato dramate vitio vertat magistro, si Europaeo etiam, utpote parabili vestitu, historiam nescio cujus barbarae gentis in scenam induxerit, ne cuiquam molestior accidat. De Germania scio magnis saepe sumptibus exiguo juvenum emolumento datas fuisse comoedias eo, quod vestes, picturas, saltus, musicam etcetera prae reliquis curaverint magistri, pueros vero aut leviter instruxerint, aut eum docendi modum docue- 232v rint, quem dedocendi potius fuissent. | An Aethio- Sed ut redeam, unde abii, ad nimium verisimilitudinis studium referri potest pes colo- randi? illorum diligentia, qui dum Ethiopicam historiam in scenam dant, personarum facies atro colore inficiunt. Id quidem nulla lege vetitum memini, tamen nescio quid insolentiae in his terris habere mihi videtur. Certe ingratum oculis nostris spectaculum est, si omnes atros in scenam prodire videamus. Non idem est, si unam aut alteram ejusmodi personam historia exigat, ipsa enim tunc personarum varietas oblectare posset. Quamquam ne unius quidem vultum atramento linerem, si majoris momenti persona foret, quod eo colore ita obscuretur facies, ut affectus, qui ex vultu maxime elucere debent, non satis appareant. Sunt qui letter on tragedies 101 should be. The images, which are published in copper-engravings, declare it.30 Further, this care of the costumes should not make our masters very worried, because what the young men have should be watched the most, more so than what is customary in other theatres. They should take care that they do not make faults against the art of poetry, that they teach the young men rightly, and that they do what is their task. Everyone knows that it is not the task of our teachers to make the costumes, or to care greatly about ornaments.31 To be more precise, care should be taken that the costumes are prepared at the lowest possible cost, and if possible at no cost of the young men, in order that these scholastic exercises are no burden to those to whom they should be an advantage. And there will be no-one who imputes it to a schoolmaster as a fault in a private drama, if he brings onto the stage a history of some barbarious people using European, since easily procured, clothing, in order that it does not become more burdensome for anyone. In Germany I know that comedies have been produced, often with great costs, but with little benefit for the young men, because the masters took care of costumes, images, dancing, music, etcetera before other things, but they instructed the boys either superficially, or they taught them such a kind of lesson, that they should rather be made to unlearn it. | 232v

[Painting the Faces of Foreign Characters] But in order that I return, from where I left, it can be attributed to an excessively strong fondness of realism, when those who bring an Ethiopian story on the stage painted the faces of the characters with a dark colour. Indeed, I remember that this is not forbidden by any rule, but it seems to me to have some kind of affectedness in these lands. Certainly it is an unwelcome spectacle to our eyes, if we see all entering onto the stage looking black. It is not the same, if the history demands one or another character of this kind, because then the very variety of characters could delight. Although I would not even rub dark paint on the face of only one person, if the person is of great importance, because the face is so concealed by that colour, that the emotions, which should be the clearest from the face,32 do not appear clearly enough. There are teachers,

30 It is unclear which images Friz is referring to here. 31 Compare Lang’s words about the practical skills of a choragus. He notes that, although it is technically not his task to produce stage sets and costumes, practical skills, regarding for example painting, lighting effects, decorations and costumes, come handy and should not be considered unworthy of a learned person. Cf. Lang, Diss. de act. scen., pp. 62–64. 32 Compare Lang, Diss. de act. scen., p. 41: “Communi omnium experientia constat, summam vim interni affectus demonstrandi inesse vultui et residentibus in eo oculis.” 102 epistola de tragaediis

in medio quodam consistunt et, dum personas omnes nationis ejusdem esse fingunt, milites et plebejas personas fuligine colorant, nobiliorum contra faciei parcunt, quod prorsus ridiculum. Albos omnes fingam potius quam solos pro- ceres albos nasci. Nec deesset ratio, qua licentiam hanc excusarem, constat enim nec Africam,a nec Americam populos omnes tam atros progignere, ut eum colorem in personis suis poeta dissimulare nequeat. Milites Alius verisimilitudinis furor est, dum pro militibus e toto gymnasio maxime 233r robustos et proceros | deligunt neque duces et nobiliores personas respiciunt, quae cum justae corporis staturae in scholis nostris esse nequeant, imo saepe pusillae admodum sint. Si in eodem dramate scenam subeant, militum suorum filii ac nepotuli potius quam duces et imperatores esse videntur. Atque hanc dissimilitudinem causam esse existimo, cur nunquam fere sine spectatorum risu et cachinis in scenam prodeant abnormes illi milites. Certe multum nobiliorum personarum dignitati consuleretur, nec contemnendae adeo corporis staturae viderentur duces, si aequales illis milites adjungerentur. Fallitur enim spectatorum oculus et maiores actores judicat, donec alii adstent, cum quibus hos conferre et ad quorum molem veluti metiri ceteros possit. Dixi aequales esse debere non mathematice, sed ita ut nil nobiliorum personarum dignitati officiant. Selectus Idem fere est de rege et principe, quem licet digniore corporis habitu esse personarum conveniat. Falluntur tamen meo judicio, qui regem et toto vertice et humeris e reliquis eminere volunt, atque ea causa inter magistros fere usu et receptum fuisse scio, ut ad sustinendas eas partes actorem semper e superiori quadam schola mutuarentur, tamquam non satis vitiosae forent comoediae, ut ad eas magis corrumpendas opus sit personas minus idoneas aliunde accersere. Ego 233v certe ob rationes, cum de verosi-|mili agerem, allatas in dramatibus magnam partem successus a prudenti actorum eorumque staturae delectu pendere arbitror, si nempe (cum omnes adultiores haberi non possint) ita deligantur, ut saltem alter alteri collatus, hic parens, ille filius, dux, miles etcetera videri

aAfricam] sc. Affricam letter on tragedies 103 who stand somewhere in the middle [in this debate], and while they represent characters who are all of the same nation, they colour soldiers and plebeian characters with black paint, but they spare the faces of noblemen, which is utterly ridiculous. I would rather represent all as white, than imagine that only the noblemen are born white. And a reason is not lacking, by which I would excuse this license, because it is well known that neither Africa, nor America brings forth peoples who are all so dark that the poet cannot leave that colour unnoticed in his characters.

[Selection of Actors Based on Height and Strength] Another madness of verisimilitude is, when they prefer the strongest | and 233r tallest of the whole gymnasium as soldiers, and they do not consider the [roles of] generals and more noble characters, while those characters cannot have the right stature of the body in our schools, to be precise they are often rather short. If they enter the stage in the same drama, they seem to be the sons, or even little grandchildren of their soldiers, rather than generals and emperors. And I believe that this dissimilitude is the reason, why those abnormal soldiers hardly ever enter the stage without laughter and jeering of the audience. Certainly it would have been conducive to the dignity of the noble characters, and the leaders would not seem to have a despicable stature of the body, if soldiers of equal height were linked to them. Because the eye of the spectators is deceived, and judges the actors taller, until others will stand next to them, with whom it can compare them, and by whose size it can, as it were, measure the others. I said, they should not be of exact equal height mathematically, but of such a height, that they are not detrimental to the dignity of the more noble characters. Almost the same is true in relation to the king and prince, for whom it suits to have a perhaps more worthy appearance of the body.33 However, in my opinion those who want the king to stand out from the rest completely with head and shoulders are mistaken, and I know that for that reason it has been almost normal and accepted among our masters, that they always borrow an actor from some higher school to maintain those parts, as if comedies would not be morally corrupt enough, so that it is necessary to fetch less suitable characters from elsewhere, in order to corrupt them more. For the reasons which I referred to in my discussion of verisimilitude, I certainly | think that a great part of 233v the success in dramas depends on the prudent delight of the actors and their stature, if they (because they cannot be all more mature actors) are selected in such a way, that, when one actor is compared to another, it can for some reason at least seem to the spectators that this one is the parent, that one the

33 Marginal note: ‘the selection of actors’. 104 epistola de tragaediis

spectantibus aliqua ratione possit. Ceterum quod in privatis scholarum comoediis haec non tam accurate semper fieri videamus, necessitati aliquando tribuendum. Si enim magister suos, ut debet, in scenam producere velit, nec habeat tam idoneos, personae ad eam normam exigi non semper possunt. In majoribus tamen dramatibus, ubi ex omni schola deligendi potestas est, impe- ritiae notam aegre poeta effugeret. Finem non facerem, si recensere conarer omnia, quae in theatris nostris verosimilia non sunt. Sed ex his, credo, et sententiam meam abunde intelliges et facile ipse innumera ejusmodi quae supersunt vitia reteges. Mono- Sed antequam ad aliud transeam, opportune mihi in mentem venit monologiae logia, in qua verosimilitudinis ratio diligenter habenda. Nomine autem monologiae omnia illa complector, quae actor veluti secum ipso loquitur, seu multa illa sint, seu pauca, seu adstet persona altera, seu non adstet. Monologia longior, 234r quae affectu vehementiori, aut | perturbatione caret, verisimilis non est, nemo enim secum ipso loquitur, nisi graviori quodam animi motu agitatus. Fieri autem solet duobus modis: primo, si solus in theatro sit actor, deinde si unam aut plures personas praesentes habeat. Si praesentes sint aliae, fieri potest, ut actor se solum putet, itaque imprudens animi sui sensa aperiat, vel etiam sciens prudensque in affectus ab aliis audiendos erumpat, vel certe non invitus sit, ut a praesentibus intelligantur. Si vero actoris verba a praesentibus et adstantibus personis non exaudiri fingas, in verba quam paucissima omnia conferenda sunt. Vix verisimile est, etiam verba clara voce prolata coram adstantes effu- gere. Quid si multa sint? Hoc est, quod recentiores quosdam ab omnibus ejusmodi (quae a praesentibus non intelligi fingimus) monologiis absterruit et, si letter on tragedies 105 son, this one the general, that one the soldier, etcetera. Further, that we see that these things are not always happening so accurately in private comedies34 of the schools, we should sometimes attribute to necessity. Because, if a master wants to bring his students onto the stage, as he should, and he does not have such suitable students, the characters cannot always be forced to that norm. However, in the greater dramas, where there is possibility to choose from the whole school, a poet could hardly escape the mark of inexperience. I would not conclude [this theme], if I would try to consider all the things, which are not verisimilar in our theatres, but from these things, I believe, you will understand my opinion very well, and you will easily discover innumerous remaining faults of this kind yourself.

Monologues35 But before I turn to another subject, the monologue, in which the regard for verisimilitude should be held diligently, springs to my mind at a suitable moment. Under the name ‘monologue’ I include all those words, by which an actor, as it were, speaks to himself, whether they are many, or few, and whether another person stands by, or not. A longer monologue which lacks a rather strong emotion or | perturbation is not realistic, because nobody speaks to 234r himself, unless when agitated by some rather severe emotion of his mind. This usually happens in two ways: firstly, if the actor is alone in the theatre, secondly, if there are one or more other characters present. If there are other characters present, it can happen that the actor believes he is alone, and therefore without knowing makes the feelings of his mind known, or he even knowingly and wisely bursts forth in order that his emotions are heard by the others, or indeed it may not be against his will, that they are understood by those present. But if you imagine that the words of the actor are not heard by the persons present and standing by, everything should be said in as few words as possible. It is hardly realistic that words that are spoken with a clear voice escape the notice of those those standing by. So how can this be the case if there are many words? This is what frightens away some more recent writers from all monologues of this type (which we imagine not to be heard by the bystanders), and if we

34 Probably, Friz intends the smaller plays performed by individual classes here. 35 On the tradition of the monologue (including classical models, the Jesuit tradition and Corneille), cf. Mariette Cuénin-Lieber, ‘La tradition du monologue’, in: id., Corneille et le monologue: Une interrogation sur les héros (Tübingen: Gunter Narr, 2002). For a discussion of a typical example of a 17th- or 18th-century monologue, cf. Paulina Lewin, ‘The Ukrainian School Theater in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: An Expression of the Baroque’, Harvard Ukranian Studies, 5 (1981), 54–65, here pp. 62–65. 106 epistola de tragaediis

speculative, ut ajunt, rem perpendamus, non immerito. Praxi tamen et usu, qui in hac arte plus valet, compertum est, breves has monologias clam veluti auditoribus solis factas multum saepe scenis leporem addere, mirifice declarare ea, quae obscura viderentur, aut certe longiori explicatione indigerent, denique modo cautiones debitae adhibeantur, successu non carere. Quare si ea, quae dicuntur, adstantes personas ignorare necesse sit, monologia media quadam 234v voce et facie paulum ab adstantibus personis aversa proferenda est. A qui-|bus, quantum locus et res patietur, recedat actor, ad auditores vero, quam proxime potest, accedat, ut vel ex ipso sono, et gestu clam haec dici animadvertant. Tam breves sint hae monologiae, ut verisimile sit, illa verba adstantium aures effu- gisse, aut certe, si plura dicantur, sint actores reliqui in tam vehementi affectu, aut rei cuidam ita intenti, ut credibile sit, eos ad haec dicta animum advertere non posse, vel saltem non velle. Jam ad aliud. Dixi, verisimilia esse debere omnia, ut spectator hac similitudine deceptus, in re quantumvis ficta vere tristetur, doleat, laetetur, moveatur denique. Satis tamen liquet, inanem fore hanc verisimilitudinem, nisi attentum habeas auditorem. Altera igitur poetae cura sit, ut auditorum sibi attentionem conciliet. Ad hanc obtinendam necessarium videtur, ut auditor omnia, quae in theatro geruntur, primo intelligere possit, secundo facile intelligere possit, tertio demum, ut etiam velit omnia intelligere. Primo laborandum, ut auditor drama intelligere possit. Istud negligere constat actores illos, qui verba ita balbutiunt, aut ita deproperant, ut sensum non satis percipere, aut assequi auditor possit. Nihil isthic in clamore enormi situm 235r est, quo aliquando paene rumpuntur iuvenes, et frustra, | cum nimia illa vis auditum plus obtundat quam adjuvet. Clara et explanata voce utantur, singulas letter on tragedies 107 would consider the matter speculatively, as they say, this is not undeserved. But through practice and usage, which is more important in this art, it is clear that these short monologues, spoken, as it were, secretly only to the audience, often add a great deal of charm to scenes, wonderfully explain those things which seemed unclear or which certainly needed a longer explanation, and therefore do not lack success, provided that the right precautions are taken. Hence, if it is necessary that the characters standing by ignore what is said, the monologue should be pronounced with a medium voice, and with the face slightly turned away from the characters standing next to the speaker. The actor should remove himself from | them as much as the place and subject 234v matter allow, but approach the listeners as closely as possible, in order that they notice from the very sound and gesture that these things are said secretly. These monologues should be so short, that it is realistic, that those words escape the notice of the ears of the bystanders, or certainly, if more words are spoken, the other actors should be in such a strong emotion or so focused on another matter, that it is credible that they cannot, or at least do not want to, pay attention to what is said. Now let us continue to another topic.

[Procuring the Attention of the Audience]

[Clarity] [Introduction] I said that everything should be verisimilar in order that the spectator, deceived by this verisimilitude in a matter that is so fictitious, is truly sad, laments, is cheerful, and is moved. But it is clear enough that this verisimilitude is useless, unless you have an attentive listener. Therefore another care of the poet should be that he procures the attention of the audience. To achieve this, it seems necessary firstly that the listener should understand everything which is done in the theatre, secondly, that he should understand those things easily, and thirdly, that he also wants to understand them.

Faults of Gesture and Pronunciation First an effort should be made in order that the listener can understand the drama. It is well known that those actors who pronounce their words with such a stutter, or so overhastily that the listener cannot hear or understand the sense sufficiently, ignore this. There is no advantage here in loud shouting, into which young men sometimes almost break out, and it is in vain, | because too 235r much of such force makes what is heard unclear, rather than that it supports it. 108 epistola de tragaediis

syllabas exprimant. Intelligentiam plurimum adjuvant gestus oris et corporis confirmatio sensui et affectui accommodata, hi enim sunt interpretes verborum. Sine his quid nisi tenebrae auditorum mentibus offundantur, etsi verba intelligant? Vitia ges- Lucianus aliquis, si quaedam nostrorum dramata vidisset, more suo has aut tuum et pronun- similes leges conderet. Sic tragicum instrueret: “Stulti sunt, qui alio atque alio tiationis modo partes in theatris agi volunt. Tu, si sapis,” (sic enim ridendo praecipe- ret), “tu, si sapis, semper clama, quantum potes. Si aures sibi obtundi querantur auditores, dic, abeant, quibus audire grave est, certum tibi esse, ad ravim usque vociferari. Si, ut voci tuae consulas, suadeant, eamque vix reliquis carminibus recitandis suffecturam contendant, dic tuae vocis periculo id fieri, non illorum, ipsisque satis esse, si primam, aut secundam scenam intellexerint.a Praeterea cave, quemquam intuearis eorum, ad quem tibi sermo est, sic, si Maecenatem alloqueris agens Octavianum, non in Maecenatem unquam, sed vicinum militem faciem et oculos converte, aut in laquearibus, aut pavimento, aut ubivis denique defixos habe oculos, sic enim fiet, ut etsi casu verba tua perceperit 235v aliquis, tamen an recte intellexerit, dubitare incipiat, nec | auribus suis satis credat, cum aliud verba tua, aliud motus corporis indicent. Non minore con- tentione vocis, non minore celeritate uteris, dum amico arcanum aliquod con- credis, quam cum in furias actus per caelum et Stygem iurandum est. Sic enim auditores personae virtutem mirabuntur semper sibi similem et, si forte illam iam narrare aliquid, iam irasci, iam dolere ex verbis suspicentur, mox suspicionem hanc eximet vel cogitatio, quod nunquam homines tam aequabili voce furentes, tam furiose narrantes, aut tam concitata, et praecipiti oratione dolen- tes viderint, teque aut mente captum putabunt, aut certe non ea dicere, quae dicis. Cujusvis rustici est gestum suum, vocem, et faciem verbis suis accommo- dare. Ingeniosi actoris est eam pronuntiationem verborum sensui adjungere, qua etiam doctus auditor in fraudem inducatur, et non doluisse aut laetatum te fuisse putet, cum maxime doluisti et gavisus es. Non pronuntiationis finem in theatro esse puta, ut affectus magis pateant et quidquid energiae verbis deest, vox et gestus suppleat, sed ut aequali semper pronuntiatione, velut unius colo- ris pallio diversi affectus et sensus obtegantur, ita ut penitus inspici non possint,

aintellexerint] intellexerit emend. letter on tragedies 109

They should use a clear and distinct voice, and they should pronounce every single syllable. An expression of the face and confirmation from the body, suitable to the sense and emotion, support comprehension, because these are the interpreters of words. Indeed, without them, what is spread out over the minds of the listeners apart from obscurity, even if they understand the words? A certain Lucian,36 if he had seen some dramas of our writers, would have established in his way these, or similar laws. He would instruct the tragic poet as follows: “those are fools, who want the parts to be acted out in always different manners. If you have sense (because he instructs thus through mockery), if you have sense, always scream as loudly as you can. If the audience complains that their ears are deafened, say that those, for whom it is hard to listen, should leave, that you are certainly going to scream until hoarseness. If they advise you to take care of your voice, and contend that it will hardly last for the remaining songs, say, that it is a danger for your voice, not theirs; that it is enough for them, if they have understood the first, or the second scene. Furthermore, take care not to look at whomever of the actors you are speaking to. Thus, if you address Maecenas while you are representing Octavian, never turn your face and eyes towards Maecenas, but to a nearby soldier, or keep your eyes fixed on the ceiling, or the floor, or anywhere, because thus it happens, that even if someone by incidence understood your words, he would begin to doubt, if he understood them correctly, and | he would not trust his ears enough, because 235v your words indicate one thing, but the movement of your body something else. Do not use less effort of the voice, nor less speed, when you intrust something secret to a friend, than when you are in rage and swear by heaven and the Styx. Because in this way the audience will always admire the virtue of a character always true to itself, and if they perhaps suspect from the words that now he is relating something, now he is angry, now sad, indeed the thought that they have never seen people being angry with an equal voice, or telling a story so furiously, or lamenting with such an excited and rushed speech, should immediately take away this suspicion and they will think that you are either insane, or that you certainly are not saying the things, which you are saying. Any farmer should adjust their gesture, voice and expression to their words. It is the duty of a talented actor to join such a pronunciation of the words to their meaning, by which even a learned listener is led to error and thinks that you were not lamenting or happy, when you lamented and were pleased the most. Do not think that the purpose of pronunciation in the theatre is that emotions are made clearer and that the voice and gesture supply whatever energy is lacking from the words, but that the various emotions should always be hidden by the

36 On the Lucian passage, see my introduction to this text. 110 epistola de tragaediis

aut si radius aliquis auditori affulgeat, mox contrario quodam gestu et inepto 236r corporis motu obtegatur. Eo demum eventu pulcherrimo, | ut spectator post duarum aut trium horarum patientiam, quid viderit quidve audiverit, non satis certo affirmare possit. Vitia Stylum et elocutionem quod attinet, hic equidem quantus in re Poetica sis, elocutionis appareat. Cave solem unquam suo nomine appelles. Phoebum semper, quin ne sic quidem, multi enim forent, qui hoc nomen intelligerent. Hyperione natum dicito, aut quid ejusmodi. Phaetontis currus, Pyrois, Eous, et Aethon tibi carmen assiduo impleant. Si de inferis loquaris, non Styga, non Lethem, sed nec Phlegetonta silebis. Denique conare, ut tragoedia tua totius sit mytholo- giae synopsis. Opponunt inepti quidem, sine ejusmodi eruditionibus magno numero congestis, phrasibus et epithetis obscurioribus sublimem et gravem stylum esse posse. Tragoedias pro auditoribus saltem non nimis rudibus esse dicunt, eruditos enim homines, nisi assiduo in poetis versentur, vim harum phrasium assecuturos vix esse, ita temperandas eruditiones, ut a mediocriter docto commode intelligi possint. Sed tu ejusmodi amusos, eruditionis hostes nunquam audies, si sapis. Si sensum non intellexerint auditores, ipsorum haec culpa erit, quod memoria tam sint infirma, ut ne triginta aut quadraginta annis 236v quidem, quibus a scholis absunt, totam mythologiam in memoria | retinere potuerint. Aut cur non lexica mythologica in eam rem ubivis secum parata habent? Si te non intellexerint auditores, saltem admirabuntur. Si hoc non, tu tibi plaude, satis est. Quod si vero illi taedio victi ante finem tragoediae fugerint, suo damno id fecerint, ultimum enim saltum non videbunt, quem ad compen- sandum taedium, quod praevideras, data opera adornasti.” Ita Lucianus ironice praescriberet, sed misso illo, postremum hoc, quod dixi, vitium illis proprium esse adverti, qui plura legerunt et in litteris humanioribus plus saepe conantur. Hi pluribus longe eruditionibus turgent quam ipsi veteres, letter on tragedies 111 same equal pronunciation, as if by a cloak of one colour, in such a way that they cannot be comprehended at all, or, if some ray of light would shine over a listener, that it would soon be covered by some contrary gesture and unsuitable movement of the body. Eventually, by that most beautiful event, it is brought about that the spectator after two or three hours patience cannot affirm with enough certainty what he has seen or what he has heard.

[Faults of Style and Elocution: Excessive Erudition in Tragedies and Comedies] Concerning style and elocution, here it should be shown what a great poet you are. Be careful never to call the sun by its name. Call it always Phoebus, or not even by that name, because there would be many who would understand this name, call him ‘born of Hyperion’, or something of this kind, the chariot of Phaeton, Pyrois, Eous (Dawn) and Aethon should continuously fill your poem, and if you speak about the underworld, you should not be silent about the Styx, the Lethe, and Phlegeton.37 Attempt to make your tragedy a synopsis of the whole mythology. Pedantic men oppose that style can be sublime and serious without eruditions of such kind, collected in a great number, rather obscure phrases and epithets, they say that tragedies are for an audience that is certainly not excessively uneducated, and that because educated men, unless they are constantly in the company of poets, will hardly understand the force of these phrases, eruditions should be tempered in such a way that they can be easily understood by someone with a mediocre education, but you would never listen to tone-deaf people of this kind, to the enemies of erudition, if you have sense. If the audience does not understand the sense, this will be their own fault, because they have such a weak memory, that they could not even retain the whole mythology in their memory for the thirty or forty years, which they have been away from school, | or why do they not have their mythology 236v handbooks ready with them everywhere? If the listeners do not understand you, they should at least admire you, and if they do not, you should applaud yourself, that is enough. And if they, overcome by that weariness, flee before the end of the tragedy, they have done so to their own detriment, because they will not see the final dance, which you have adorned with great care in order to compensate for the weariness which you had foreseen.” Thus Lucian would prescribe ironically, but, let us send him away. I noticed that this last fault, which I mentioned, is characteristic to those who have read more, and often venture more in the humanistic literature. These poets are full of many more eruditions than the ancient poets, whom they want to

37 A river in the underworld, with fire instead of water. 112 epistola de tragaediis

quos imitari volunt, immemores, ne veteres quidem unquam eas adhibituros fuisse, nisi a plurimis se intelligendos sperassent. Cum illi scripsissent, hae eruditiones ne vulgo quidem peregrinae esse poterant, utpote ex ipsorum potissimum religionibus notissima. Si e tragicis Sophoclem aut Euripidem potius intelligere conaremur et legeremus quam Senecam, si in epico carmine Virgilius Claudiano et Statio nobis potior esset, profecto poesis nostra aliam faciem, alium stylum indueret. Si affectatus hic stylus in tragoediis reprehendendus, quid de illo praecepto 237r sentias, quo comoedias etiam | quidam tam eruditas volunt, ut allusiones ad Veterum ritus et voces antiquiores inter proprietates styli comici numerent. De erudi- Non excludo haec omnia a stylo comico, sed proprietatem nego esse. Proprietas tionibus enim si foret, nulla omnino comoedia sine istis laudem mereretur, utpote in dramate aliqua proprietate sua carens. Ego vero contendo, multas ineptas fore, si hanc haberent. Finge enim, ut quondam Plautus et Terentius suorum temporum homines plebejos, sic te quoque nostrae aetatis civem in scenam induere. Num et hi cives nostri nil nisi Romanorum ritus in ore haberent? Illi ad ritus suos alluserunt, non puto eruditionis causa, quottidiana enim haec erant, sed quod tunc pronum et verisimile fuerit, plebejos homines et servulos ad haec quotidiana sua sacra et mores alludere. Idem igitur (siquidem illos imitari velis) et tibi faciendum censeo, nec nisi quod verosimile est, personis tribuendum, aut certe eruditum mihi sutorem aut servum hodie Viennae vivere fingeres, qui tam apte, ad omnium veterum mores et ritus norit alludere, quin si vel Athenis scenam statuas, non personarum quidem, ut patet, sed auditorum, qui nunc sunt, gratia modum isthic aliquem adhibendum puto. Alludendum quidem ad illa, sed ita, ut quid velis, plerique auditorum intellegant, nec ideo hic alludendum foret, quod haec proprietas sit comica, sed quod antiquam, quam fingis personam de istis rebus loqui sit verisimile. Personas Athenienses letter on tragedies 113 imitate, while they are unaware that the ancient poets would never even apply them, unless they hoped that they would be understood by most. Because they had written them, these eruditions could not be alien even to the simple people, since they referred to the most well known matters from their own religions. If we would attempt to understand and if we would read, from the tragedians, Sophocles or Euripides rather than Seneca, and if Vergil had been more important to us in the epic poetry than Claudian and Statius, then indeed our poetry would have assumed a different appearance, a different style. If this farfetched style is to be reprehended in tragedies, which should be reprehended, then what should you think about that rule, by which they want comedies to be also | so erudite, that they count the allusions to customs of the 237r ancient poets and rather archaic words among the characteristics of the comic style.38 I do not exclude all these things from the comic style, but I deny that they are its particular nature, because if they were, then no comedy without them would deserve praise, since it was lacking a particular quality [of the genre]. On the contrary, I argue that many comedies would be tasteless, if they did have them. Imagine that, as Plautus and Terence once brought onto the stage plebeians of their own times, you also bring onto the stage a citizen of our time. Would the customs of the Romans be the only common talk of these citizens of ours? The Roman poets alluded to their customs, not because of erudition, I believe, because these customs were daily matters, but because it was then easy and realistic that plebeian men and their slaves alluded to these everyday rituals and customs. Therefore I think that you (if indeed you want to imitate them) should also do the same, and that you should only assign that which is realistic to the characters. Certainly, could you imagine for me that there is an erudite cobbler or servant living in Vienna today who can play with the customs and rituals of all the ancients so suitably? Rather, I think that if you would place the scene in Athens, some measure should be applied here, not for the sake of the characters, as is clear, but of the audience which is here now. There should be play with those things, but in such a way that most of the audience understands what you want, and therefore there should be no allusions, because this is the particular quality of comedy, but because it is realistic that the ancient character, which you represent, speaks about those matters. We can imagine that the characters are Athenian, but not that the

38 Cf. Masen, Palaestra eloquentiae, p. 30. Masen writes that apart from low and common words (humilia tritaque verba) also unusual archaic words (for example creduam, men- tibitur, and exdorsuare), neologisms, composite words, poetic metaphors, diminutives and exclamations are allowed in comedies. 114 epistola de tragaediis

237v fingere possumus, non tamen Athenienses esse auditores, qui | nihilo plus intelligent, quacunque demum civitate eos poesis nostra donaverit. Eadem ratione a verbis antiquis abstinendum, quae obscuram reddant orationem. Novi quosdam, qui se Plautinos putarunt, eo quod verba aliqua minus usitata orationi insperserint. Spumas enim inanes e fonte illo hauriunt multi, verum liquorem ne delibant quidem, nec quidquam sibi gloriosius arbitrantur, quam non intelligi. Instruen- Ad hos, qui intelligi nolunt, et illi referendi sunt, qui scenam saepe totam dus auditor de iis, quae elabi sinunt, quin auditores sciant, qui illi sint, qui loquuntur, in quo loco figa- geruntur. tur scena, an in regis conclavi, an in alio, quae urbs haec sit, quam scena refert, quae castra, quae silva etcetera, unde, qua causa veniant actores etcetera, quae donec ignorantur, totum drama obscurum est, et satis intelligi nequit. At haec in periocha expressa sunt, inquies. Sed memineris periocham synopsim esse, non partem dramatis. Quis orationem, quis historiam omnibus numeris abso- lutam eam dixerit, quae sine synopsi sua intelligi nequeat? Idem de dramate dicendum. Adde, quod dum haec auditor in periocha quaeritat, non, ut par est, ad singula, quae adduntur et dicuntur, attentus esse possit, jam ad affectum non advertat, qui saepe maximi est momenti in tragoedia, jam verba quae- 238r dam non audiat, quibus se-|mina futuris eventibus jacta sunt et quibus tota periocha inniti potest. Denique dum nomen unum in periocha quaerit, sex alia elabentur et illius notitiam effugient, cum tamen nihil sit, quod spectator sine detrimento ignorare possit, siquidem ad leges factum sit drama, in quo nihil superflui sit, oportet, seu tale quo sublato eadem dramatis vis aut elegantia salva non persisteret.a De perio- Scio, quid dicturus sis, nempe id contingere, etsi omnia declaret poeta, nec chis auditores, etiam, ubi nil opus est, facile a lectione periochae abstinere. Id ipsum est, quod periochis irascar, quae negligentiorem nobis reddunt auditorem et bonam elegantiae partem operi detrahunt, multa enim intellectu jucunda et necessaria intelligerentur, nisi omnium mentem et oculos inutili et totius operis intelligentiae periocha occuparemus. Si actores nihil explanate proferant, aliud verbis dicant, aliud gestu exhibeant, si tam erudita elocutio, ut Oedipo

asalva non persisteret] salva persisteret emend. letter on tragedies 115 audience is Athenian. The audience does not understand anything better, just because our poetry presents it with this or that city. For the same reason one should abstain from ancient words that make a speech obscure. I know some men, who considered themselves followers of Plautus, only because they spread some less used words in their speech. Many have drawn empty foam from that source, but they do not even taste the true water, and they cannot consider anything more glorious than not being understood.

[Explaining Necessary Information to the Audience] Among those who refuse to be understood should also be counted those who often allow the whole scene to slip away, without assuring that the listeners know who the speakers are, in which place the scene is located, in the dining room of the king or in another room, in which city the scene takes place, which camp, which forest, etcetera, from where and for what reason the actors come in etcetera. As long as these things are ignored, the whole drama is obscure, and cannot be understood sufficiently.But these things are expressed in the perioch, you say. Remember, however, that the perioch is a synopsis, not a part of the drama. Who would say that a speech or history is complete in all its parts when it cannot be understood without a synopsis? The same should be said about drama. Add to this that, when a listener searches for these things in a perioch, he cannot, as is fit, pay attention to every single thing which is added and said, now he does not notice the emotion, which is often of great importance in a tragedy, and then he does not hear some words which are scattered as | seed for future events, and on which the whole perioch can depend. Then, 238r when he searches one name in the perioch, six others will slip away and escape his notice, although there is nothing that the spectator can ignore without harm. Since a drama in which nothing is superfluous ought to have been made according to the rules, the same power and elegance of the drama would not persist when such a thing has been left out. I know what you will say: that although a poet explains everything, it really happens that the listeners, even when there is no need, do not refrain easily from reading a periocha. This is the very reason, why I become angry at periochs, which make your listener too negligent, and they remove from a work a great part of its elegance, because many things which are pleasant and necessary would be understood by the intellect, if we would not occupy the mind and eyes of all with a useless periocha for the understanding of the whole work. If the actors do not present anything distinctly, and they say something different with words from what they show with their gestures, or if the elocution is so learned that it needs Oedipus, who resolves continuous riddles, if everything 116 epistola de tragaediis

opus sit, qui continua aenigmata resolvat, si denique obscura sint omnia, laudo periocharum usum, saltem id commodi adferet, ne spectator trium horarum spectaculo nihil omnino viderit. Contra vero finge in dramate et explicata et perspicua et rite pronuntiata esse omnia, cui usui tum periocha? Sed quaeso, ne hanc meam de periochis sententiam pluribus aperias. Video enim turbam adversariorum, qui in me insurgerent et magna mihi voce clamarent: “Das ist 238v der | brauch, das ist einmahl allzeit gewesen!” Quorum ego ut rationibus forte, sic certe me numero parem non fore confiteor. Ceterum ex te quaero, num ad concionem dicturus, quamvis auditorum pagellam in manibus habere velles, quae singulas orationis tuae partes paucis complectatur? Credo equidem, te, nisi eloquentiae tuae et pronuntiationi plane diffidas, id omnino nolle. Cur id nolis, non quaero, sed an non eadem rationum momenta in rem nostram con- verti possint, perpende. Novi optime usum periocharum, nec ego, nec privatus quisquam tollet. Consuetudini rerum dominae serviendum est et sapientius est saepe cum vulgo errare quam solum sapere. Periocham itaque in malis neces- sariis pono, quae cum tollere non possumus, toleramus. At nescio, quo me periochae adduxerunt? Unde digressus sum, redeo. Ex iis igitur, quae in theatro dicuntur, nosse debet auditor, quae urbs sit, quae castra etcetera, in quibus versantur personae, quid nominis cuique (in praecipuis personis scilicet) quis parens, quis filius, frater etcetera, saepe etiam unde et cur venerit persona, aut quam ob causam alio contendat, si difficilior sit loci aditus, qua ratione in urbem, aut aulam militibus verbi gratia cinctam, ne incredibilis adventus videatur, penetraverit. Enarranda item, quae actionem dramatis praecesserunt aut praecessisse finguntur, et sine quibus ea, quae exhi- 239r bentur, satis intelligi nequeunt, | omnia denique, quae cognita lucis aliquid adferre possunt, nisi forte data opera verum nomen, et munus personae peripetiae causa celari debeat, aut alia ratio contrarium suadeat. Id vero non putide, sed velut aliud agendo fiat. Varios modos ista proferendi Metastasii aut cuju- scunque melioris poetae dramata suppeditabunt, in primis praecipue scenis, ubi potissimum plura exponenda veniunt. Si ejusmodi authoris opus attente letter on tragedies 117 is unclear, I praise the use of periochae: at least it would bring the advantage that a spectator understands at least something in a spectacle of three hours. But imagine, on the contrary, that everything in a drama is explained, clear and pronounced properly. What use has the periocha then? But I ask you not to make this opinion of mine on periochs known to many, because I see a band of opponents, who would rise against me and scream with a loud voice to me: ‘Das ist der | Brauch, das ist einmahl allzeit gewesen!’39 I confess that I could perhaps 238v compete with their reasons, but certainly not with their numbers. Further, I ask from you, whether you, if you were about to speak at an assembly, would like the listeners to have some little page in their hands, which summarises all the parts of your speech in a few words? Indeed, I believe that you do not want this at all, unless you do not trust your eloquence and pronunciation at all. I do not ask why you do not want this, but you should consider, if the same important reasons can be applied to our case. I know the use of periochae very well, and neither I, nor any citizen would do away with it; one has to serve custom, the master of things, and it is often wiser to err with the people, than to know alone. Therefore I place the perioch among the evil necessities, which we cannot do away with, but which we tolerate. But do I not know, where the periochae have led me. I return, from where I have digressed. From the things which are said in the theatre the listener should hear what is the city, the camp, etcetera, where the characters are, what name each character has (in the case of the main characters), who the father is, who the son, brother, etcetera, and often also from where and why a character comes in, or for what reason he goes elsewhere, if the access to a place is difficult, through which way he entered a city, or a court, for example, sur- rounded by soldiers, in order that the arrival does not seem unbelievable. Just so one should say what preceded the action of the drama, or what is imagined to have preceded. Without these things one cannot sufficiently understand | everything which, when it is known, can shed some light, unless perhaps when 239r pains are bestowed in order that the true name and the task of the character is hidden because of the peripety, or if any other reason urges to the contrary. Indeed this should happen not unnaturally, but as if it were brought about by another action. The dramas of Metastasio or of any better poet, will provide various methods to do this, especially in the first scenes, where many things which need explanation are mostly introduced. If you read a work of such an author carefully, you will experience that you will not doubt about those things

39 This comment is quoted in German in the Latin text. I have left it in German in the translation, to convey the language change in the original. The English translation would be: ‘That is the custom. It has simply always been there!’ 118 epistola de tragaediis

legeris, experieris te de iis, quae dixi, nil dubitaturum, imo qua veste induendus sit actor, saepe etiam num oriente sole an in meridie occipiat fabula, intellec- turum, etsi nec argumentum nec personarum nomina legeris. Tantum abest, ut periocham desideres. Haec et similia, si negligantur, faciunt, ut drama ne intelligi quidem omni ex parte, igitur nec movere satis possit. Sed non satis est, intelligi posse, etiam facile intellegi debet tragicus. Certum enim videtur auditores ad spectandum drama quodcunque non studiosum, sed animi causa accedere, et nil minus ab iis expectandum, quam ut omnem ingenii aciem et sensuum vim ad comoediam intelligendam intendere velint. Otium in theatro quaerimus, non laborem. Quare etsi drama re ipsa intelligi possit, si tamen ad id molestia quadam opus sit, pauci admodum erunt, qui rem penitus intelligant, igitur et pauci, qui peripetiam admirentur, 239v affectibus tangantur, et eo, quo oportet, animi sensu tragoediam | spectent atque audiant. Ex his manifestum, credo, a poeta praecipue dramatico omnem curam adhibendam, ut a theatro amoveat omnia, quae attentionem paulo difficiliorem redderent, quare cavenda, quae sequuntur. Quae expo- Constat ex iis, quae supra dixi, partem historiae aut fabulae, quae dramatis nenda Au- ditori? actiones praecesserunt et a quo pendent istae, breviter auditori significanda. Praeterea quaedam saepe, quae intra scenam gesta finguntur, enarranda esse. Haec tamen non tam breviter, non tam obiter aut tam languide efferenda sunt, ut auditor immotus et erectis auribus assidere debeat, si ea omnia scire velit, quae ad totum deinceps dramatis nexum perspiciendum sunt necessaria. Quin si opus videatur, non oberit praecipui peripetiae fundamenti per decursum operis non narratione repetita, taedium enim pararet, sed paucis, quae paren- thesi quadam, affectu brevi aut alia ratione inspergi possunt, meminisse. Sic si totum a caede clam patrata aut oraculo, aut jure jurando, aut reperto gladio etcetera pendeat, illius memoria tecta quadam arte refricari potest. Hac enim ratione fiet, ut, etsi otiosus auditor in memoriam redire nolit eorum, quae prius audiverat, meminisse tamen cogatur. Dico autem, tecta arte id fieri debere et letter on tragedies 119 which I just mentioned, even about which clothes the actor should wear, and often you will also understand if a story takes place when the sun is just rising, or at midday, even if you do not read the plot and the names of the characters. It is so far away from being the case that you would want a periocha. If these things and similar things are ignored, they make a drama hard to understand as a whole, and therefore it cannot affect [an audience]. But it is not enough to be able to understand a tragic poet, he should also be understood easily. Because it seems certain that the audience comes to see a drama not because it is learned, but for the sake of amusement, nothing should be least expected from them than that they want to pay attention to every insight of intelligence and vehemence of emotions in order to understand the comedy. We search relaxation in the theatre, not labour. Therefore, even if it is possible to understand a drama by its own matter, if there is still a need for some annoyance in order to achieve this, there will be only few who understand the matter completely, and therefore only few who admire the peripety, who are touched by the emotions, and who watch and listen to the tragedy with the appropriate result through an understanding of the mind. | I believe it is clear from these things 239v that every care should be taken, especially by a dramatic poet, in order that everything is removed from the theatre which makes the attentiveness slightly more difficult, and therefore one should take heed of the following. It is manifest from what I have said above that the part of the history or tale which precedes the actions of the drama and on which those actions depend, should be briefly indicated to the listener. Further, often some events which are represented within a scene should be explained in detail. Nevertheless these things should not be presented so briefly, nor so much in passing, or in such a boring way that the listener should sit still and with his ears pricked, if he wanted to know all those things which are necessary to understand the nexus of the drama. And if it seems necessary, it will not hurt to make mention of the principal foundation of the peripety through the course of the work, not by repeating the narration, because that causes weariness, but in a few words which can be inserted through some parenthesis, a short emotion, or another way. Thus, if everything depends on a secretly committed murder, or an oracle, or an oath, or the discovery of a sword etcetera, then the memory of this can be refreshed in some concealed way, because it should happen in such a way that, although a lazy listener refuses to return to the memory of those things, which he has heard before, he is nevertheless forced to remember. But I say that this should happen in a concealed manner, and using few words, in order that you 120 epistola de tragaediis

paucis, ne antiqua ad fastidiuma recoquere videaris, quod vitium foret in poe- 240r mate maximum. | Drama Nec satis est perspicue narrare omnia, sed non tam multa, nec tam perplexa sit clarum. ea sint, ut aegre intelligantur aut intellecta facile memoria elabantur. Quae vero ad eorum, quae aguntur, intelligentiam nil conferunt, penitus omittenda. Nec isthic ullus excusationi locus est: nemo dixerit, perplexam tot nominibus, eventibus, et perturbationibus esse historiam, ut quibuscunque verbis prolata auditorum memoriam non mediocriter oneret. Omissa vero obscurum drama relinquat. Si orator aut historicus similem excusationem adferat, tolerandum. Oratori enim nihil eorum, quae ad causam pertinent, dissimulare licet. Histo- rico, ut ea, quae par est, fide referat omnia, vel invito saepe multa coacervanda sunt. Poetam vero materia, quam tractat, excusare nulla ratione potest. Intimo enim in illius arbitrio est hanc pro alia deligere, deinde iam delectam fingere aut refingere pro libitu potest, non tam arcte historiae fidei, non peripetiae, non certo scenarum aut actuum et affectuum ordini adstringitur. Is proinde non materiae copiam, aut inopiam, aut aliud adferat, ut enim sterili materiae quaedam adjicere, sic nimis copiosam, vel implexam ita minuere aut ordi- nare potuit, ut, quae obscura et difficilia, sine poematis detrimento dissimulari queant. Quapropter quidcunque in poemate desideretur aut redundet, non 240v materia, sed poetae ingenium accu-|sandum. Materia quidem difficiliorem reddere potest bonam inventionem, raro tamen impossibilem. Adeo ut non semper alia materia opus sit ad drama ad leges concinnandum, sed maiori ingenio, labore, vel studio. Neque haec ad ejusmodi, de quibus loquor, narrationes solum, sed ad omnia fere pertinent, quae aut dixi, aut dicturus sum. Ita ut sive loci, temporis aut actionis unitatem, seu in scenarum connexionem, seu in characteres, seu quidvis aliud peccet poeta, non materiae, sed inventioni parum ingeniosae tribuendum sit. Ridiculi sunt, qui omnem errorum suorum causam in materiam

aad fastidium] ad fastigium emend. letter on tragedies 121 do not seem to rehash old material40 to the point of annoyance, which would be the greatest fault in a poem. |

[Irrelevant and Redundant Information] 240r And it is not enough to mention all those things clearly, but they should also not be so numerous, nor so complex that they are difficult to understand or, once understood, easily slip from the memory. Those things which contribute nothing to the knowledge of the events which happen, should be left out completely. And there is no place here for an excuse: no-one should say that the history was complex through so many names, events and perturbations, that it, represented with whichever words, burdened the memory of the audience excessively, but that leaving it out would leave the drama obscure. If an orator or a historian would adduce a similar excuse, it should be tolerated. Because an orator is not allowed to conceal anything of the things which pertain to the case. The historian, as he should report everything with such conscientiousness as is fair, often has to heap together many things, even unwillingly. It is impossible to excuse a poet for the subject material which he treats in any way. Because it is his own decision to prefer this plot over that, and subsequently he can alter and alter again what he has chosen as he likes, and he is not bound as tightly to the trustworthiness of history, nor to a peripety, and certainly not to an order of scenes, or acts and emotions. Hence he should not bring up as an excuse the abundance of the subject material, or its scarcity, or something else, because he could both add some things to a sterile subject and reduce or adjust a too abundant or complex story in such a way that the obscure and more difficult aspects can be concealed without harm to the poem. For this reason whatever is lacking or redundant in a poem should not be excused on the basis of the subject, but the [lack of] talent of the poet. | Indeed the subject can make a 240v good inventio more difficult, but rarely impossible. To such a degree that there is not always a need for another subject in order to arrange a drama properly according to the rules, but for a greater talent, effort, or assiduity.

[Excursus on the Cause of Errors: The Lack of Talent of an Author] And these things do not only pertain to narrations of this kind, about which I speak, but also to almost everything which I said or will say. Hence, if a poet makes a fault with regard to unity of place, time or action, or in the connection of the scenes, or the characters, or whatever else, it should not be attributed to the subject, but to an unsuitable inventio. Those who refer every reason of their errors to the subject are ridiculous. If you said to a poet, that he made

40 Literally the metaphor is ‘to reheat old food’. 122 epistola de tragaediis

conjiciunt. Si cui dicas, eum in unitatem loci nimium peccasse, quod jam in altera scena theatrum e carcere in campum mutet, scenas parum connexas esse, eo quod ante finem actus theatrum evacuetur, nec ex una scena in alteram persona ulla remaneat, aut characterem hic ferocis, ibi avari hominis non satis exprimi, mox ad periocham suam confugiet, atque hac proposita ita ex te quaeret. Qui fieri posset, ut in secunda scena theatrum non mutarem, dum in prima scena captivus in carcere fortunam suam deplorat, in altera pugna inter duos exercitus committitur? Num post singulas scenas, (ut praecepta vo- 241r |-lunt), ullus remaneret, cum in hac vel illa scena quidem ea dicturus adveniat, quae alio praesente dici non convenit? Haec, inquiunt, in sapiente credendi facilitas, haec ferocis caetera hominis mansuetudo, haec avari liberalitas verosimilis quidem non est, sed hanc deme, videbis ea, quae sequuntur et huic innixa sunt, corruere subito, et totam peripetiam nullum hic locum habitu- ram. Huic ego responderem: si totam periocham, ut nunc est, factam oportuit, si eadem scenarum series necessaria fuit, si sine pugna illa aut captivo in carcere actus nullo modo confici potuit, si ille, qui solus loqui debuit, nec in prima actus scena prodire potuit, nec e priore quadam solus remansisse, nec, quae dicit, alio commento suppleri queant, si haec peripetia sola fuit, quae in hac materia locum inveniat, si denique tota haec inventio et dispositio tam necessaria, ut alia reperiri non possit, poetam absolvo. Sed multum abest, ut haec sint necessaria. Sic enim quodvis, quod in grammaticam aut prosodiam pec- caveris, facile excusabis. Si hanc phrasim, hoc verbum, hunc sensum et casum adhibere certum sit, saepe confiteri cogar, carminis vitium aut soloecismum evitari omnino non potuisse. Sed rursum aestu quodam alio delatus a prae- posito recessi, dabis veniam. Si idem forte et post hoc acciderit, malo re ipsa 241v monente ad alia | digredi, quam ut haec in alium locum conjiciendo e memoria elabantur. Dixi nec rerum multitudine nec narratione nimis implicata onerandum esse auditorem, et si quae materia talis occurrat, ita ingenio poetae seriem dramatis disponendam, ut difficiliora aut obscuriora dissimulari et taceri sine letter on tragedies 123 too many faults concerning the unity of place, because he changed the theatre already in the second scene from prison to battle-field, that the scenes are so badly connected, that the theatre is empty before the end of an act, and that no character remained on the stage from one scene to another, or that a character of a man, here ferocious, there avaricious, is not portrayed sufficiently, he would immediately excuse himself with his periocha, and would ask you, after putting the periocha forward, how can it be brought about that I would not change the theatre in the second scene, when in the first scene a prisoner deplores his fortune in prison, and in the second scene a battle takes place between two armies. Would anyone remain on stage after every single scene (as the rules want), | when in this or that scene someone arrives about to say those things, 241r which should not be said in the company of another? This credulity of a wise man, they say, this mildness of an otherwise cruel man, this generosity of a greedy man is indeed not verisimilar, but take it away, and you will see that the things that follow, and that are connected to it, suddenly tumble down and the whole peripety will not have any place here! To this poet I would respond: if it suited that you made the whole perioch in the state it is in now, if the same series of scenes was necessary, if the act could not be completed in any way without that battle or the prisoner in jail, if that man, who had to speak on his own, could not appear in the first scene of the act, and could not remain on his own from some previous scene, and if those things which he said cannot be supplied by another comment, if this was the only peripety which finds a place in this plot, if then this whole inventio and disposition are so necessary, that no others can be found, then I absolve the poet. But it is very far from being the case that these things are necessary. That way you will easily excuse any fault, which you have made against [the rules of] grammar or prosody: if it is necessary to apply this phrase, this word, this meaning and case, I will often be forced to admit that a fault of a poem, or a soloecism cannot be avoided at all. But again I have been carried elsewhere by some passion, away from what I proposed, please excuse this. If perhaps the same thing happens after this, I prefer, when the matter itself advises so, to digress to other things, | than to let these things slip away from the memory by throwing 241v them elsewhere.

[The Right Presentation of Necessary Information to the Audience] I said that the listener should not be burdened with a great number of matters and not with a too complicated narration, and that, if a story turns out to be such, the course of the drama should be arranged by the talent of the poet in such a way that too difficult or obscure things can be concealed or kept 124 epistola de tragaediis

detrimento possint. In maiori rerum numerandarum numero multum etiam ad sublevandum auditorem juvabit, si non omnia eodem tempore, et in prima scena, sed per partes ac intervalla, dum nempe occasio tulerit, aut eventus imminet, qui praemissa quadam rei praeteritaea narratione opus habet. Sic Ruaeus in Lysimacho non omnia, quae tragoediam praecesserunt et in eadem exponenda sunt, in prima scena praetulit. In prima scena occasione somnii intelligit auditor, quos Lysimachus filios habeat, quis privignus, urbi imminere hostem, fovisse parentem aemula juvenum studia, hac nocte Seleucum in hostes missum. In secunda scena, quis ille hostis sit, declaretur, mutasse vestem Seleucum et sic de aliis. Ad haec, ut ea, quae dicuntur, sic etiam ipsa inventio totius dramatis sit 242r perspicua, non quidem ita, ut e prioribus scenis, quid eventurum | sit, facile conjiciat (imo quo minus expectati rerum eventus, eo gratiores sunt) sed ut spectator peripetiae nexum et eventuum primas causas ac progressus facile et sine ullo labore assequatur. Quae quidem perspicuitas in omni humaniori litteratura adhibenda est, maxime vero in illis operibus, quae non tam lectoris, quam auditoris causa fiunt, huic enim nullum meditandi spatium relinquitur, ut lectori, qui revolvere priora et in obscurioribus locis haerere pro libitu potest. Ob eandem rationem, ut scilicet spectator minori suo labore attentus esse possit, omnes dramaticae praeceptores unam solum dramatis actionem esse volunt, nam pluribus intentus minor est ad singula sensus. Haec unitas actionis in eo consistit, ut, quamvis agantur plura, unica tamen sit princeps actio, unicus

apraeteritae] praeterritae emend. letter on tragedies 125 silent without harm. In a greater number of things that should be included it is very useful to support the listener, if not everything is introduced at the same time, and in the first scene, but throughout the parts and intervals, when an opportunity truly allows it, or when an event is about to happen, for which a narration in advance of what happened in the past is necessary. Thus De la Rue, in his Lysimachus, does not present everything which preceded the tragedy and which should be explained in the tragedy in the first scene.41 The listener in the first scene gets to know by the occasion of a dream, which sons Lysimachus has, who is his stepson, that an enemy is threatening the city, that the father cherishes the ambitions of the young men, and that this night Seleucus is being sent away against the enemy; in the second scene, it is made clear who is that enemy, and that Seleucus changed his costume, and in the same way other things are explained. In addition to this, like the things which are said, the same way the inventio itself of the whole play should be clear, not to such a degree that one can easily conclude from the previous scenes what will happen | (on the contrary, events 242r are the more welcome, the less they are expected), but so that a spectator can easily and without any effort follow the nexus of the peripety, and the first causes and consequences of events. This clarity should be applied in every type of literature in the humanities, but the most in those works which are written not so much for a reader but a listener, because for a listener there is no space left to meditate, as there is for a reader, who can reconsider previous things and keep looking at the more obscure places as much as he wishes.

[Unity and Simplicity of Action] For the same reason, namely that a spectator can contribute less of his own effort in his attention, all masters of dramatic art want there to be only one action in a drama,42 because a mind attentive to more things [at the same time] understands less with regard to every single thing. This unity of action consists in this, that, although more things happen, there is nevertheless only one principal action, one event, to which all things refer, to which all things

41 Cf. Charles de la Rue (Carolus Ruaeus), Carminum libri quatuor (Paris, 1680), pp. 1–51; (Paris, 1688), pp. 6–47; Duae tragoediae (Lysimachus, Cyrus) (Ingolstadt, 1722). For a discussion of the author and play, see Rudolph Rieks, Drei lateinische Tragiker des Grand Siècle (Munich: Bayerische Akademie Wissenschaften, 1989), pp. 16–31. 42 Compare Masen, Palaestra Eloquentiae, 3, p. 15; Jouvancy, De ratione discendi et docendi (ed. Ghent: P.F. de Goesin, 1788) pp. 81–82; Gabriel François LeJay, Bibliotheca rhetorum (Ingolstadt: Maria Magdalena Riedlin, no year), Pars ii, p. 58. 126 epistola de tragaediis

eventus, quem omnia spectent, ad quem tendant omnia. Sic si Agrippinae mortem in scenam inducere velles, hic scopus ita sit unicus, ut quidquid toto dramate aut dicitur aut agitur, eo referatur, ut auditor de nullius fere quam Agrippinae salute sit sollicitus. Huic uni speret, huic per vices metuat, hanc tandem interfectam esse doleat. Hinc si martyris alicujus mortem adjungeres, manifestum est duplex fore drama, nisi mors martyris via solum sit et ratio ad 242v Agrippinae caedem | certius aut facilius perveniendi, ut si Nero non nisi sublato illo Christiano matrem in insidias se posse pertrahere speret, aut si vim veneni Agrippinae propinandi in Christiano experiri velit. Patet enim, tunc auditoris animum non tam Christiani morte occupari, quam ea intellecta Agrippinae magis vitae metuere. Nihil tamen simplicitati actionis obest, si argumentum duas personas aut plures praecipuas habeat, modo earum rationes ita conjunctae sint, ut licet duorum hominum una tamen actio esse censeatur, tales sunt quaedam de ami- cis historiae, martyrum quorundam facta, quae tam communes saepe habent mortis aut affectuum causas, ut si alterutram partem sustuleris, non unam, sed dimidiam solum actionem producere videri possis. Idem est, si regalis familiae interitus exhibeatur, qui non nisi omnium filiorum nece absolvitur, et quae sunt ejusmodi. Ne tamen et hic quis aberret, optimorum poetarum lectione muniendus est. Ut hoc de simplicitate actionis praeceptum duorum hominum diversa facta, ita unius hominis disjunctas nimium actiones excludit, nisi altera ad alteram 243r tanquam finem referatur. Operae pretium est rem hanc exemplo declarare. | Cornelius in agnoscendis vitiis suis mire candidus in Horatiis, quae una de praecipuis illius tragoediis est, in unitatem actionis se peccasse confite- tur. Illius tragoediae materies hoc ordine disposita est. Primo est expectatio pugnae Horatiorum cum Curiatiis, deinde Horatii superstitis gloriosus reditus, tum caedes sororis, a qua demum absolvitur Horatius. Non auderem viri tanti opus reprehendere, si ipse sibi ignoscendum existimaret, sed fatetur ille prima ultimis non satis congruere et duplicem hic esse actionem. Horatius hic letter on tragedies 127 lead. Thus if you would want to bring the death of Agrippina onto the stage, this should be the only purpose to the extent that whatever is said or done in the whole play should be brought back to there, in order that the listener is worried about nothing but the health of Agrippina: he should have hope only for this woman, fear for her fortunes, and finally grieve for her death. If you connected the death of a martyr to this, it is clear, that it would be a two-fold play, unless the death of the martyr is the only way and method of arriving | more certainly 242v or more easily at the murder of Agrippina, just as if, for example, Nero would not, unless by killing that Christian, hope to be able to lead his mother into an ambush, or if he wanted to test the power of the poison which he would give to Agrippina to drink on the Christian, because it is clear that the mind of the listener is then not as worried about the death of the Christian, as he, after he has heard about it, fears more for the life of Agrippina. However, nothing hinders the simplicity of action, if the plot has two or more main characters, provided that their reasons are so linked that the action of two people can still be considered one. Such are some histories about friends, the deeds of some martyrs, which often have such common causes of death or of their emotions, that if you would remove one part, you could seem to produce not one single action, but half an action. It is the same, if the destruction of a royal family is shown, which is only completed by the death of all sons, and in other examples of the same kind. In order that someone does not stray from this rule43 too, he should be supported by reading the best poets. As this rule about the simplicity of action excludes different deeds of two men, so it also excludes actions of one man that are too disjoined, unless the one action leads to the other as to a purpose. It is worth the effort to make the matter clear by an example. | 243r Corneille, surprisingly open in admitting his faults, admits that he committed a fault against the unity of action in his Horatii, which is one of his most important tragedies.44 The subject material of that tragedy is arranged in this order: first there is the expectation of a battle between the Horatii and the Curi- atii, next the glorious return of the remaining Horace, then the death of his sister, from which Horace is finally absolved. I would not dare to reprehend the work of such a great man, if he himself considered that he should forgive himself, but he admits that the first events do not agree sufficiently with the final events, and that there is a two-fold action here. This Horatius suffers in

43 literally: ‘from here’. 44 See Corneille’s Examen d’Horace. On Corneille’s criticism of his own play, see John D. Lyons, Kingdom of Disorder: The Theory of Tragedy in Classical France (Paris: Purdue, 1999), pp. 18–21; Eric Tourette, Pierre Corneille, ‘Horace’ (Paris: Bréal, 2007), pp. 21–22. 128 epistola de tragaediis

in eadem tragoedia geminum subit vitae periculum. Primum in pugna, alterum ob caedem sororis. Nec tamen vitiosa haec forent, si satis connexa. Dum primum periculum, de quo initio agitur, terminatur, finem esse oportet tragoediae, nisi tale sit, ut necessario alterum exigat. Sic dum Horatius gloriosus e pugna redit, primum evasit periculum, post quod aliud non desideratur, finis est igitur primae actionis, quo viso acquiescit auditorum animus, proinde et hic termi- nanda erat tragoedia, deinceps vero nova causa est, novum discrimen, nova denique materia. Unde aut in triumpho illo sistendum fuit aut post victoriam incipiendum, quod cum factum non est, initium hic cum fine nulla ratione con- gruit. Nil aliud expectabatur principio, quam pugnae gloriosissimae eventus, in 243v catastrophe tandem a lictorum manibus et infami morte libe-|ratur Horatius, quod idem mihi videtur, ac si orator aliquis in praepositione de eleemosyna se dicturum praemitteret atque etiam cum fide praestaret, in medio vero orationis omnem eloquentiae vim in ebrietatem converteret. Quis non alteram hanc partem novam orationem potius, quam praecedentis membrum crederet? Potest quidem argumentum tragoediae per multiplices rerum eventus et casus volvi et revolvi, sed idem maneat, et ejusdem personae, et ejusdem generis periculum. Idem sit, quod initio metuitur, et in quod tandem incidit persona aut a quo liberatur. Quod de periculo hic dico, tu de omni alio praecipuo eventu intellige, cujus desiderium auditorum animis in protasi injicitur. Sic in Terentii Andria pater Pamphyli amorem turbare instituit, hic praeter Glyce- rium uxorem aliam non vult, in fine tandem remotis impedimentis Pamphylus hujus, et non alterius voti sit compos. Actiones quidem variae intercurrunt, sed tales, ut eundem omnes scopum habeant, nempe Pamphili et Glycerii conjunc- tionem, hanc respiciunt omnes senis actiones, dum eam rescindere conatur, hanc Davi fraudes, hanc Pamphilus ipse rebus in omnibus spectat, ut salvam letter on tragedies 129 this tragedy a double danger of his life: the first in the battle, and the second on account of the death of his sister. These would not have been faults, if they were connected sufficiently. When the first danger, which is discussed in the beginning, ends, this is a suitable end to the tragedy, unless it is such a danger that by necessity it requires another danger. Thus when Horace returns gloriously from the battle, he had evaded the first danger, after which there is no other danger required, therefore it is the end of the first action. After having seen this, the mind of the audience finds rest. Accordingly also the tragedy should have been concluded here, but thereafter there is a new cause, a new crisis, finally a new plot. Hence he should have either stopped at the triumph, or begun after the victory. Since this was not done, the beginning here does not fit with the end in any way: nothing else was hoped for in the beginning than the event of a glorious battle. In the catastrophe finally | Horace 243v is freed from the hands of the lictors and from an infamous death, which to me seems the same as if an orator announced in advance in a preface that he will talk about alms, and also keeps this promise, but in the middle of the oration turns every force of eloquence against drunkenness. Who would not believe that that second part was a new speech, rather than a part of the preceding one? Indeed, the plot of a tragedy can twist and turn through multiple events, but it should stay the same plot, a danger concerning the same person, and of the same kind. It should be the same danger that is feared in the beginning, and upon which the character at length stumbles, or from which he is liberated. What I say here about the danger, you should understand about every other important event, the desire for which is put into in the minds of the audience in the protasis. Thus in Terence’s Andria Pamphylus’ father decides to disturb his son’s relationship, Pamphylus himself does not want any other woman than Glycerium, and in the end Pamphylus finally, through remote impediments, should obtain his wish and not his father’s.45 Various actions run concurrently, but they are such that they all have the same purpose, namely the marriage of Pamphylus and Glycerium, and all the actions of the old man focus on this while he tries to cancel it, and the deceits of Davus are related to it, and Pamphylus himself considers it in all his deeds, in order that it is protected and

45 See my introduction. For a discussion of the double plot typical of Terence’s plays, cf. Peter Kruschwitz, Terence (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2004), pp. 175–176; George E. Duckworth, The Nature of Roman Comedy. A Study in Popular Entertainment (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994, first ed. Princeton University Press, 1952), pp. 185–186. Compare also Donatus’ awareness of this technique in his commentary ad And. 301; ad And. 977; ad Phorm., Praef. i, 9. 130 epistola de tragaediis

tueatur. Quod in oratione exordium et praepositio est, hoc in dramate sunt primae scenae. Utque in oratione alienum non est, imo necessarium quaedam 244r | adferre et narrare, quorum in propositione mentio facta nulla est, modo illa non propter se, sed ad probandum ipsum thema orationi inserantur, nec de pluribus virtutibus dixisse dicitur, qui alias virtutes solum similitudinis et praepositae virtutis probandae causa attigerit, sic si in dramate omnes casus, etiam multiplices illi, solum rei, quae initio proposita est, aut obtinendae aut avertendae servient, non multiplicem reddent actionem, sed plura quidem unius tamen operis et corporis membra judicabuntur, utpote quae non in diversa abstrahunt, sed intra ejusdem semper rei spem et metum auditorem suspensum et fluctuantem tenent. Aliter longe in Horatiis, cujus tragoediae si primas scenas, id est, propositionem spectes, nihil scire desiderabis, atque pugnae tam illustris eventum, haec vero cura omnino ponitur et desinit occisis Curiatiis. Itaque propositioni jam isthic satisfactum est, nec plura addenda fuerant. Obiter hic nota, ne Terentium quidem ab omni ejusmodi vitio absolvi et in actionis simplicitate illi Plautum ab eruditis merito anteponi. Exemplo sit eadem Andria, de qua supra. Hujus comoediae simplicitati amores Charini non parum obsunt, faciunt enim, ut lector non solum exspectet, quem Pamphili amores exitum sint habituri, sed etiam Charini. Huic Philumena, illi Glyce- 244v rium cordi est, | ob suam quisque timet, sperat, sollicitus est, nunc Charini letter on tragedies 131 safe. What in an oration are the exordium and praepositio, in a play are the first scenes. And as it is not strange in a speech, but rather necessary, | to 244r announce and talk about some things of which no mention was made in the propositio, provided that these things are inserted in the speech not for their own sake but in order to demonstrate the theme itself, and as someone is said not to have spoken about more virtues, when he refers to other virtues only for the sake of similarity and demonstrating a previously mentioned virtue, thus, if the causes in a drama, even those multiple ones, all serve to achieve or avoid only one matter, which is presented in the beginning, they do not render the action multiple, but should be judged to be several members of what is nevertheless the same work and body. Since they do not divert to different things, but keep the listener in suspense and uncertainty between hope and fear about the same matter. Completely differently, in the Horatii you will, if you see the first scenes of this tragedy, that is, its propositio, desire to know nothing apart from the event of such an illustrious battle, but this worry is completely allayed and stops when the Curiatii are killed. Therefore the expectation of the propositio is satisfied here, and no more things should have been added. By the way, note here that not even Terence is absolved from any fault of this kind, and in simplicity of action Plautus is deservedly preferred over him by the learned.46 Let the same Andria serve as an example. The love stories of Charinus hinder the simplicity of this comedy a great deal, because they bring about that the reader not only waits to see what outcome the love stories of Pamphilus will have, but also of Charinus.47 Philumena is dear to the latter, Glycerium to the former, | and each fears, hopes and is worried 244v about his own girlfriend. Now the reader becomes worried on account of

46 Compare Masen, Palaestra Eloquentiae Ligatae, 3, pp. 36–37 who prefers Plautus, even if he admits that Terence excells in the purity of his language and the disposition of the plot: “Plautus (de quo major contentio) Terentio in multis est praeferendus. Quicquid contra Heinsius laboret, autoritate etiam fultus Horatii atque Evanthii. Nam, ut verum esse illud admisero (quod nunquam oppugnabo), puritate sermonis ac prudenti fabulae dispositione atque oeconomia Terentium excellere. Plautum inusitata sordidaque oratione ac neglectiori dispositione nonnunquam vilescere: tamen hic Comicus magis, ac poeta est: ita varietate materiae, ac descriptione rerum, affectuum vi, morum (quanquam nonnunquam affectata, ut c. 9 videbitur) imitatione, sententiarum gratia, ac pondere, salibusque antecellit Terentium.” Also Pontanus preferred Plautus. Cf. Fidel Rädle, ‘Jesuit theatre in Germany, Austria and Switzerland’, in: Bloemendal and Norland, Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre, p. 211. 47 The same criticism is expressed by Donatus, Ars Poetica, 58, quoted by Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, p. 77. 132 epistola de tragaediis

causa lectorem sollicitum habet, nunc Pamphili. Quanquam fatendum isthic, geminam hanc fabulam et utriusque adulescentis amores magna arte esse con- nexos, quod tamen non prohibet, quominus unum quoddam opus videatur e duobus conglutinatum. In quo Terentius recentiorum poetarum principes imitatores habet, non necessitate, quae nulla est, sed, credo, quod facilior illis sit amplificatio, si primario scopo aliam fabellam adjungant, quam episodium dicunt, tum ut amores, in quibus toti sunt, amoribus cumulent. Nec quis varie- tatis causa haec fieri arbitretur, non minor enim rerum varietas et affectuum mutatio cum summa simplicitate conjungi potest, hoc praeterea commodo, quod facilior sit auditori attentio, dum ejus cogitationes nunquam a praecipua actione abstrahuntur. Alioquin antagonista semper adest aliquis, id est persona, quae seu voluntate, seu errore aliquo coeptis consiliis obstat, et rerum varietati locum suppeditat. Quam rerum varietatem summa simplicitas admit- tat, vel e Captivis Plauti, quae operi rhetorico inserta est, intelliges. Si tamen Terentium et praecipuos aevi nostri auctoresa hac in parte imitari lubet, id non 245r usque adeo | reprehenderem, modo autem illam non neglegeremus, qua ita quodvis episodium cum praecipua actione connectere atque adeo necessarium dramati suo reddere norunt, ut non nisi toto opere discerpto avelli possit, neque parum ad praecipuae actionis affectus promovendos atque augendos confe- rat. Ad regulam de unitate actionis referri etiam posset haec. Ne actus dramatis tam inter se sint diversi, ut et locus et personae omnes aut pleraeque diversae sint ab iis, quae in praecedente, aut sequente actu conspiciuntur, etsi omnia ad eandem actionem referri videantur. Fieri enim vix potest, ut opus ejusmodi non duplici dramati sit similius. Res exemplo declaranda est. Argumentum sit:

aauctores] actores emend. letter on tragedies 133

Charinus, then on account of Pamphilus. Although it should be admitted here that this double story and the love stories of each young man are connected with great art, nevertheless this does not prohibit [from saying] that it seems to be a single work joined from two works. In this work Terence has the princes of the more recent poets as his imitators, not by necessity, which is not there, but in my opinion because the amplification comes more easily to them, if they connect another story to the primary purpose, which they call episodium, just as they heap love stories, in which all are entangled, upon love stories. And no one should think that this is done for the sake of variety, because no smaller variety of matters and no fewer changes of emotions can be connected with the greatest simplicity, and furthermore this serves as an advantage, because it is easier for the listener to be attentive, when his thoughts are never drawn away from the principal action. Otherwise there is always an antagonist present, that is, a character who either voluntarily or by error hinders undertaken plans and offers an occasion for a variety of matters. Just how much variety of matters the greatest simplicity allows, you can see from the Captivi of Plautus, which is inserted in a rhetorical work.48 But if it pleases you to imitate Terence and the principal authors of our time in this part, I would not reprehend this to such a degree |, provided that we do not neglect 245r that simplicity, by which they can connect any episode in such a way with the principal action, and make it necessary for their drama to such a degree that it cannot be removed, unless after the whole work is torn in pieces, and that it contributes much to promoting and increasing the emotions of the principal action. This [rule] could also be ascribed to the rule concerning the unity of action: the acts of a play should not be so different from each other, that both the place and all or most of the characters are different from those seen in the previous act, or in the following act, although everything seems to be ascribed to the same action. Because it can hardly happen, that a work of that kind is not more similar to a two-fold play. The matter should be explained by an example. Let the subject matter be Mutius Scaevola.

48 Perhaps Friz refers to the prologue and epilogue of the play here, which frame the work. Cf. Timothy J. Moore, ‘Slaves and Masters: Captivi’,in: id., The Theatre of Plautus: Playing to the Audience (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), pp. 181–196, here 185–186; Duckworth, The Nature of Roman Comedy, pp. 211–218. 134 epistola de tragaediis

Mutius Scaevola In actu primo veniat Mutius in castra Porsenae, jaciantur jam semina involu- tionum etcetera Locus quo res geritur, sint castra Hetrusca. Personae Scaevola, Porsena, duces Hetrusci. In actu secundo senatus Romanus et Mutii parentes de eodem sint solliciti, quaedam intercedat involutio per nuntios, vel alia quacumque ratione. Spes et 245v timor alternet. Locus et scena hujus actionis intra Romanos muros erit. | In actu tertio redeant rursum Hetruscorum castra, pertexantur involutiones in primo actu coeptae, res evolvatur denique. Etsi haec actuum dispositio in ejusmodi scenas dividi possit et omnes omnino illustre Mutii facinus respiciant, cum tamen actus secundus locum et personas omnes diversas exhibeat, tota tragoedia duplicis cujusdam actionis speciem prae se feret. Actus primus et ultimus idem opus constituunt, totus secundus sine horum detrimento omitti posset, imo se solo novum drama consti- tuere paucis forte additis, quae per quemvis nuntium adferri possent. Duplex, inquam, videbitur tragoedia, una scilicet ab Hetruscis, altera a Romanis acta. Lege enim primum et tertium actum, et nihil ad perfectae tragoediae perfectio- nem desiderabis. Considera deinde secundum et tantum in fine laetum nuntium adde, aut ipsum Mutium gloriose redeuntem produc, et cogeris fateri, nihil opus esse primo et ultimo actu, ut sola hac materia sejunctum drama constituat. Ex quo praeterea sequitur alterutram partem esse superfluam, cum paucis mutatis altera ab altera sejungi possit. 246r Quod | fere semper accidit, dum praecipuae duarum partium personae ita dividuntur, ut eas nunquam aut vix unquam in eodem loco evenire contin- gat. Quare si quid ex alterutra ejusmodi materia in alteram conveniat aut letter on tragedies 135

Mutius Scaevola49 In the first act Mutius enters the camp of Porsenna, and the seeds of developments are sown, etcetera. The place where the events take place is the Etruscan camp. The characters are Scaevola, Porsenna and the Etruscan generals. In the second act, the Roman senate, and the parents of Mutius are worried about the same, some development intervenes through messengers, or in any other way; hope and fear alternate; the place and stage of this action will be within the walls of Rome. | 245v In the third act the camp of the Etruscans returns, and developments set in motion in the first act are woven further, and eventually the matter unfolds. Although this arrangement of the acts can be divided in scenes of this kind, and all of them are completely related to the famous deed of Mutius, nevertheless, because the second act shows a different place, and all different characters, the whole tragedy shows the appearance of some two-fold action. The first and the last act represent the same work, the second could be omitted without detriment to the other two, and it could even constitute a new drama on its own, perhaps with a few additions, which could be reported by a messenger. The tragedy will seem two-fold, I say, with one tragedy acted from the side of the Etruscans, the other from the side of the Romans. Read the first and the third act, and you will desire nothing for the perfection of a complete tragedy. Then consider the second, and add only a happy messenger in the end, or bring Mutius himself on stage returning gloriously, and you will be forced to admit, that there is no need for the first and last act, as with only this material it constitutes a separate drama. Furthermore, consequently one part of the two is superfluous, since the first part can be separated from the other with few changes.

[Unity of Place] And this | happens almost always, when the principal characters of two groups 246r are divided in such a way, that it happens that they are hardly ever in the same place. Hence, if something from one plot of this kind is suitable for the other, or

49 For my discussion of this play, see the introduction. The play is identified as a play entitled MuciusScaevola by Anton Maurisperg. Cf. Anton Maurisperg, Dramataiv.Mutius, Deodatus, Stanislaus, Joannes Nepomucenus. Variis in theatris, cum bene meritis in arena literaria victoribus praemio decernerentur, exhibita a P. Antonio Maurisperg Societatis Jesu Sacerdote (Steyer: Grünenwald, 1730); Ludwig Fladerer, Die Poetik des Andreas Friz und ihr Antikebezug, pp. 12–13. On the influence of Seneca’s style on the play, cf. id., Senecanische Gnomik im Mucius Scaevola des Jesuiten Anton Maurisperg, accessed 1 July 2013 at http:// gams.uni-graz.at/archive/get/o:arj-07B-18/sdef:TEI/get. 136 epistola de tragaediis

necessarium sit, id per nuntios, legatos, fugitivos etcetera narrari debet, non vero novo aliquo, et disjuncto spectaculo exhiberi. Nec proderit eas personas in fine aut medio semel convenire, simile enim esset opus duobus corporibus, quorum unum membrum pes scilicet aut manus coaluerint, quas tamen propter commune hoc membrum unum corpus nunquam esse dixeris. Itali, ut videre est in Granellio et Metastasio in unitate loci servanda tam religiosi non sunt ac Galli, tantam tamen libertatem sibi nunquam permise- runt, ut mutata prioris loci facie a sequenti loco, quem exhibent, et materiam, et personas, et affectus prius coeptos penitus excluderent. Granellius in Sedecia scenam in castra Nabuchodonosoris transfert, sed eodem etiam Sedecias cum filiis et Ieremias transeunt, et dum locum a priori dividit, drama reducendo personas et primos affectus continuando connectit. Neque melius unitati actionis consulet, qui diversas has materias ita confuderit, ut quaevis non totum qui- 246v dem actum, sed solum alternas scenas | occupet verbi gratia ita ut in prima scena exhibeantur res apud Porsenam, in secunda res apud Romanos gestae, in tertia, aut quarta scena iterum castra Porsenae, in quinta aut sexta rursum Roma et Romani soli redeant. Imo ob frequentiorem mutationem et utriusque materiae seriem toties interruptam, magis utrinque affectuum vis infirmabi- tur simulque audienti ad eandem materiam attentio erit difficilior. Sed de hoc satis, alioquin servata loci unitate vix ullum est ab hoc vitio periculum. Unitati actionis e diametro mihi opponi videntur chori a nostris fieri soliti. Id a me dici eo magis miraberis, quod a quibusdam non probentur solum, sed etiam veterum choris praeferantur. Memini me haec fere verba in praeceptore nostro quodam legere: letter on tragedies 137 if it is necessary, then it should be told through messengers, legates, fugitives, etcetera, but it should not be shown in a new, separate spectacle. Nor would it be useful if those characters come together a single time in the end or in the middle, because the work would be similar to two bodies, of which a limb, namely a foot or a hand, would be united, but which, you would say, are never one body on account of this common limb. The Italians, as can be seen in Granelli and Metastasio, are not as consci- entious in keeping the unity of place as the French, but they never allowed themselves such a great liberty, that they, after having changed the appearance of an earlier place, completely removed the plot, the characters, and the previously begun emotions from the following place which they present.50 Granelli in his Sedecia51 moves the stage to the camp of Nebuchadnezzar, but Sedecia with his sons and Jeremiah also go there, and while he changes the place from the previous scene, he connects the play by bringing back the characters and continuing the first emotions. The writer who mixed these different plots in such a way that whichever one occupies not a whole act, but only alternate scenes, | for example, so that in the first scene the situation around Porsenna is 246v shown, in the second the situation at the Roman camp, in the third and fourth scene the camp of Porsenna appears again, and in the fifth and sixth Rome again, and only the Romans return, could not show concern for the unity of action any better. On the contrary, on account of the rather frequent change, and because the course of both plots are so often interrupted, the strength of the emotions from both sides is weakened more, and at the same time it is too difficult for the audience to focus on the same plot. But enough about this. Oth- erwise, if the unity of place is kept, there is hardly any danger from this fault.

[Choruses and Other Interludes]52 The choruses which are usually made by our writers seem to me to be diamet- rically opposed to the unity of action. You will be surprised that that is said by me, because our choirs are not only approved by some, but also preferred to the choirs of the ancients. I remember that I read roughly the following words in [the work of] a teacher of ours:

50 See my introduction. 51 Granelli’s Sedecia, ultimo re di Giuda was performed in Bologna in 1731 and was first published in the same year: Giovanni Granelli, Sedecia, ultimo re di Giuda, Tragedia (Bologna: Lelio della Volpe, 1731). 52 See my introduction. 138 epistola de tragaediis

“hodierna aetas altius, et artificiosius in hoc genere versatur, plerumque symbolicam ex allegoria, vel metonymia, et fabulis desumptam reprae- sentationem rerum agendarum exhibet.”

Sane vices illius doleo, qui eo prolapsus est, ut allegoriam quandam umbram verae cum materia connexioni praeferat. Praeterea insignem isthic aetati nostrae injuriam illatam video, egregium enim dari mihi cuperem hujus aetatis poetam, qui hujusmodi choris uteretur. Egregium autem dico et quem hodie 247r non nostri tantum, sed eruditi omnes praeter ceteros admirentur. | Nullum, opi- nor, reperiemus, cum primum scholarum nostrarum limen egressi fuerimus, intra quod alti et artificiosi chori nati sunt et tanto jam tempore sine invidia delitescunt. Ex quo illud conficio, summos posteriorum temporum poetas aut ingenio suo diffisos a tanto artificio (quod quidem cuivis magistro nostro in promptu est) abstinuisse, aut certe rem labore suo indignam contempsisse: utrum horum verisimilius sit, judica. Si Caesarem in tragoedia exhibeas, in choris verbi gratia Theseum, quid haec aliud quam duos Heroes, duorum res gestas, id est, duo dramata exhibere, unum quidem musicum, alterum sine musica? Nec obest, alterum alterius posse esse imaginem, si enim haec similitudo ad unitatem actionis sufficiat, licebit tragoediae verbi gratia de Manlio quasdam scenas interponere, quibus Brutus item in filios saevus exhibeatur. Nescio, quid plus artis aut sublimis ingenii lateat in fabulosa historia, ex qua paralellum quodpium extrahere conatur, nisi fors sublime et ingeniosum putemus illud, quod minus verisimile, et velut extra naturam est positum. Aut quid artificii in eo est, si, cum in tragoedia innocens comprimitur, fingam in choris innocentiam a furore opprimi? Aut 247v cum tyrannus regno depellitur, fingam superbiam | aut furorem a justitia de throno deturbari? Num haec tanta existimemus, ut veteribus in mentem non venerint, nec reperire ea potuissent, si expedire animadvertissent? Voluerunt letter on tragedies 139

“The current age is engaged in a deeper and more sophisticated manner in this genre. Commonly it shows a symbolic representation of things represented on stage, taken from allegory or metonymy and fables.”53

Indeed I regret the fortunes of the man, who errs so much, that he prefers some allegory, an imperfect representation, over a true connection with the subject. Further, I see that remarkable harm is done to our age here, because I would want to be given an excellent poet of our age, who used choruses in this way. I mean an excellent poet, and someone whom today not only our writers, but also all the learned men will admire above the others. | We will find none, I 247r believe, once we will have crossed the threshold of our schools, within which the deep and sophisticated choruses were born and lie hidden for already so much time without ill will. From this I conclude, that the greatest poets of the later times have either refrained from such an artifice because they did not trust their talent (which is indeed clear for any of our masters), or they certainly despised a matter as [they considered it] not worth their effort: you should decide which one of these reasons is more realistic. If you would show Caesar in a tragedy, and in the choirs, for example, Theseus, what else would it do, than show two heroes, the deeds of two men, and in fact, two plays, one with music, the other without? It does not matter that one may be the image of the other, because if this similarity suffices for the unity of action, it will be allowed, for example, to insert in a tragedy about Manlius some scenes in which Brutus, also cruel against his children, is shown. I do not know why much more art or sublime talent should hide in a fictional story, from which we try to extract some parallel, except if we perhaps consider that sublime and artful, what is less realistic and as if placed outside nature. Or what artfulness is in it, if, when in a tragedy an innocent man is suppressed, I imagine in a choir that innocence is suppressed by fury, or if I imagine, when a tyrant is expelled from his empire, that Arrogance | or Fury is driven from 247v its throne by lady Justice? Should we consider these representations so great that they did not occur to the ancient poets, and that they would not have

53 Although the source of this quotation could not be determined, the positive attitude towards allegorical and symbolical representations in choirs (and in dramas in general) can be found in most Jesuit poetics from the seventeenth and eighteenth century. It is based on Jacob Masen’s imago theory, which he presented in his Speculum imaginum veritatis occultis (Cologne 1650). Cf. for example Martin Du Cygne, De arte poetica libri duo (Leodii, 1664), pp. 273–274. The use of allegorical or symbolical choirs was very common in plays from this period. 140 epistola de tragaediis

illi quidem in choris, quos maximis sumptibus exornarunt, varietate quadam auditores reficere et perpetuam recitationem cantu et saltibus interpolare, salva tamen connexione et affectu, quem eundem non umbra quadam obscura et symbolica, sed productis veris personis et ex ipso argumento petitis reti- nuere. Imo auxere ope musices. Plus sapuerunt illi, quam ut filum actionum et affectuum inutilibus symbolis rescinderent, unitatem loci, temporis et actionis rebus non verisimilibus corrumperent, et sic drama suum, quod per natura- les choros melius connectitur, fabulis aliunde petitis ingeniosissime dilania- rent. Quin hoc artificio inbecillitatem nostram fateri videmur, qui duabus horis connexo dramate auditorem nos tenere posse desperamus. Cave tamen veterum choros e Seneca aestimes, cujus tragoediae non ita ad leges factae sunt, ut exemplo esse possint. Soli Graeci supersunt, qui hoc in genere criticorum judicio laudem et imitationem mereantur. Nec tamen omnino negligendus 248r Seneca ob illustres sententias, quibus abundat, | modo ne nimio sententiarum et numero, et tumore eum imitemur. Fatendum est veterum chororum usum paene intercidisse eo, quod de ornatu in illis olim adhibito non satis constet. Quem magnificentissimum fuisse certum est, cum nonnisi publicis, aut ditissimorum hominum sumptibus sint instructi. Manifestum praeterea est, veterum carmen hodiernae musicae non satis idoneum esse. Quare maiorum dramatum actus aut solis instrumentis musicis interpolandi sunt, ut faciunt aetatis nostrae comici, aut certe inve- niendi sunt chori, qui licet antiquis illis per omnia similes non sint, non tamen usque adeo a ratione dramatis recedant. Hic, si lubet, ingenium suum experian- tur poetae, nec in calamitosa aliqua Innocentia a Furore e solio deturbata sibi plaudant, et ipsas Athenas se artificio et elegantia superasse putent. Reperia- mus aliquid, quod et grata varietate auditores oblectet, cum proposita tamen materia arctissime sit conjunctum, seu id cantu solo, seu saltu, seu utroque sit compositum. Materia ipsa nunc triumphum, nunc plausus alios suppedi- tabit, jam laetitia militum, jam sacrificium, jam funus adornari poterit, jam letter on tragedies 141 been able to find these things, if they had noticed their usefulness? In their choruses, which they adorned at the greatest expense, they wanted to refresh the audience with some variety, and to interrupt the continuous recitation with singing and dancing, but preserving the connection and emotion, which they kept the same not through some obscure and symbolic representation, but by bringing on stage true characters, taken from the very subject material. Indeed they rather amplified the theme with the help of music. They knew better than that they would cut off the flow of the actions and emotions with useless symbols, destroy the unity of place, time, and action with unrealistic matters, and thus tear their drama, which is better connected through natural choirs, to pieces most ingeniously with stories taken from elsewhere. We even seem to admit our weakness in this artifice, because we do not believe that we can keep the listener [attentive] with a coherent drama of two hours. But take care not to value the choirs of antiquity on the basis of Seneca, whose tragedies are not made according to the rules to such a degree that they can serve as an example.54 Only the Greek tragedians are left to deserve praise and imitation in this genre according to the judgement of the critics. But Seneca should not be completely disregarded because of his famous sententiae, in which his work abounds, | provided that we do not imitate the number and bombast of his 248r sententiae too much. It should be admitted that the use of the ancient choirs was almost cut off, because not enough is known about the decoration used in them. It is certain that this decoration was most magnificent, because the choirs were only prepared at the expense of the state or very rich people. Furthermore, it is clear that a song of the ancient poets would not be suitable for the current music, and therefore the acts of the greater plays should be either interpolated with only musical instruments, as the comic playwrights of our age do, or certainly one should find choirs which, even though they are not similar to those ancient ones in all aspects, nevertheless do not withdraw from the rationale of the play so much. Here poets should test their talent, if it pleases them, and they should not applaud themselves through a choir, in which some Innocence, who is driven from her seat by Fury, is presented calamitously, and believe that they have surpassed the Athenians themselves in ingeniousness and elegance. We should find something, which delights the audience through welcome variety, but which is also very tightly connected to the presented subject, and which is composed only of song, or dance, or both. The subject material itself will supply now triumph, now another kind of cheering, and now the joy of the soldiers,

54 The same opinion is expressed by Juventius in his De ratione discendi et docendi (ed. 1788), pp. 83–84 and pp. 95. 142 epistola de tragaediis

248v ludi etcetera Quae omnia et musicos admittunt et | saltatores et machinas. In magna calamitate idoneae personae a te inventae casus acerbos cantu deflere poterunt, sed personae non fabulosae, non symbolicae, sed more veterum ex ipsa materia desumptae, nisi forte minus ingeniosum putes ad verisimilitudinem eas ingenio tuo invenire, quam mythologos omnes pervolvere, dum in similem historiae tuae fabellam te fortuna detulerit. Si salva classis adveniat, quid vetat, laetos nautas saltare? Si pugna, aut urbis oppugnatio instet (modo per loci et temporis unitatem extra scenam exhiberi possit) hanc videre mallem, quam ut medias inter Themistoclis et Camilli expeditiones Hercules aliquis prodeat admirando commento ad herois longe posterioris tempora, salvis scilicet dramaticae legibus reductas. Oppugnationes tamen urbium cautissime exhibendas censeo, ut postea dicturus sum. Monui praeterea unitatis loci et temporis rationem esse habendam, choros enim aut quidquid chori loco substituatur, non minus quam scenas quaslibet generalibus regulis teneri censeo, ejusdem enim sunt corporis membra, quae certe distorta et luxata videbuntur, nisi legibus adstringantur illis, quae ad totius operis verisimilitudinem et connexionem plurimum conferunt. | 249r Scio ad tam aptos choros inveniendos et excogitandos nobis non semper tempus suppetere, ac saepe tot occupationibus aliis nos impeditos, ut omnium deorum et semi-deorum opem implorare cogamur, qui nobis chorum impleant, quos adeo faciles experimur, ut se omni materiae accomodari clementissime patiantur. Temporis igitur angustias et occupationes causemur, non vero tu- multuariis nostris choris et extra scholas nostras omnino ignotis pretium, quod nunquam est, summa vanitate adstruamus. Si chori ejusmodi cum sana poesi non consentiunt, quid de illis seu can- tibus, seu saltibus, aut aliis, ut vocant, intermediis ludicris sentiamus, quibus non actus, sed scenas fere singulas interpolamus? Credo et isthic multum ingenii reperient aliqui, si Romanae historiae saltum Banduronum, aut de hodier- nis moribus cantilenam inseruerint. Quale chaos, si in eodem dramate saepe omnium non solum nationum, sed et locorum et aetatum omnium res et personae confundantur! Verum de his plura, cum de ornamentis dixero. letter on tragedies 143 then a sacrifice, then a funeral can be embellished, then games, etcetera. All these things allow musicians, and | dancers and machines. In a great calamity, 248v suitable characters, invented by you, can grieve over bitter misfortunes with a song, but these characters should not be mythological, nor symbolic, but taken from the subject material itself in the manner of the ancient poets, unless you think it perhaps less ingenious to find realistic characters with your talent than to search through all mythology books until fortune brought you to a similar myth for your story. If a fleet arrives safely, then who forbids the sailors from dancing cheerfully? If a battle or siege of a city is impending (provided that it can be shown off stage through the unity of place and time), I would prefer to see this, rather than that in the middle of expeditions of Themistocles and Camillus some Hercules would come forward with a surprising comment on the times of a hero of the far future, namely that these expeditions have been recalled to the stage by the safe laws of dramatic art. Nevertheless I am of the opinion that sieges of cities should be shown with the greatest caution, as I will say later. Furthermore, I advised that the the unity of place and time should be respected, because I think that choirs, or whatever is substituted in the place of the choir, should be restricted by the general rules no less than any scenes, because they are parts of the same body, which will certainly seem distorted and put out of place, if they are not bound by those laws, which contribute much to the realism and connection of the whole work. | 249r I know that there is not always time at hand to invent and design such suitable choirs, and often we are engaged in so many other occupations that we are forced to implore the help of all gods and semi-gods, to fill a choir for us. We know them by experience to be so compliant, that they most kindly allow to be adapted to any subject. Let us therefore pretend lack of time and occupations as an excuse, but we should not with the utmost vanity attribute to our disorderly choirs, altogether unknown outside of our schools, a value which they do not have. If choirs of this kind do not agree with sensible poetry, what should we think about those songs or dances, or other interludes, as they call them, with which we interrupt not just acts, but often even single scenes? I believe that some will also find a great deal of ingeniousness here, if they inserted into Roman histories a dance of the Banduroni55 or a song about current morals. What chaos, if in the same play, matter and characters not only of nations, but also of all places and times are often mixed! But I will say more about this, when I speak about ornaments.

55 Banduroni may indicate people from Bandra, a suburb of Mumbai, where the Jesuits had a sucessful college from 1570 until 1739. 144 epistola de tragaediis

Choris similes sunt prologi et epilogi symbolici, minus tamen absurdi sunt. 249v Tempus qui-|dem, locum et actionem a toto dramate diversam habent, ita ut partes illius dici non possint, utpote nova dramatia toti operi adjecta. Hoc tamen nomine tolerari facilius possent, quod in utroque fine posita saltem mediam actionem et dramatis cursum non impediant. Cui unitas actionis, eidem mihi fundamento niti videtur praeceptum Hora- tii: “Ne quarta persona laboret.” Nunquam scilicet, aut certe aegre admodum quattuor personas, quae loquantur, in eandem scenam inducendas esse. Quo enim plures personae loquuntur, eo totum opus est obscurius, vel enim inania, vel ab argumento aliena confabulantur, et tum alioquin ut superflua reicienda sunt, vel scitu necessaria dicunt, et tunc palam est illam personarum turbam perspicuitati multum officere. Loqui prohibentur plures personae, non tamen adstare, si res ita postulet. Sic procerum turba regem aut imperatorem stipat, nec tamen omnes semper loqui necesse est, imo in verisimilitudinem peccas, si ubivis duces omnes et ministri verba faciant, cum potissimum demptis familiarissimis non colloquii aut consilii, sed obsequii causa viros principes comitentur. Non loquantur 250r proinde | omnes, sed neque ut statuae assistant. Si materia patiatur, ad ea, quae dicuntur, attendant. Si quid dolore, admiratione aut laetitia dignum in theatro accidat, gestu et vultu animi motus prodant. Nostris nihilominus magistris hic amplius aliquid licere arbitror, contin- git enim saepe juvenes in scholis esse, quibus persona negari sine offensione non posset, qui licet praecipuis partibus agendis idonei non sint, muti tamen adstare nolint. His parerga quaedam dicta tribuantur, verbi gratia gratulen- tur principi, probent factum aliquod etcetera Eaque dicant, quae etsi satis apte non pronuntientur aut fors etiam non intelligantur, nihil tamen ad operis totius intelligentiam desit. Superflua haec sunt, sed necessitati, qua saepe adstringimur, facile quivis veniam tribuit. Imo si multi sint ejusmodi juvenes, unam alteramve scenam soli occupent, modo ne multa nimium aut prorsus ab letter on tragedies 145

[Symbolic Prologues and Epilogues] Symbolic prologues and epilogues are similar to choirs, but they are less absurd. They | have a different time, place and action from the whole drama, so that 249v they cannot be called parts of it. Rather, they are new plays added to the whole work. By this reasoning they could more easily be tolerated, because, as they are positioned at both ends, at least they do not hinder the middle action and the course of the drama.

[The Number of Speaking Characters on Stage] The following rule of Horace seems to me to rest upon the same foundation as the unity of time: “No fourth character should be active.”56 Because never, or certainly hardly ever should four speaking characters be brought onto the stage. Because the more characters are speaking, the more obscure the complete play is, either because they talk about matters that are useless or different from the subject, which should be rejected anyway as superfluous, or they talk about things necessary to know, and then it is clear, that that crowd of characters obstructs the clarity a great deal. It is forbidden for more characters to speak, but not to be present if the situation requires so. Thus a group of noblemen surrounds a king or emperor, but it is not always necessary for all of them to speak. On the contrary, you make an error against realism, if all the leaders and servants speak anywhere, because, except the closest friends, they accompany the principal men, not for the sake of conversation or advice, but allegiance. Therefore not all should speak |, but they should not stand there like statues either: if the subject 250r allows it, they should pay attention to what is said, and if something worthy of sadness, admiration, or happiness happens in the theatre, they should show the emotion of their mind in their attitude and expression. I think that nevertheless something more is allowed here to our teachers, because it happens often that there are young men in the schools, to whom a role cannot be denied without offense, who may not be suitable to play the principal parts, but who refuse to stand there without speaking. To them some ornamental words should be assigned, for example they should congratulate the prince, they should approve something which is done, etcetera. They should say things which, although they may not be pronounced clearly enough, or perhaps are not even understood, nevertheless do not remove anything from the understanding of the whole work. These things are superfluous, but anyone easily forgives the necessity, by which we are often bound. Yet, if there are many young men of this kind, they should only fill one or another scene, provided that

56 Horace, Ars Poetica, 192. 146 epistola de tragaediis

argumento aliena hae personae loquantur, ne auditores taedium capiat. Nun- quam tamen scenam ejusmodi seorsim in periocha typis danda exponendam putarem, sed cum praecedente aut consequente jungendam, superflua enim est et ab arte multum remota. Chartae autem typis datae non intra acade- 250v miarum nostrarum fines manent, sed latius sparguntur, et in eorum manus | incidunt, qui ut artem dramaticam callent,a sic necessitatem, quam dixi, aut ignorant, aut non perpendunt, superfluam igitur scenam non necessitati, sed inscitiae tribuere possent, quae inscitiae fama a nobis, qui nos humaniorum litterarum magistros ubivis profitemur, omni studio amovenda est, non arro- gantiae causa, sed ne indigni hoc munere videamur. Ut non nisi tres aut quattuor personae in eadem scena, ita non nisi octo aut novem circiter in universa tragoedia loquantur ob easdem rationes, quod de praecipuis personis intelligas velim, non vero de honorariis illis, quarum nume- rus non ex praeceptis, sed necessitate petendus est. Nec oberit, si nuntius unus aut alter ad hunc numerum accedat, qui licet necessarii saepe sint, non tamen ipsis rebus, quae geruntur, ita impliciti, ut magnopere obturbent. Ceterum quo pauciores personas habueris, eo minus a scopo recedere poteris, conspectiora et magis perspicua erunt omnia. Attuli quaedam, quae eo conferunt plurimum, ut auditor drama intelligere possit, atque etiam facile possit. Restat, ut idem auditor rem intellegere cupiat atque avide spectet. Incassum perspicuitati studemus, si spectator vel brevi 251r quovis | momento mentem et animum ad alia convertat. Tenendus itaque est hominum animus ita, ut non nisi aegre admodum ab assidua attentione divelli sese patiatur. Id quidem agnoscere videntur poetae nostri, affirmare tamen ausim, eos nusquam turpius, quam hac in re a vera via aberrare, ut auditorum animos sibi concilient, toti sunt in picturis, musica et saltibus, quae quidem a re dramatica tam aliena nunquam dixero, ut omittenda, sed neque tam propria, ut haec sola ad alliciendos auditorum animos adhibenda sint. Sic etiam hortos

acallent] calent emend. letter on tragedies 147 these characters do not say too many things or things which are utterly different from the subject, in order that the audience does not become wearied. How- ever, I would think that a scene of this kind should never be printed separately in a periocha, but it should be connected to the previous or following scene, because it is superfluous and far removed from the art. Those printed papers do not remain within the boundaries of our academies, but they are spread widely, and fall into the hands of those | who, although they are practiced in 250v the dramatic art, do not know or consider the necessity which I mentioned, and therefore they may ascribe a superfluous scene not to necessity, but to ignorance, and this reputation of ignorance, should be removed from us, who profess to be teachers of the litterae humaniores everywhere, with every eagerness, not for the sake of arrogance, but in order that we do not seem unworthy of this task. As only three or four characters should speak in the same scene, so in the whole tragedy only around eight or nine should speak for the same reasons. I would like you to understand this with regard to the principal characters, not the honorary characters, of which the number should not be set on the basis of rules, but necessity. And it will not be harmful, if one or another messenger joins this number, because they, even though they are often necessary, are not so involved in the things which are done that they disturb it to a great extent. For the rest, the fewer characters you have, the less you can withdraw from the purpose, and the more visible and clear everything will be. I reported some things, which contribute much to it, that the listener can understand the drama and can also do so easily. It remains that the same listener should want to understand the matter and should watch eagerly. We take pains about clarity in vain, if the spectator even for a brief | moment directs 251r his mind and attention elsewhere. Therefore the mind of the people should be held, so that only with difficulty it allows itself to be distracted from assiduous attention.

[Delectare / The Use of Ornaments in Order to Keep the Attention of the Audience The Excessive Use of Ornaments] Our poets seem to acknowledge this, but I would dare to affirm that they never stray so disgracefully from the true road, as in this matter. In order to win the minds of the listeners for themselves, they are all about paintings, music and dances, which I would never call so different from the dramatic matter that they should be omitted, but neither so particular to it that only these things should be used in order to attract the minds of the listeners. Similarly, we also embellish our gardens rightly with statues and certain stone works [of art], but 148 epistola de tragaediis

recte statuis et lapideis quibusdam operibus exornamus, quis tamen haec propria, vera atque praecipua horti ornamenta dicat? Ambulationes frondibus suis opacae, areolae apto ordine collocatae suisque intervallis distinctae, florum et frugum varietas, arborum gratae umbrae et quae sunt ejusmodi vere ac pro- prie hortum commendant. Haec si absint aut certe si ita negligantur, ut inter statuas innumeras vix plantula emineat, sit licet gratum opus, sit visu jucun- dum, sit artificio admirandum, statuarium tamen opus erit, hortus nunquam, nisi plantarum, florum et arborum decus primum sibi locum vendicet. Idem de dramate sentio, ex arte musica, pictoria et saltatoria non parum ornamenti 251v capit drama, artibus nimirum mutuam sibi operam praestantibus. Si vero | illud his ita infarcias, ut haec plurimum spatii occupent, et solae aut prope solae sint, quae placeant, musicum opus erit, saltatorium aut pictorium, non drama poeticum, nisi grata elocutio et pronuntiatio, nisi inexpectati eventus, affectuum varietas et rerum et actionum dispositio maximam admirabilitatem habeat. Haec enim, nisi vehementer fallar, nativum et proprium dramatis decus sunt, haec poetae ingenium, peritiam et industriam commendant. Cetera externa sunt ornamenta, quibus, nisi sobrie illis utamur, aliae potius artes quam poesis commendantur. Hic credo vel me non monente in mentem tibi venient dramata praecipua majora, quae, si verum fateri velis, musica, choris et saltibus non tam ornan- tur, quam meris hisce ornamentis compacta sunt, quibus accedunt scenae illae ludicrae, vulgo intermedia, quae licet ad poesim pertineant, a proposito tamen argumento semper sejunctae esse solent, igitur in externis ornamentis numerandae sunt. Quae omnia si demas, quantulum erit spatium, quod ipsi operi reliquitur? Prologus cum duobus choris horam et amplius sibi vendi- cant, duo tresve saltus et totidem intermedia non minus temporis sibi postu- 252r lant, ita ut haec ornamenta sola duas aut tres horas occupent. Tum | vero hora, nec multo plus ipsi tragoediae erit reliquum. Vidi certe tragoediam 600 versuum (quibus scilicet recitandis nec hora opus est) trium horarum ornamentis instructam. Quis risum teneat? In ejusmodi opere pumilionem mihi videre videor in immensi gigantis ornatu paene sepultum, ita ut ipse ex ornamentis vix naso emineat. Nihil hic dico de chororum vitiis, quae supra expo- sui, non queror de saltuum genere materiae prorsus non conveniente, (vide- mus enim non raro Hispanos, quales nunc sunt ad Ilium, et rusticos Austricos in foro Romano saltantes), non dico intermediorum materiam et moribus et letter on tragedies 149 who would call these the proper, true and principal ornaments to a garden? The promenades with the shade of its leaves, the garden beds arranged in a suitable row, distinct from each other through their own spaces in between, the variety of flowers and fruit, the welcome shade of the trees, and other things of this kind truly and particularly make a garden agreeable. If these things would be absent, or certainly if they are neglected to such a degree that hardly a little plant stands out among the innumerous statues, it may be a welcome work, it may be pleasant to see, it may be admirable for its artfulness, but it will be a statuary, and never a garden, unless the splendour of plants, flowers and trees claims the first place for itself. The same goes for drama, I think: a play takes considerable adornment from music, visual art and dancing, since the arts help out each other: but | if you cram these things in that play in such a 251v way that they occupy the most space and are the only or nearly the only things which are pleasing, then it will be a piece of music, a ballet, or a painting, and not a poetic drama, unless pleasant elocution and pronunciation, unexpected events, a variety of emotions, and the arrangement of matters and deeds have the greatest admiration. Because these things, unless I am terribly mistaken, are the proper and natural embellishment of drama, and these things commend the talent, experience and zeal of the poet. Other external things are ornaments by which, unless we use them only in moderation, other arts than poetry are commended. I believe that here, even without my advice, some greater principal plays come to your mind, which, if you want to admit it, are not so much adorned with music, choirs and dances, but rather put together out of these mere ornaments. And to these ornaments those playful scenes are added, usually called ‘interludes’, which, even though they may concern poetry, nevertheless always tend to be separate from the proposed subject, and therefore should be counted among the external ornaments. But if you would remove all those things, how little space would there be left for the work itself? A prologue and two choirs claim an hour or more, two or three dances and the same number of interludes demand no less time, so that these ornaments alone occupy two or three hours. But then | there would be an hour, and not much more, left for the 252r tragedy itself. I have certainly seen a tragedy of 600 verses (which do not take an hour to recite), furnished with ornaments of three hours. Who could refrain from laughing? In a work of that kind I think I see a dwarf, almost buried in the immense attire of a giant, so that he himself is hardly visible with his nose from the ornaments. I do not say anything here about the faults of the choirs, which I have discussed above, I do not complain about the genre of dancing which is utterly unsuitable for the subject (because not rarely do we see Spaniards, who are now in Troy, and Austrian farmers dancing on the Roman forum), I do 150 epistola de tragaediis

terrarum et saeculorum etiam spatiis ab argumento distare. Finge haec esse ornamenta convenientia, quis autem sanus ornamenta etiam non inepta ipso corpore duplo aut triplo maiora probet? An non ipsum drama intermedium dicendum esset, cum haec potius infinitis illis ludicris per brevia solum intervalla interponantur,a illud vero praecipua spectaculi pars esse desinit, quod minime apparet, cujus minimam curam gerimus, in quo minimam laudis spem habemus repositam? Frustra periochae titulo nomen Alexandri aut Xerxis praefigimus, non enim charta illa dignitatem addit tragoediae, si in ipso theatro Alexandri aut Xerxis 252v res gestae postre-|mum locum teneant, quis illud ornamentorum chaos heroi alicujus facinoris imaginem esse credat? Si historia, quam titulus praefert, ita ad internecionem sit ornata, ut illius discerpta membra inter ornamenta vix reperias? Negari quidem non potest, quaedam horum ornamentorum (quanquam successu, et plausu ut plurimum careant) grata aliquando auditoribus accidere, sed singula solum placeant, et ita ut laus nulla in ipsam tragoediam redundet. Sint periti saltatores, musici ad miraculum cantent, sint mimi tam lepidi, ut risu paene rumpantur auditores, in his omnibus tragoediam nondum video, minus vero laudem tragoediae propriam et peculiarem. Quaeris, quam ego propriam dramatis laudem censeam? Haec est, si ea sit in opere toto affectuum varietas, ut auditorum rei taedium nunquam capiat, si spectatorem miri eventus in admirationem rapiant, si ea sit inventio, dispositio et elocutio, ut auditor rei cujusdam exitum avidissime expectet, hoc obtento mox in novam curam conjiciatur, si ita teneantur hominum animi, ut post scenae unius spatium non mimos aut cantores velint, sed vel nuntium, vel 253r personas alias audire gestiant, e quibus rei, cujus desiderio | tenentur, exitum intelligant. Si quis iam huic personae faveat, iam irascatur alteri, hujus vices doleat, de illius fortuna sibi gratuletur, hujus virtutem herois admiretur et amet, alterius perfidiam, fraudes et vitia reliqua detestetur. Verbo si in ipso dramate semper aliquid sit, quod delectet, quod moveat, quod suspendat auditoris animum, et audiendi desiderium acuat, haec et similia sunt, quibus

ainterponantur] interponatur emend. letter on tragedies 151 not say that the subject of the interludes differs from the plot both with regard to the customs and the spaces of the lands and centuries. Imagine that these ornaments are suitable, still who in a sane mind would approve ornaments, even when they are not unsuitable, which are double or triple the size of the main body itself? Should then not the play itself be called an interlude? Those interludes with all their endless futility are placed in-between in only short intervals. The play, however is no longer the most important part of the spectacle, but something which is visible the least, about which we care the least, and in which we have placed the least hope of praise. In vain we attach the name of Alexander or Xerxes to the title of the periocha. That paper does not give dignity to the tragedy, if in the theatre itself the deeds of Alexander or Xerxes hold the last | place. Who would believe that that chaos 252v of ornaments is the representation of the deed of a hero, if the story, which the title shows, is so adorned to death, that you can hardly find the dismembered body parts among the ornaments? It cannot be denied that some of these ornaments (although they mostly lack success and applause) are sometimes welcome to the audience, but each of them are only pleasant separately, and in such a way that no praise flows back to the tragedy itself. The dancers may be experienced, the musicians may sing wonderfully, the buffoons may be so witty that the audience almost bursts out in laughing, but in all these things I do not see the tragedy yet, and even less praise that is proper and natural to the tragedy.

[The Proper Use of Ornaments] You ask what I consider praise proper to a play? This is, if there is such a variety of emotions in the whole work, that the audience never becomes wearied of the matter; if wonderful events cause the spectator to be seized by admiration; if the inventio, dispositio, and elocutio are of such quality that the listener eagerly awaits the outcome of each matter, and that, when he has acquired this information, he is soon driven to a new care; if the minds of the people are held so much that after the space of one scene they do not want buffoons or singers, but eagerly desire to hear a messenger or other characters from whom | they can understand the outcome of the matter which they keenly desire to 253r know. If someone at one time favours this character, at another becomes angry with another, then he is sad about the misfortune of this, but happy about the adversity of that, he admires and loves the virtue of this hero, but detests the perfidiousness, deceit and other faults of the other. Briefly, if there is always something in the drama itself which delights, which moves, which holds the mind of the listener in suspense, and which excites the desire to hear, these and similar things are features, by which the favour of the audience should be 152 epistola de tragaediis

praecipue conciliandi forent auditores, et a quibus poeta dramaticus laudem expectet sibi convenientem. Addantur etiam (non repugno) ornamenta alia, sed ita ut ornamenti modum et rationem habeant, ut non tota operis elegantia et laudis species in iis collocetur. Etiam elegantissimae picturae margo auro vestiri solet, miserum tamen pictorem, qui, nisi tabellam suam multo auro cir- cumdet, laudatorem et emptorem non inveniat. Miseriorem poetam, qui explo- deretur, nisi musici et saltatores dramatis laudem voce et pedibus sustentarent, cum tamen haec ornamenta sobrie adhibita a dramate aliena non sint, pauca quaedam adferam, quae mihi prae reliquis hoc loco et hoc in genere prae ceteris displicuere. Quid de prologis et choris musicis, quatenus symbolici sunt, sentiam, satis dixi, sed praeterea quaedam hic reperio, non omnino praetermittenda. Ornan- 253v di dramatis causa fieri choros asserunt poetae, et recte, | qua enim alia causa fierent? Sed quam res ipsa cum verbis consentiat, videamus. Ut exigua est in ceteris personis instituendis cura, hic nulla est in musicis, quibus gestus nullus, nullus aut oculorum, aut capitis, aut totius denique corporis motus idoneus. Imo ne stare quidem in theatro norunt, praeprimis musici. Et tales personas, tamque rudes, quas vel aspicere cultiorem hominem taedeat, elegantiam addere dramati credam? Vestes quod attinet, ultimae detritae potissimum et, in quibus honestiorem personam aliam conspici puderet, musicis obtingunt. Personarum delectus isthic prorsus exiguus est. Vidi aliquando Aria- dnem, quae cum primum in scenam prodiret, claris cachinis excepta est, eo quod in musico licet recens tonso nigra barba tam manifesta fuerit, ut Mar- tem voce et veste feminam mentiri velle crederes. Nos quidem usu quotti- diano ita occaluimus ad ista, ut quam absurda sint, non sentiamus. Sed finge hominem maturo judicio nullis praejudiciis occupatum hodie primum haec videre, atque ita ex te quaerere: Quid sibi vult ille Jupiter in obsoleta veste, detrito paludamento et cothurnis pulvere liberaliter obsitis? Quid Mercurius, cui vestis aequo brevior squallida femoralia non satis obtegit? Quid imo Juno letter on tragedies 153 procured especially, and from which the dramatic poet should expect praise which is suitable for him. Other ornaments may also be added (I do not object against them), but in such a way that they have the manner and reason of an ornament, so that the whole elegance of the work and splendour of praise is not located in them. It is also customary to frame a very elegant picture in a golden frame, but a painter is bad, when he does not find someone who praises and buys his work, unless he surrounds his tableau with a lot of gold. Worse is the poet who would be hooted off, if the musicians and dancers did not maintain the praise for the play with their voice and feet. Although these ornaments, when applied in moderation, are not foreign to the play, I will bring forward a few things which displeased me in this place, and in this genre above all other things.

[Choirs as Ornaments]57 I have said enough about what I think about prologues and musical choirs, as far as they are symbolic, but beyond this I found some things here which should not be omitted completely. Poets assert that they use choirs for the sake of embellishing their play, and rightly so, | because for what other reason would 253v they be used? But let us see how the matter itself compares to these words. As little effort is put in instructing the other characters, there is none put here in instructing the musicians, who have no suitable gesture, no suitable movement of the eyes, head or the whole body. No, the musicians do not even know how to stand in the theatre! And am I to believe that such persons, so uneducated, of whom even the sight would weary a more cultivated man, add elegance to a play? Regarding their clothes, mostly the oldest, worn out clothes, in which another person would be ashamed to be seen, fall to the lot of the musicians. There is very little delight in the characters here. I once saw an Ariadne, who when she first entered the stage, was received with clear laughing, because on the face of the musician, even though he was recently shaven, a black beard was so apparent that you would believe that he wanted to pretend to be Mars with his voice and a woman with his clothes. Indeed, by daily use we become so accustomed to those things that we do not notice how absurd they are. But imagine that a man not seized by any prejudices with a mature judgement sees these things for the first time today, and asks you the following: What does that Jupiter want to achieve in old clothes, a worn out cloak, and with high shoes covered in dust? What does that Mercury want to achieve, whose clothes are shorter than appropriate and do not sufficiently cover his dirty thighs? Really, what does that Juno want to achieve, whom, if I did not see a

57 See my introduction to this work. 154 epistola de tragaediis

254r illa, cujus nisi pavonem juxta pictum viderem, ne sexum quidem | distinguerem satis quaeque etiamnum luti notas non mediocres in calceis circumfert? Quid Cupido ille grandiusculus gressu subrustico capillis non adeo studiose comptis, qualis Didoni unquam negotium facesseret? Si, inquam, aliquis ex te quaereret, quid haec deorum turba sibi velit, tu responderes, deos hos ornando dramati servire, an non metueres, ne risu rumpatur ille, si deorum mendicabula, quae ad corrogandam stipem de caelo venisse crediderat, tu ad ornatum et splendorem dramatis adesse diceres. Sed, inquies, idoneis vestibus parandis sumptus desunt, hic te per Jovem, Junonem et omnia ornamenta comica rogo, num si atrium videres caeno et luto omni ex parte illitum, pictor vero se colorum penuria ad id picturae genus adactum diceret, non rideres hominem, qui parietes hunc in modum ornatos malit quam nudos relinquere? Et non mirabimur poetas, qui opera sua absurdo ornatu contaminare malunt quam ab eodem abstinere. Si minus rerum multi- tudini quam concinnitati studeremus, exigua saepe res, apta tamen et rite exhibita plus operi leporis adderet, quam quidquid choragi isti ultra vires moliun- tur. Ne me hic censeas regium apparatum aut nescio quid magnifici exigere, sed decenter concinne haec fieri vellem atque ita ut, quae ornamenta dicimus, 254v ornamenta videri possint, aut, si id quamcunque ob | causam fieri nequeat, supersedeamus et illis contenti simus, quae ingenio grata inventione non aere paranda sunt. Atque id eo maiori cum laude fiet, quod cum fine magis congruat, ob quem dramata apud nos instituta fuisse puto. Inter ornamenta non postremum locum obtinent machinae. Hoc nomine venit theatrum ipsum, tum alia, quae in theatro oculorum causa adhibentur, ut sunt tempestates, fulmina, naufragia, solis, et stellarum ortus, raptus, quos letter on tragedies 155 peacock represented next to her, I would not even | recognise sufficiently as a 254r woman, and who still carries around clear marks of dirt on her shoes? What does that Cupid want, pretty well grown up, with clownish step, the hair not nearly combed with the same care as the Cupid who ever caused those pains for Dido? If, I ask, someone asked you what this crowd of gods want to achieve, and you would answer that these gods serve as a decoration for the drama, would you not fear that he would burst out laughing, if you told him that those beggars of gods, whom he had believed had come from heaven to collect alms, were present for the embellishment and splendour of the play? But, you say, the means to acquire suitable clothes are lacking. Here I ask you by Jupiter, Juno and all the other comic ornaments, if you would see an atrium besmeared all over with dirt and filth, but the painter would say that he had been driven to such a kind of picture by lack of colours, would you not laugh at the man who prefers walls embellished in this way over bare walls? And should we not admire poets who rather contaminate their works with their absurd embellishment, than refrain from this? If we applied ourselves less to a multitude of matters than to neatness of style, then often something small, but suitable and properly shown, would add more wittiness to the work than whatever those choir leaders attempt outside of their ability. You should not think that I demand royal splendour or something else magnificent, but I would like these things to be made properly and elegantly, and in such a way that the things which we call ornaments can be seen as ornaments, or if for whatever | reason this cannot be done, then we should 254v refrain from them, and we should be content with those things, which can be acquired by talent, thanks to the faculty of invention, and not with money.58 And it will then be done with greater praise, because it agrees more with the purpose for which, I think, plays have been made a practice with us.

[Machines] Among the ornaments machines do not take the last place. Under this name comes the stage itself, then other things, which are applied in the theatre for the sake of the eyes, as are storms, lightning, shipwrecks, the rise of the sun and

58 The same opinion is expressed by Lang in his Diss. de act. scen., p. 100: “Sumptuosiora spectacula permittenda sunt theatris principum, quibus ad talia suppetunt opes, et artici- ficium ingenia. Cum his non certet scholarum nostrarum egestas. Suppleat ars et actio, quod apparatui deest.” (One should leave more lavish spectacles to the royal theatres, which have the resources and talent of artists to their disposal. The poverty of our schools cannot compete with these. Art and acting should supply, what is lacking from the equipment.) 156 epistola de tragaediis

vocant, seu volatus, seu avium ille sit, seu angelorum, seu deorum etcetera, incendia, et quaecumque demum rotarum, funium, et machinarum ope et auxilio fiunt. De his ut recte judices, considerandum eas non aliud esse quam vivas (ut ita dicam) rerum imagines, dico autem vivas imagines, eo quod non ut aliae unum tantum situm, sed motus etiam ipsos exprimant. Ex quo patet totam isthic laudem non in rei difficultate et machinae artificio, sed in imitatione con- sistere. Sic nihili facimus tabellas, etiam summo labore pictas, nisi spectantium oculis referant illud, cujus sunt imago. Fateor nullum ornamentum externum magnificentiorem esse ejusmodi machinis, admirationem enim pariunt et sane 255r quis non admiretur, | si videat humanam artem, et industriam ad naturam rerum omnium effectricem tam prope accedere? Sed quam magnifica haec est naturae aemulatio, si recte fiat, tam ridicula, inanis contemptaque videtur, si similitudine omni careat, quam cum natura habere deberet. Vidi aliquando puer solem in theatro orientem, sed tam graphice expressum, ut paene assi- denti nunquam non persuaserim, globo illo vitreo solem exhiberi. Quaeris, qua ratione sol exprimendus foret? Nescio. Hoc unum scio, oriente sole astra cedere, rubescere caelum, sensim velut auro pingi montium et arborum cacu- mina, ramos inter et virgulta interlucere radios eosque per obstantes nubes linearum instar rectis tractibus caelo diffundi, omnia velut novum colorem et faciem induere, denique oculis nostris paene renovari naturam, et nisi quiddam ejusmodi videro, scio globum illum quacumque arte in auras provectum solis imaginem non esse, sed nugatorium quiddam, cui hac epigraphe opus sit ‘Sol oriens’. Vidi collabentia in theatris aedificia, sed non labentes columnae in diversa inclinabant, non saxa suo loco amota volutabantur, sed tela ruptis, e quibus pendebat, funiculis in rugas considit, o vivam ruinarum imaginem! 255v Vidi raptus, in quibus Jupiter aquila (ut | quidem suspicabar) e caelo advec- tus in medio aere substitit, ibi horae dimidio aut canebat ipse, aut aliis canen- tibus aurem praebuit. Mirabar autem maxime, quod aquila sine omni ala- rum motu advolaverit, tum quod in libero aere, tanquam in rupe consedisset, letter on tragedies 157 stars, the hurrying away, as they call it, or flight, whether it may be of birds, or of angels or gods etcetera, fires and finally whatever things that are done with the support and help of wheels, ropes and machines. To judge rightly about these things, you should consider these things, that they are nothing but living images (to say it like that) of matters, I say living images, because they do not, like other images, express only one situation, but also the movements themselves. And from this it is clear, that the whole praise here exists not in the difficulty of the matter and the craftiness of the machine, but in the imitation. Similarly we do not attach any value to pictures, even when they are depicted with the greatest effort, if they do not point the eyes of the spectators to that, of which they are the image. I admit that no external ornament is more magnificent than machines of this kind, because they bring forth admiration, and, indeed, who would not feel admiration, | if he sees 255r human art and industriousness approach nature, the cause of everything, so closely? But as magnificent as this emulation of nature is when it is done rightly, so ridiculous, empty, and despicable it seems when it lacks any similarity, which it should have with nature. As a boy, I once saw the sun rising in the theatre, but it was so graphically represented, that I could almost always persuade the person sitting next to me that the sun was represented by that glass ball. You ask, in which way the sun has to be represented? I do not know, I only know this, that the stars withdraw when the sun comes up, that the sky becomes red, that the tops of mountains and trees are slowly coloured as if by gold, that the rays shine between the branches and bushes, and that they are spread from heaven through opposing clouds like lines in straight tracks, and that everything, as it were, assumes a new colour and appearance, and finally that nature is almost renewed before our eyes, and if I do not see anything of this kind, I know that that ball which in whatever way rises to the sky is not an image of the sun, but something worthless, which needs the epigraph ‘rising sun’. I have seen buildings collapsing in the theatre, but the columns were not sliding and turning in different directions, the rocks, removed from their place, were not flying, but a web sank into creases because the ropes, from which it was hanging, had been broken. O what a lifelike image of collapse! I have seen abductions, in which Jupiter as eagle (as I suspected), approach- ing from the sky, was standing still in the middle of the sky, and for half an hour either sang there, or lent his ears to others who were singing.59 But I was the most surprised, that the eagle came flying in without any movement of his wings, and that he then stood still in the free air, as if he had sat down on a

59 This is a reference to the abduction of Ganymedes by Zeus from Mount Ida to Mount Olympus. Zeus either sent an eagle or turned himself into an eagle for this abduction. 158 epistola de tragaediis

immota substiterit. Paene pendebat Mercurius eo prorsus habitu, ut credidis- sem, eum furta sua merito supplicio luere, nisi fauces adstrictas non fuisse cantantis vox et moduli docuissent. Si spirales illos motus, quos admirantur quidam, atque alios, quibus ex imo theatro personae per aera ad auditores usque devehantur, considerem, ut forte industriae laudem mereri hi motus possint, sub ratione tamen grati spectaculi volatus naturam exprimentis, veniam mihi quisque dabit, si nunquam laudavero, donec res aliquam saltem veri volatus speciem prae se ferat, dum manifestos funes videro, nec motus membrorum volatui convenientes animadvertero, personas e funibus pendulas esse dicam, non vero naturae, quam isthic quaerimus, imaginem. Incendia quoque exhiberi solent et possunt, sed nostri nimia hic similitudine excedunt. Ipse enim in theatro flammas vidi, quas innocuas dicebant, dum innocuae hae flammae non vicinas solum chartas et ligna, sed Phaetonteum prorsus incendium imitatae jam nubes corripuerunt. Auditores vero fugam per- 256r |territi circumspiciebant, donec artificiosum incendium non ad speciem, sed serio multa aqua restingueretur. In raptibus pericula saepe non exigua subi- verunt personae. In hac flammarum imitatione res intra periculum raro stetit. In quot nostrorum tragoediis tragici nihil fuit praeter infelicem incendiorum imitationem? Scio has aliasque machinas in aliis, maxime principum theatris feliciter juxta ac eleganter exhibitas, sed meminerimus, saepe vel unam machinam mille et ampliis florenis stetisse, ibi hominibus ea committi, qui omnem vitam in his inveniendis et exhibendis exigunt, quantus usus et experientia, ut sumptus taceam, a nostris exigi nequaquam potest. Ergo venia danda, inquies, si res male cesserit. Imo nulla, quod ultra vires nostras aggrediamur ista et ridendi sumus, qui malumus multa et magna male quam pauca et exigua bene exhibere. Legi praeterea praecepta quaedam dramatica, ubi pugnae et oppugnationes in praecipuis ornamentis numerantur. Quod mihi omnino limitandum videtur, si nempe amplitudo theatri tanta sit, ut paulo majorem militum numerum letter on tragedies 159 rock. Mercury was hanging almost completely still in the air in such a condition that I would have believed that he atoned for his tricks with deserved punishment, if the voice of a singer and the music had not taught that his throat was not bound. If I were to see those spiral movements, which some admire, and other movements by which persons descend from the innermost theatre through the sky down to the audience,60 I would consider that they can perhaps deserve praise for industriousness, but for the reason of a welcome spectacle imitating the nature of a flight, anyone should forgive me, if I will never give praise, until the matter at least shows some semblance of a true flight. When I see clear ropes, and no movement of limbs that are suitable to a flight, I will say that they are persons hanging from ropes, but not the image of nature, which we seek here. Fires are also usually shown, and they can be shown, but our writers apply an excessive realism here. Because I have seen flames in a theatre, which they said were innocent, although these innocent flames destroyed not only the nearby papers and wood, but the stage clouds caught an outright Phaetontic fire. The audience, terrified, | wanted to flee, until the artificial fire was extinguished 256r with a lot of water, not as a pretence, but seriously. In abductions the characters have often taken considerable risks, and in this imitation of flames the situation was rarely less than dangerous. In how many tragedies of our writers was there nothing tragic except the unfortunate imitation of fires? I know that these and other machines are shown both happily and elegantly in other theatres, mostly in those of princes, but we should remember that often only one machine has cost more than a thousand florins, and that there these things are entrusted to people who devote all their lives to inventing and showing them, and such custom and experience, not to mention the costs, cannot be demanded from our playwrights at all. So it should be forgiven, if a matter proceeds badly, you say. No, it should not, because we aim at things that are beyond our power, and we should be laughed at, if we prefer showing many great things badly to showing few and small things well.

[Battles and Assaults] Furthermore, I read certain dramatic rules, in which battles and assaults are numbered among the principal ornaments. It seems to me that this type of ornament should be generally limited. For if the size of the theatre is such that

60 The same opinion was already expressed in Masen, Palaestra Eloquentiae Ligatae, 3 (1664), p. 129 and Lang, Diss. de act. scen., p. 100. Cf. Weybora, ‘Die Epistula de tragoediis von Andreas Friz’, pp. 87–88. 160 epistola de tragaediis

capiat, ut aliqua saltem multitudinis species explicatis ordinibus videri possit, non repugno. Si pro duobus exercitibus sex utrinque juvenes gladios aut scuta quatiunt, rem risu dignam censeo, non laude. Urbium vero oppugnationes 256v | altitudinem theatri non exiguam requirunt, aut enim muri portaeque erunt admodum humiles aut qui e moenibus hostem arcent, urbes subibunt vertice, quod utrumque ridiculum est. Cum hic exercituum mentio inciderit, subit mirari, cur nostri, dum aciem utrinque instruunt, in ultimo theatro procerae staturae milites collocent ordine spectatorem versus decrescente. Contrarium perspectiva suadet. Expecto, ut etiam mutato ordine minores machinas et scenas primo loco, maximas vero postremas collocent. Ad machinas revocari possunt supplicia, ut si membra, aut caput personae resecandum sit, quae si oculos auditorum non fallant, nec vera supplicia imitentur, inepta sunt, praesertim cum ipsi veteres, quanquam militari magis essent ingenio, caedes, quae plus immanitatis habent,a e theatro proscripserint. “Non natos coram populo Medea trucidet.” Hor. de arte poet. Quanquam nostris theatris nihil a nimia suppliciorum immanitate metuam, spectantur quidem in his non raro capitis supplicia, quibus tamen injurius essem, si crudelia nimis dicerem, mendacii enim ab ipsis spectatoribus arguerer, qui vix viso carnifice in cachinos erumpunt potissimum nec ridere desinunt, antequam reorum capita resecta fuerint. 257r Non postremum inter ornamenta dramatica apud | nos locum obtinent intermedia, quo nomine ludicras quasdam scenas vocant, nihil cum proposita materia conjunctas, minus vero ad principem totius operis actionem et affectum utiles, quod tamen actionis unitas requirit, ut jam dictum est. Histrionibus ista concedi possunt, quibus, ne esuriant, plebeculae favor nugis captandus, nobis e contra artem negligere nefas, censeo enim opera nostra testimonio esse debere, num artes calleamus, quas profitemur.

aplus immanitatis habent] plus inanitatis habent letter on tragedies 161 it can contain a slightly greater number of soldiers, in order that at least the semblance of a multitude can be seen through showing rows, I do not object. But if instead of two armies, six young men on both sides wield swords and shields, I believe the situation is worthy of laughter, not praise. Indeed assaults of cities | require a considerable height of the theatre, because either the walls 256v and gates are very low, or those who fight the enemy from the walls, will reach up to the cities with their head. Both is ridiculous. Because armies were mentioned here, I wonder why our writers, when they draw up two lines of battle, place in the back end of the stage soldiers of tall stature, while the line is shrinking towards the spectators. Perspective advises the opposite. I expect that they place, also in reverse order, the smaller machines and stages in first position, but the greatest the furthest.

Punishments Punishments can be counted among machines, for example, when the limbs or head of a character should be cut off. If these punishments do not deceive the eyes of the audience and do not imitate true punishments, they are pointless, especially since the ancients themselves, although they were more military- minded than we are, banned killings, which were too frightful, from the theatre. “Medea should not kill her sons in front of the audience.” Horace, Ars poetica.61 Although I would not have any fear of excessive frightfulness of sacrifices in our theatres (indeed death penalties can often be seen in them), it would be unfair, if I called them cruel. I would be accused of lying by the spectators themselves, who burst out in laughing as soon as they have seen the executioner, and who do not stop laughing until the heads of the criminals are cut off.

Farcical Interludes Among our dramatic ornaments | not the last place is taken by interludes, 257r by which name some farcical scenes are called which are not linked to the presented subject material, and which are even less useful for the principal action and emotion of the whole work, [something] which the unity of action requires, as is said already. Those things can be allowed to comedians, who have to carry favour with the mob with trifles so they do not starve. We, by contrast, must not ignore the art, because I think that our works should serve as a proof, that we know the arts, which we profess.

61 Cf. Horace, Ars Poetica, 164–193. 162 epistola de tragaediis

Non tamen, dum has scenas ludicras damno, omne ludicrum rejicio, poesis enim omnium auribus servire consuevit. Ut pro spectatoribus seriis et gravi- bus tragoedia, ita pro plebe, quae ob humilitatem animi magnificis sententiis et nobilissimis affectibus delectari non potest. Comoedia inventa est, non minus legibus suis adstricta quam ipsa tragoedia. Habet id praeterea comoedia, quod sicut rudibus argumenti ipsius levitate, sic doctis quoque acumine, arte, ingenio placere possit. Sed, dum seria ludicris misceri video, dum in tragoedia personae ridiculae prodeunt, videor mihi heroem, militem aut virum gravissimum intueri crepundiis exornatum. Quid plura? Universim ornamenta non damno. Quin arti, quam tracto, ad- 257v versarer, si dramata tam incompta suaderem, ut nihil ad voluptatem | auditorum faciant, sed veris ac propriis ornamentis praecipue id effici mallem, tum exterisa etiam, sed decore, cum judicio et salva arte adhibitis. Verbo tale magistri cujusvis drama esse oporteret, (quod alte omnium mentibus impres- sum esse cuperem), tale inquam magistri drama esse oportet, ut ex ipso opere authoris in hoc genere doctrina, ingenium, judicium et industria effulgeat. Ini- micus sit Societatis existimationi, qui hoc non requirat, qui quidvis horum negligi posse censeat. Doctrina autem apparebit in artis et praeceptorum usu. Ingenium ex grata et audientibus jucunda inventione, dispositione et elocutione. Judicium ex personae cujusvis charactere recte expresso, juvenum delectu, ex ornamentis moderate et decore cum discrimine adhibitis. Demum industria e puerorum institutione patebit, quidquam mihi a quopiam adferri cuperem, quod his demptis magnae, ut deceret, Societatis commendationi servire possit. Achillem non ignoro, quem arti et praeceptis omnibus objiciunt plurimi: rudes, inquiunt, imo feminae ad spectandas comoedias admittuntur, quae

aexteris] exterius emend. letter on tragedies 163

[Ornamentation in General] However, while I condemn these farcical scenes, I do not reject every type of entertainment, because poetry is known to serve the ears of all. As the tragedy was invented for serious and eminent spectators, so comedy was invented for the common people, who on account of littleness of mind cannot be delighted by magnificent sententiae and the noblest emotions. Comedy, however, is no less bound by rules as tragedy itself. Furthermore, comedy has something that can please both the uneducated with the lightness of the subject matter itself and the learned with its wit, art and ingeniousness. But when I see serious matters being mixed with playful elements, when funny characters appear in a tragedy, I think that I see a hero, soldier, or most serious man adorned with children’s rattles. What more should I say? I do not condemn ornaments in general. Indeed, I would rather be opposing the art which I discuss, if I recommend plays so inelegant that they contribute nothing to the pleasure | of the audience. How- 257v ever, I would prefer that it is brought about especially with true and suitable ornaments, both with external ones, and also with elegance, and applied with judgement and sound art. Briefly, it would be fitting for a drama of any teacher to be such—(and I would like this to be deeply fixed in the minds of all),—and it is fitting for a drama of a teacher to be such, I say, that from the work itself the learnedness, ingeniousness, judgement and industriousness of the author in this genre shine forth. Anyone who does not require this, and who thinks that any of these things can be neglected should be an enemy to the judgement of the Society. But instruction will appear in the practice of art and rules. Ingeniousness appears from the inventio, dispositio, and elocutio, welcome and pleasant for the listeners. Judgement appears from the correct portrayal of the character of any person, the choice from the young men, and the ornaments, moderately and elegantly used with careful discernment. Finally, industriousness will be clear from the education of the boys. I would like to see anything from anyone which, without these things, could serve the commendation of the Society (as would be appropriate).

[Women and Uneducated People in the Audience]62 I do not disregard the Achilles’ heel, which very many set against art and all the rules: the uneducated, they say, even women are allowed to see comedies,

62 On the concessions of playwrights to an uneducated audience, compare Lang, Diss. de act. scen., pp. 78–79. Cf. also Barbara Bauer, ‘Multimediales Theater: Ansätze zu einer Poetik der Synästhesie bei den Jesuiten’, in: Heinrich F. Plett (ed.), Renaissance- 164 epistola de tragaediis

utpote latini sermonis ignarae, nisi saltus, nisi cantiones frequentiores sint, quam leges dramaticae ferant, nisi adiophora quaedam ad movendum risum 258r per intervalla inspergantur, nihil voluptatis habebunt. | Respondeo his primo: admittuntur feminae, sed quis venire jubet aut cogit? Praeterea scire cuperem, quis istis persuaserit, Iesuitas exhilarandis rudibus, linguae latinae ignaris, imo et feminis dramata producere. Quin feminas, quoad sine offensione licet, arcere jubemur a moderatoribus, nos e contra omnem operam adhibendam censemus, ut alliciantur, ut libentius intersint. Exercita- tiones hae sunt scholasticae, academicae, doctrinae ingenii et artis specimina, quarum usu artes apud nos incrementa sumant, unde discere volentes exemplum capiunt, eruditi vero de doctrina nostra conjecturam faciant et in his ab arte quidquam recedendum existimemus? Haec ita paranda esse dicamus, ut mulierculae quidem plaudant, eruditi vero, num praecepta illius, quam trac- tamus, artis unquam legerimus, merito dubitare possint, ut oblectentur illae, hi solida voluptate, quam percipere possent, omnino priventur? Dicant, ubi ars, ubi praecepta locum sint habitura, si non in operibus scholasticis? Hos ego magnopere rogatos cuperem, ut academiarum dignitatem et Societatis com- mendationem sutorum et muliercularum voluptate potiorem habeant. Etiam ad disputationes philosophicas saepe linguae latinae, magis vero sublimiarum scientiarum imperitos honoris gratia invitamus, cum taedio illos certe ibidem assidere necesse est, quid si suaderem, ut horum taedii levandi causa post 258v singu-|los aut certe post ternos syllogismos saltum aliquem, aut mimos pro- ducant philosophi? Quod si haec consilium non probatur, miror, humaniorum litterarum professores tam artis suae inimicos esse, ut rudium causa leges suas susdeque habeant et artis suae imperiti a doctis haberi velint, modo rudibus non displiceant.

Poetik/Renaissance Poetics (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1994), pp. 197–238, p. 233; Frank Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit: Katholisches Schultheater in Jülich-Berg, Ravenstein und Aachen (1601–1817) (Münster: Rhema, 2010), pp. 493–494. On the ambivalent attitude towards audience of women in the Jesuit theatre, cf. Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit, pp. 496–498. Although women were not considered as appropriate guests, they were often allowed to attend and sometimes also taken into account when writing a play. For example, Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit, p. 497 mentions a play by Paul Aler, Ursula (1710), which the author wrote in German in order to achieve the desired effect on women in the audience. On the other hand Aler forbade women to attend the plays from the lower classes and since 1714, the provincial of the Niederrhein province insisted on this with the prefects of other gymnasia in the area. In 1741 however, women seem to have gained access to the auditorium ‘by force’ in Eichstätt. Cf. Pohle, Glaube und Beredsamkeit, p. 497. letter on tragedies 165 and since they are ignorant of the Latin language, they would not experience any pleasure from the play, unless dances and songs are more frequent than the laws of the theatre allow, and unless some things which are not strictly forbidden or permitted, intended to excite laughter, are periodically sprinkled over the play. | 258r I first reply to these people: women are admitted, but who orders, or forces them to come? Furthermore, I would like to know, who convinced them that the Jesuits bring plays onto the stage in order to delight the uneducated, the ignorant of the Latin language, and indeed women. No, we are ordered by the authorities to prevent women from attending, as much as this is possible without offense. We, on the contrary, think that every effort should be applied, in order that they are attracted, that they are present more gladly. These are scholastic and academic exercises, examples of doctrine, talent, and art, by the use of which the arts are promoted among us, from where those who want to learn take an example, and from which the learned may make a conjec- ture about our doctrine. Should we think that in them something should be removed from art? Should we say that these plays should be made in such a way, that the little women63 applaud, but that the learned men can doubt if we have ever read the rules of that art, which we treat, and in such a way that the former are delighted, but the latter are deprived of real pleasure completely, which they can perceive? They may say, where is the art, where will the rules have a place, if not in school works? I would like those people them to be asked vehemently, that they put the dignity of the academies and the recommenda- tion of the Society above the pleasure of cobblers and little women. We also, for the sake of dignity, often invite those ignorant of the Latin language, but even more ignorant of the higher sciences, to philosophical disputations, although it is inevitable that they sit there certainly with weariness. But what [would you say] if I advised that the philosophers, in order to alleviate their weariness, presented after each | syllogism, or certainly after three syllogisms, at least a dance 258v or buffoons? And if this advice is not approved, I am surprised that the profes- sors of fine literature (humaniores litterae) are such enemies of their art that they do not heed their laws for the sake of the uneducated, and that they want to be considered unskilled in their own art by the learned, so that they do not displease the uneducated.

63 The diminutive muliercula is surely derogatory and connotes an uneducated woman. 166 epistola de tragaediis

Non cujusvis de plebe causa id facere contendunt aliqui, sed quod juvenum propinquos et parentes quantumvis rudes interesse deceat, his tribuendum esse aliquid. Si idcirco ut musica, saltu aut mimis recreentur, dramati intersunt, non majorem rationem parentum habendam esse video, quam alienissimo- rum, alibi haec quaerant. Histriones populo recreando nati sunt. Si filiorum causa veniunt, atque ut videant, quam hic filii in dicendi arte et pronunciatione instituantur, finem suum obtinebunt facilius, si magister praecipuam operam in hac parte collocaverit. Credo, majorem voluptatem persentissent, si pueros omnem affectum expri- mentes, omnia rite pronunciantes, quam si innumera ornamenta cum nullo filiorum suorum commodo conjuncta viderint. Accedunt laudes, quas filiis suis tribui ab intelligentibus audiunt, quaeque parentibus certo gratissimae et jucundissimae accidunt, a musica tamen, saltibus et pictura non expectandae. Major est amor parentum in filios, quam ut non filiorum commoda, eorum- 259r que laudes omnibus aliis ornamentis | praeferant, maxime eo in loco, in quo sive majorum nostrorum mentem, sive rationem ipsam et prudentum judicia spectemus. Nihil aliud a nobis exigi potest, quam ars in magistro, pronuntiationis exercitatio in juvenibus, quae si inepta sint, nihil aliud omnibus, quae dramati adiungi possunt, ornamentis praestabit magister, quam archistrategus, qui exercitum non rerum militarium usu, non armis instructum, sed pictis ad omnem elegantiam vestibus indutum ad ostentandam virtutem militarem in campum educeret. Feminis et rudibus quibusdam credo et talis praeplaceret exercitus. Quin ne me nimis severum dicas, etiam minus doctis placere studeamus, modo linguam latinam calleanta (nam exercitatione latina et scholastica alios oblectare velle tam ridiculum est quam Germanice ad Indos dicere). “Qui id fieri potest,” clamabit aliquis, “salvis legibus dramaticis? quid proderit ars ad oblectandos illos, quorum plurimi licet linguae latinae periti, artis tamen hujus praecepta ignorant?” Hos, qui ista oggerunt, aut vehementer malitiosos, aut in rebus humanioribus valde peregrinos esse oportet. Num scire tibi videntur isti, quid ars sit dramatica? Num eos vel audivisse unquam putes, artem hanc aliud non esse, quam observationes et collectionem earum rerum, quae in 259v hoc dicendi genere maxime oblectare auditorem possent? | Parum litteras humaniores novit, qui praeceptorum usum non nisi apud doctos vim suam habere existimet. In oratione argumenta ad omnes rhetoricae leges ordine

acalleant] caleant emend. letter on tragedies 167

Some argue that they do not do this for the sake of anyone from the common people, but because it would be suitable that the relatives and parents of the young men are present, and that something should be given to them. If they are attending a play in order to be entertained by music, dance, or buffoons, I do not see that the consideration for the parents should be greater than of complete strangers, and they should seek these things elsewhere. Comedians are born to entertain the people. If they come on account of their sons, and in order to see how their sons are educated here in the art of speaking and pronunciation, they should achieve their goal more easily, if the teacher invests considerable effort in this part. I believe that they would have deeply felt a greater pleasure, if they saw their boys expressing every emotion and pronouncing all the words properly, than if they saw numerous ornaments linked to no advantage for their sons. Add to this with the praise which they hear being given to their sons by intelligent people, and which is certainly most welcome and most pleasant to the parents, but this should not be expected from music, dancing and painting. The love of parents for their sons is greater than for them not to prefer their sons’ benefit and their praise over other ornaments, | especially there, where we see the mind of our 259r ancestors, or reason itself, and the judgements of wise men. Nothing else can be demanded from us, than the art in a master, the exercise of pronunciation in young men, and if these things are unsuitable, the master will achieve nothing else with all the ornaments, which can be added to a play, than a general who leads to the battle field an army that is not instructed in the customs of military matters, and not equipped with weapons, but dressed most elegantly in colourful clothes in order to show military virtue. I believe such an army, too, would please women and some uneducated people very much. But, in order that you do not say that I am too severe, we should apply ourselves to pleasing also the less learned, provided that they know the Latin language (for it is as ridiculous to delight others through a Latin school exercise, as it is to speak German to Indians). Someone will cry: “How can this be brought about without harming the laws of drama? What use will the art have for the entertainment of those, of whom the most may be skilled in the Latin language, but are ignorant of the rules of this art?” These people, who bring up those questions, have to be either extremely malicious, or very unacquainted with the humanities. Do those people seem to you to know, what the art of drama is? Do you think that they have ever heard that this art is nothing other than observations and a collection of those matters which in this way of speaking could delight the listener the most? | He does not know the fine literature, 259v who thinks that the use of rules only has its effect among the learned. In a speech the arguments, arranged according to all the rules of rhetoric, powerful 168 epistola de tragaediis

suo collocata, figurae et amplificationes vehementes rite adhibitae auditores etiam illos movent, qui nec nomen figurae noverunt. Doctus orator nihil in auditore poscit, quam suam mentem et linguae, qua ipse dicturus est, peritiam. Poeta elegans delectat auditorem, vel lectorem, etsi poema construere ipse nesciat, sic placebit drama ad leges factum, etsi nec protasim, nec epi- tasim nominari unquam spectator audiverit, qui haec ignorant, utinam artis dramaticae leges non ex quavis charta, sed optimis praeceptoribus, usum vero praeceptorum non ex una, vel altera, ut fit, Avancini tragoedia, sed ex optimis authoribus condiscerent, aut si id nolint, desinerent saltem juvenes nostros et magistros a munere,a quod illis injunctum est, avertere, atque ad inanissima cum optimarum litterarum et sani sensus et existimationis nostrae jactura pertrahere. Cumque id satis intelligere ipsi nolint, nec forsan possint, interea saltem crederent, drama ad leges fieri nihil aliud esse, quam ea in theatro exhibere, quae doctorum judicio hominibus in dramate placere solent. Dico quae in dramate, non quae extra drama, quidquid enim a dramate alienum, nec cum illo 260r connexum est, drama tuum dici non potest. Si in Socratis | verbi gratia morte invicta philosophi constantia et minis, et illecebris frangi nescia auditoribus placuit, tum drama tuum placuisse dicito. Sin vero in eodem opere saltus pasto- rum aut pigmaeorum, vel dialogus rustici cum uxore altercantis plausum tulit, cave tragoediam placuisse dicas, sed saltus et dialogum illum ludicrum, tam parum enim ad mortem Socratis pertinet, quam ad scientiam mediam aut infi- nitum categorematicum! At dices: rebus his ut ut a themate alienissimis assueti jam sunt auditores. Respondeo: assueti sunt, quia potissimum vident. Videant aliquando rem connexam cum idonea affectuum vi et varietate conjunctam apposite a juvenibus pronuntiatam etcetera certe placebit. Nec exempla desunt, in quibus

amagistros a munere] magistros non a munere emend. letter on tragedies 169 figures and amplifications, applied rightly, move also those listeners who do not know the word “figure”. A learned speaker does not demand anything in the listener, except for his attention and knowledge of the language, in which he will speak. An elegant poet delights a listener or reader although that person does not know how to compose a poem himself, and the same way a drama made according to the rules will be pleasing, although the spectator has never heard of the names protasis or epitasis. I wish that those who do not know these things learned the laws of the art of drama not from my leaf of paper, but from the best teachers, and that they learned the custom of the teachers not from one or another tragedy of Avancini, as is commonly the case, but from the best authors, or if they refuse this, that they would at least stop turning our young men and masters away from a duty which is imposed to them, and [that they would stop] drawing them to the most empty things at the expense of the best literature, a sound mind, and our reputation. And since they themselves refuse and perhaps are not able to understand this, I wish that they would at least believe that making a drama according to the rules is nothing else than showing those things in the theatre which are usually pleasing to people in a drama in the opinion of the learned. I say the things in a drama, not those outside a drama, because whatever is not fitting for drama and whatever is not linked to it, cannot be called your drama. If, for example, in the death of Socrates | the unconquerable constancy of the philosopher, impossible to break 260r with threats and enticements, pleases the audience, then say that your drama pleased them. But if in the same work the dance of shepherds or pygmees, or the dialogue of a farmer quarrelling with his wife received applause, then take care not to say that your tragedy pleased them, but the dance and that farcical dialogue, because it concerns the death of Socrates as little as it concerns middle knowledge or the categorematic infinite!64 But you will say: the spectators are already used to these ornaments, which are in whatever manner very inconsistent with the theme. I answer: they are used to it, because that is what they are most likely to see. It would certainly be pleasing to them if they sometime saw a connected subject, linked together with a suitable power of effects and variety, correctly pronounced by the young men, etcetera. And there are examples, in which sometimes comedies of

64 These are philosophical concepts. Middle knowledge is a term of the Molinist doctrine of the three types of knowledge of God. Middle knowledge contains all possibilities or things that can happen. Cf. H.F. Davis, A. Williams a.o. (eds.), A Catholic Dictionary of Theology (London: Nelson and sons, 1962–1971), 3 vols., vol. 3 (1971), p. 293. The categorematic infinite is a scholastic term that denotes the Aristotelian concept of actual infinity (as opposed to potential infinity). 170 epistola de tragaediis

magistrorum aliquando comoediae musica et saltibus destitutae penitus aliis omnis ornatus genere abundantibus praeplacuisse. Imo adferre possem exempla, ubi idem drama, cum serio exhiberetur, longe minorem voluptatem auditoribus attulit, quam in generali, ut vocant, proba cumque rationem inquire- rem, haec mihi ab illis ipsis, qui spectatores aderant, est reddita: quod isthic quaedam ornamenta praetermissa sint, itaque omnis affectuum vis, et nexus apparuerit. Dein vero mimi scenis immixti et nescio quae alia ita seriem atque adeo nervum rerum et affectuum inciderint, ut nihil aut parum admodum 260v iis delectarentur auditores. Quod vero hic miror, illud est, quod | iidem, qui haec asserebant, recte tamen factum contenderint et judicaverint, illud ipsum ad operis absolutionem pertinuisse, quod uti ipsi fatebantur, non mediocriter dramatis ceterum elegantis venustatem obscuravit. Quod judicium quam non docto solum homine, sed vel rationis compote indignum sit, vides. Ex quo illud quotidianum oritur, quod nostrorum multi, dum parandum drama est, labore omni litterario paene seposito malint totos dies in adornandis machinis, saltibus et conducendis operis desudare, quam ad scrinium meditari plusculum, ut quid arte sua dignum invenirent. Si enim ornamenta superflua licet et nihil connexa necessaria tamen videantur, quid opus multum geminae elegantiae studere, quam tot alienis rebus interpositis ita obscurandam esse scimus, ut elegantissimam inter et rudissimam quamque tragoediam aut nihil aut parum intersit? Unde qui praestare hic aliquid possent, labori certe perituro merito parcunt. Reliqui pallium habent, quo infirmitatem suam obtegant. Vale.

FINIS letter on tragedies 171 teachers completely lacking music and dancing were more pleasing than other plays that were abounding in this type of decoration. I could even give you examples, where the same drama, when it is shown in actual fact, offered much less pleasure to the audience, than in the dress rehearsal, as they call it, and when I asked for the reason, the following reason was suggested to me by those who had been present as spectators themselves: there some ornaments were omitted, and therefore all the power of the emotions and the nexus became clear. Then, however, buffoons and some other things were blended in and broke the sequence and indeed the nerve of events and emotions in such a way, that the audience did not enjoy these things at all, or very little. But what I am surprised about here is that | the same men who asserted these things, 260v nevertheless maintained that the play was made correctly, and judged that the same thing contributed to the perfection of the work, which, as they admitted themselves, rendered the beauty of the otherwise elegant play obscure to a considerable degree. You see how this judgement is not only unworthy of a learned man, but also of a rational being. From this that daily thing becomes visible, that many of our writers, when a play has to be prepared, after every literary effort had almost been laid aside, prefer to fatigue themselves for whole days on decorating their works with machines, dances and assembling works, rather than think a little bit more at their desk, in order to invent something worthy of their art. Because, if the ornaments even though redundant, and not connected, nevertheless seem necessary, what need is there to apply oneself a great deal to a double elegance, which we know will be rendered so obscure by the interruption of so many unrelated things that between the most elegant and most uneducated tragedy there is no or very little difference? Hence those who could achieve something here, rightly refrain from an effort that will certainly be wasted. The others have a cloak, by which they cover their weakness. Farewell.

THE END

appendix Analysis tragaediarum Racini

∵

Introduction to Friz’s Analyses of Racine’s Plays

The famous French playwright Jean Racine (1639–1700) was an important model for Andreas Friz. His role in Friz’s letter on tragedies has already been discussed in the general introduction to this book. The current appendix will elucidate Friz’s analysis of the dramatic works of the French-Classicist playwright. Friz’s Analysis tragaediarum Racini takes up the first part (f. 1r–74v) of manuscript ms 938, in which also the letter on tragedies is included. It analyses most of Racine’s plays: La Thébaïde ou Les Frères Ennemis (1664), Alexandre Le Grand (1665), Andromaque (1667), Britannicus (1669), Bérénice (1670), Bajazet (1672), Mithridate (1673), Iphigénie (1674), Phèdre (1677), Esther (1689) and Athalie (1691). Only the comedy Les Plaideurs (The Litigants, 1668) is missing, which can be explained by the fact that it was a farce, while the others are all tragedies. From Friz’s letter on tragedies, his aversion of the genre of the farce is clear. Esther is discussed in the original 5-act version that Racine wrote for the girls’ school of Saint Cyr, and not the now more famous 3-act version. This 5-act version was also included in contemporary editions of Racine’s collection of works, which were Friz’s source for these plays. In the following introduction, the structure, contents and sources of these analyses will be discussed, taking a closer look at the example of one of Racine’s most famous plays, Phèdre, and comparing this to the other analyses. These analyses have the following structure:

– a short description of the story (Argumentum) – a list of the characters (Acteurs) – a discussion of the expositio, involutio and evolutio of the work – a discussion of how passions are used in the play to evoke hate of vice and love of virtue (Reflexiones supra modem, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutum) – reflections on the principal action, the relationship of the fiction in the play to verisimilitude and convenience. Occasionally in this section the three unities, the nexus of the scenes, and the episodia are also discussed. (Reflexiones considerandoactionemprincipalem,(tresunitates,nexumscenarum,episodia tragoediae), et fictiones operis rerumque in eo convenientiam et verosimilitudinem) – reflections on the characters and the refinements of the work (Reflexiones supra characteres et varias elegantias operas) – lists of short references with quotations regarding emotions (Affectus)

– descriptions (Descriptiones), the ‘most elevated feelings’ (Les sentimens les plus élevés) – sometimes, prophetic scenes (Prophetia).

Under these headings, Friz points out what are, in his view, the most relevant aspects of Racine’s plays. Friz’s discussions always begin with a short description of the plot (argumentum). On the plot of the Phèdre he writes:

Cum Theseus in Epirum profectus esset ad originem Acherontis, ibique a rege quodam Pirithoo, cui feminam rapere voluerat, captivus detineretur, mortuus credebatur. Interim uxor ejus Phaedra exarsit impudico in privignum suum Hippolytum amore, qui fortiter restitit, sed tamen antequam illam reduci Theseo proderet, crimen ipsemet sustinere malluit, quam suspicionem de se movit, quod domum impudicam fugerit patris, qui absenti filio mortem a Neptuno precatur, voti brevi damnatus. Erumpens enim taurus marinus currum, quo Hyppolytus vehebatur turbatis equis, evertit, ita ut exanimis juvenis excuteretur ejusque membra discerpta a patre ipso colligerentur. Phaedra dolore amens se ipsa toxico conficit. Aricie non est ficta persona. Virgilius canit ab Hippolyto eam ductam esse, ex qua filium habuit, postquam ab Aesculapio in vitam fuisset revocatus. Legitur praeterea in aliquibus authoribus, quod Hippolytus in Italiam abduxerit, sibique desponsarit juvenem aliquam filiam Athe- niensem, quae vocabatur Aricie, et a qua parva quaedam civitas Italiae nomen habet.

Although Theseus had left to Epirus to the origin of the Acheron, and was held captive there by a certain king Pirithous, whose wife he had wanted to abduct, he was believed to be dead. In the mean time, his wife Phaedra was inflamed with unchaste love for her step-son Hippolytus, who resisted strongly, but nevertheless, before he betrayed her to The- seus upon his return, preferred to sustain the crime himself over removing suspicion from himself, because he fleed from the unchaste house of his father, who prayed to Neptune for the death of his absent son, who fulfilled his prayer, since a sea bull threw over the cart, by which Hippolitus was being carried, when its horses were agitated, so that the young man was thrown out dead and his disfigured body parts were collected by his very father. Phaedra, insane of sadness, killed herself with poison. Aricia is not a made up character. Virgil sings that she was taken by Hippolytus, and that she bore him a son, after he had been brought to life introduction 177

by Asclepius. Further, it can be read in various authors, that Hippolytus abducted to Italy and became engaged to a young Athenian girl, who was called Aricia, and from whom some small town in Italy took its name.1

In this section, after a short description of the plot, Friz enters into a discussion of the sources of Racine. He notes that the character of Aricia was not made up by Racine, but already mentioned by Vergil and several other unnamed authors, among which may have been Giovanni Boccaccio’s famous mythological handbook Genealogia Deorum Gentilium.2 Except for the play Athalie, these argumenta are always in Latin. In the case of Athalie, gives the “argumentum ipsius authoris” in the original French version, taken from Racine’s preface to his play.3 Also in the other prefaces, although they are in Latin, Friz was clearly inspired by Racine’s prefaces. The remark on Aricia, for example, is also mentioned by Racine himself. Then follows, in the case of all of his analyses of Racine’s plays, in French, a list of the main characters, the Acteurs, and, also in French, a description of where the play takes place:

Acteurs.

Thesee, Fils d’Egée, Roi d’Athénes. Phedre, Femme de Thésée, Fille de Minos et de Pasiphaé. Hippolyte, Fils de Thésée et d’Antiope, Reine des Amazones. Aricie, Princesse du sang Royal d’Athenes. Oenone, Nourrice et Confidente de Phédre. Theramene, Gouverneur d’Hippolyte. Ismene, Confidente d’Aricie. Panope, Femme de la Suite de Phédre. Gardes.

La scéne est à Trézéne, Ville du Péloponése.4

1 ms 938, fol. 51r. 2 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid, 7, 761–762. Compare also Giovanni Boccaccio, Genealogia deorum gentilium (1st ed. Venice: Vindelinus de Spira, 1472), pp. 10, 50. 3 Jean Racine, Oeuvres de Jean Racine: Athalie, tragédie (Strasbourg: Heitz & Mündel, 1691). The final edition which appeared during Racine’s lifetime (1697) contained the same preface with a few minor adaptations in a section, which is not quoted here by Friz. 4 ms 938, fol. 51v. 178 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Characters.

Theseus, son of Egeus, king of Athens. Phaedra, wife of Theseus, daughter of Minos and Pasiphae. Hippolytus, son of Theseus and Antiope, queen of the Amazons. Aricia, princes of royal blood from Athens. Oenone, nurse and confidente of Phaedra. Theramenes, tutor of Hippolytus. Ismene, confidente of Aricia. Panope, lady in waiting of Phaedra. Guards.

The stage is set in Troezen, town in the Peloponnese.

This list is an exact copy from the original French edition.5 The third part of the analysis is a discussion of the expositio, involutio and evolutio of the work:

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem et evolutionem operis.

Actus 1. Instruitur auditor in scena prima de amoribus Hippolyti cum Ari- cia, et animus juvenis hujus, qui, ne consentire debeat affectioni suae, a qua potenter tentabatur, fugam Trezenis parat. Exponitur officium The- ramenis, qui ut magister morum datus juveni huic laxi aulici partes explet. Scena 2da explicat turbationem Phaedrae, cujus causam ipsamet nutrici suae confidit, amorem scilicet suum impurum in Hippolytum, id quod fit in scena 3tia. In scena 4ta liquidior fit rumor de morte Thesei et dissidium de eligendo successore, quo nuncio accepto nutrix, quae ante exhorruit ad amorem Phaedrae, eum ipsa promovet in scena 5ta.

5 Jean Racine, Phèdre (Paris: Cl. Barbin, 1677). introduction 179

Dum in scena 3tia Hippolytus abitum parat, supervenit Phaedra, a qua, quod eam impedimento sibi fore suspicaretur, ut se expediret, in scena 4ta maturari abitum curat, sed nihilominus detinetur a noverca, ad cujus impuros ignes erubescit in scena 5ta. Augetur involutio, dum adfertur nuncius de reditu Thesei.

Actus 3. Phaedra amore amens in scena prima nequidquam fugam suadente nutrice privignum oblato Athenarum diademate denuo tentare constituit, sed in scena 2da instruitur a nutrice de reditu Thesei mariti sui, qua re in extremam desperationem adigitur. [52v] Redux in scena 4ta Theseus amplexum offert Phaedrae, quem ex pudore suorum malefactorum non admittit. In scena 5ta abitum suum declarat patri, cujus causam celat et soli Phaedrae notam dicit, quae res suspicionibus implet Theseum. In scena 6ta timet Hippolytus, ne Phaedra se ipsa prodat aut ne amor suus in Ariciam fiat manifestus.

Actus 4. In actus 2di scena 5ta Hippolytus reliquit ferrum suum in manibus Phaedrae, quod ab illa arreptum, ut se in desperatione occideret, noluit ut impurum amplius contingere. Occasionem sumpsit nutrix Phae- drae, ut eam salvaret, accusandi juvenem de vi illata novercae, cujus testimonium exhibet ensem illi ereptum. Ita igitur instructus, hacque imbutus opinione Theseus in actus 4ti scena prima prodit et in scena 2da dum filio exprobrat amorem, hic amorem suum cum Aricia designari ratus, eum fatetur, eaque de causa se fugere innuit, sed non creditur ei a patre. In scena 3tia Theseus cum amore paterno luctatur illumque poenitat voti facti Neptuno in scena 2da in perniciem filii, quod votum dum explicat Phoedrae in scena 4ta, simulque ea jam instructa fuit de amore Hip- polyti in Ariciam, amore et desperatione furit in scena 5ta, sed a nutrice in scena 6ta ad novis artibus amorem suum tentationum stimulatur.

Actus 5. In scena prima ad abitum incitatur ab Aricia Hippolytus timente ejus saluti a noverca, ad quem cum ab eo ipsamet invitaretur pro complendis nuptiis in exilio, sed nollet consentire amorem sibi invicem perpetuum jurant, et dum, ut intra muros Trezenarium sponsalia contrahant, abire parant, fugiente Hippollyto deprehenditur a Theseo Aricia, quod suspicionem ei injicit, ut vix jam non veram crederet propriam passionem filii factam in Actus 4ti scena 2da. Incipit evolutio in scena 5ta, ubi Theseus, ubi actu advocari curat nutricem Phaedrae Oenonem, de ejus morte instruitur, quod nempe se in mare praecipitarit, sicut et nunciatur [53r] turbatio ipsius Phaedrae 180 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

eo usque ut mortem quaerere videretur, dumque Theseus filium vocari curat, ut se ipse defendat, ejus loco nuncius de ejus morte, et de completo voto, quod Theseus fecerat Neptuno, adfertur in scena 6ta. Dolore igitur dum indulget largius Theseus, Phaedra sumpto jam ante veneno occurrit, omnia secreta hactenus narrat, et operante in ipso theatro toxico expirat. Theseus ut innocentiae filii justa persolvat, amatam ab illo Ariciam in filiam adoptat.6

Reflections on the exposition, involution and evolution of the work.

Act 1. The listener is instructed in the first scene about the affair of Hippolytus with Aricia, and the mind of this young man, who, in order that he did not have to give in to his affection, by which he was strongly tempted, prepared his flight from Troezen. The duty of Theramenes is set forth, who, given to this young man as a teacher of morals, plays the part of indulgent courtier. The second scene explains the confusion of Phaedra, the cause of which she herself confides to her nurse, namely her impure love for Hippolytus, which happens in the third scene. In the fourth scene the rumour about Theseus death and the discord about the choice of his successor become clearer. When the nurse hears this news, she encourages the love Phaedra, at which she was terrified before, herself in the fifth scene.

Act 2. The involutio begins in the first scene, when Aricia is asked for a meeting by Hippolytus, which which he should say goodbye, but she is persuaded by Ismene that the young man will declare his love to her after his father’s death. In the second scene Hippolytus indeed inflames his love for Aricia even more during his meeting with her. When in the third scene Hippolytus prepares his departure, Phaedra outpaces him. In order that he liberates himself from her, because he suspected that she would be a hinderance to him, in the fourth scene he takes care that his departure is hastened, but he is nevertheless held by his stepmother, to whose impure flames he reddens with shame in the fifth scene. The involution is increased, when a message is brought about the return of Theseus.

6 ms 938, 52r–53r. introduction 181

Act 3. Phaedra, out of herself from love, in the first scene, although the nurse advises her in vain to flee, decides to tempt her step-son again with the royal diadem of Athens, but in the second scene she is informed about Theseus return by the nurse, by which matter she is brought to utter desperation. [52v] Theseus, returning in the fourth scene, offers his embrace to Phaedra, who out of shame for her misdeeds does not allow it. In the fifth scene he [Hippolytus] declares his departure to his father, for which he conceals the reason and only mentions Phaedra, which fills Theseus with suspi- cions. In the sixth scene Hippolytus fears that Phaedra herself betrays herself or that his love for Aricia becomes manifest.

Act 4. In the fifth scene of the second act, Hippolytus had left his sword in Phaedra’s hands. After it had been taken from her as she tried to kill herself in desperation, he did not want it to become stained with impurity even more. Phaedra’s nurse took the oportunity, in order to save her, of accusing the young man of inflicting violence upon his step-mother, as proof of which she showed the sword taken away from him. Thus informed and imbued with this opinion, Theseus, in the first scene of the fourth act, betrays him and in the second scene, when he reproaches his son with his love, Hippolytus, thinking that he is talking of his love for Aricia, admits it and hints that he is fleeing for that reason, but he is not believed by his father.

Act 5. In the first scene Hippolytus is encouraged to leave by Aricia, fearing for his health because of his step-mother. When she was asked by him to marry him in exile, but she refused to agree, they swear mutual perpetual love to one another and while they prepare to leave, in order to get married within the walls of Troizen, Aricia is captured by Theseus, while Hippolytus is fleeing, because Theseus became suspicious of her, as he now hardly believed that the passion of his son, made known in the second scene of the 4th act, was not real. The evolutio begins in the fifth scene, when Theseus, as he takes care with action to summon Phaedra’s nurse Oenone, is informed of her death, that indeed she had drowned herself in the sea, just as it is also announced that the disturbance of Phaedra herself is so severe that she would seem to seek death, and when Theseus has his son called, so that he can defend himself, instead the message of his death arrives in the sixth scene, and of the fulfilment of his prayer, which Theseus had requested from Neptune. Therefore, as Theseus indulges rather long in his sadness, Phaedra, after 182 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

having taken poison just before, arrives, tells him all the secrets up to now and dies, while the poison has its effect in the very theatre. As Theseus pays what is due to the innocence of his son, he adopts Aricia, who was loved by him, as his daughter.

In this section the most important developments of the plot are discussed in five paragraphs, each discussing one act of the play. The main interest here is the way in which various events contribute to the expositio, involutio and evolutio. Then follow Friz’s reflections on the way in which the passions are treated in order to excite a hatred of vices and love of virtues, clearly something that ap- pealed to Friz, taking into account the moralistic purposes of the Jesuit theatre:

Reflectiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitii et amorem virtutis.

Horror excitatur et terror in Actus 1mi scena 3tia, dum Phaedra tota turbata est, et suos ignes impuros fatetur. In actus 2di scena 5ta, dum amorem suum ea ipsa Hippolyto aperit, hic vero ad hanc declarationem totus exhorrescit. Dum in actus 4ti scena 1ma Theseo ab Oenone Hippoly- tus falso accusatur, dum Theseus votum facit Neptuno in perniciem filii, dum Phaedra conscientiae stimulis exagitatur in scena 6ta. In actu 5to terrorem movet desperata mors Oenonae, et mors Phaedrae, maxime vero mors Hippolyti. Commiserationem excitat per totum opus sors Hippolyti, ne autem mors hujus juvenis Principis indignationem potius concitaret, si proponeretur immunis ab omni imperfectione, attribuit illi Author aliquam imbecillitatem, quae illum redderet nonnihil culpabilem, quin eiquidquam derogetur ex illa magnitudine animi, qua parcit honori Phae- drae, et se mavult opprimi, quam eam accusare. Imbecillitas illa est pas- sio, quam invitus sentit versus Ariciam filiam, et sororem juratorum hostium sui patris. [53v] Interea author omnia adducit, quae defectum hunc minuere et excusare possunt, ut ita mors Hippolyti in fine etiamnum ut poena major delicto, et digna commiseratione consideretur. Punitur praecipitata ira Thesei, qua Neptunum contra filium precatur: voti enim sui, cujus illum jam poenituerat dum minime vult, damnatur per miseram Hippolyti mortem, castigatur Phaedrae impurus amor tot furiis, anxietatibus, morte amati privigni, desperata morte, quam sibi ipsa intulit. Cum Aricia partim culpabilis, partim laudabilis proponatur, poenam, et praemium recipit: quod consenserit amori Hippolyti filii hostilis, eum introduction 183

ipsum misera morte perdit, quod autem agnito periculo hujus amoris ad eum dirimendum ipsa operam adhibuerit, praemiatur amicitia Thesei, a quo in filiam adoptatur. Oenone, quod Phaedram induxerit ad varia tentanda, quibus Hippolyti innocentiam expugnaret, quoque illum ipsum postea falso accusarit Patri, punitur desperatione, qua victa se in pelagus dat praecipitem. Caeterum si ullibi, tunc hac in tragoedia sola memoria criminis implet horrore animos, imbecillitates amoris considerantur ut verae imbecillitates, passiones non praesentantur oculis nisi ad ostendendam extremam perturbationem, cujus illae sunt causa: vitium denique pingitur coloribus, qui indicant et odiosum faciunt ejus deformitatem.7

Reflections on the way, in which the passions are treated in order to excite hatred of vice and love of virtue.

Dread and fear are excited in the third scene of the first act, when Phaedra is all confused and acknowledges her own impure flames of love. [This is also the case] in the fifth act of the second act, when she shows her love herself to Hippolytus, but he is completely horrified at this declaration, and also when in the first scene of the fourth act Hippolytus is falsely accused to Theseus by Oenone, when Theseus prays to Neptune for the death of his son, when Phaedra is confused by the incitements of her conscience in the sixth scene. In the fifth act, the death of Oenone, the death of Phaedra, but mostly the death of Hippolytus stir terror. Hippolytus’ fate excites pity throughout the whole work. Lest the death of this young prince instead arouses indignation, [which would be case] if he were presented immune from any imperfection, the author gave him some weakness, which made him somewhat culpable, but it does not detract anything from that magnanimity, by which he spares the honour of Phaedra and prefers to be oppressed himself rather than accusing her. That weakness is the passion, which he felt, even though reluctantly, towards Aricia, daughter and sister of the sworn enemies of his father [53v]. In the mean time, the author adds everything, which can diminish and excuse this defect, so that the death of Hippolytus in the end even now is considered a rather severe punishment for his crime and worthy of pity.

7 ms 938, fols. 53r–53v. 184 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Theseus’ hasty anger, with which he invoked Neptune against his son, is punished, because he got what he prayed for, which he then regretted as he does not want it at all, through the miserable death of Hippolytus, the impure love of Phaedra is punished through so many furies, anxieties, the death of her beloved stepson and her own desparate death, which she inflicted upon herself. Since Aricia is presented partly as culpable, partly as laudable, she receives both punishment and reward, because she consented to love of the son of the enemy, Hippolytus, she loses himself through a miserable death, but because she applied effort herself to save him from the danger of this acknowledged love, she is rewarded with the friendship of Theseus, by whom she is adopted as his daughter. Because Oenone brought Phaedra to trying various things, by which she threatened Hippolytus innocence, and because she later falsely accused him to his father, she is punished by the desperation, which con- quered her and made her throw herself into the sea. Further, if anywhere, then in this tragedy only the memory of a crime fills the minds with horror, weaknesses of love are considered as true weaknesses, passions are only presented to the eyes in order to show the extreme confusion, of which they are the cause. Finally, the fault is painted with the colours, which indicate it and make its deformity hateful.

This part explains how pity and fear are excited through the events and deeds of the characters. Next, it is explained how various bad passions are punished, but virtues are rewarded. Similarly, in the analyses of Racine’s other plays this section includes discussions of fear and pity. Firstly, they are caused by shocking events, such as deaths, secondly by certain passions. The following passions (good and evil) are shown in the characters: generosity, loyalty and disloyalty (in love), different types of love (between man and woman, but also for the state, of a parent, between sib- lings and friends, virtuous as well as non-virtuous love), jealousy, inconstancy, cruelty, anger, weakness, piety and zeal to become a better person. In Bérenice, the choice of state interest over love is central. In Bajazet, jealousy is the principal passion. Of course, in the religious tragedies Esther and Athalie, piety and constancy in the faith are brought forward. In the following section, Friz gives his analysis of the principal action and of how suitable and probable the fictions of the work are:

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, episodia, fictiones operis rerumque in eo convenientiam et verosimilitudinem. introduction 185

Actio principalis est infelix amor Phaedrae, quo caetera omnia diriguntur, utque ejus flammae magis exardescat, facit repugnantia Hippolyti, et datur Phaedrae rivalis in Aricia. Haec ipsa Aricia consideratur ut persona episodica, quae multum con- ducit ad evitandum, ut supra dictum est, indignationem illam, quae alias nasceretur, ex indigna morte Hippolyti, nisi haec eum aliqua imbecillitate implicaret, connectitur tamen hujus personae actio cum actione principali, nam servit hic amor ad magis inflammandum amorem Phaedrae, ad eum occultandum coram Theseo. Nec minus haec Aricia subjectum est fictionis, qua Poeta in hunc locum et tempus ejus amores concurrere facit, dum eam Theseo adoptat in filiam. Fictio est etiam, quod Phaedra amorem suum nutrici appariat, cujus causam inferius erit videre, ubi de caracteribus sermo. Dum Phaedra Oenoni aperit detestandam suam affectionem verosimile non fuisset, si illa immobilis auscultasset, quae illa inprimis exhorrescit, nec prius Phaedrae animo obsequitur, quam audita morte Thesei. Dum Hippolytus aperire vult suum amorem Ariciae, multa prius praefatur, ut suam confusionem in aperiendo denotat, quod etiam in Phaedra, dum se Oenoni manifestat, observatur. Item ubi ipsi Hippolyto ejus se amantem esse fatetur. Ubi erubescit juvenis innocens, nec conveniens fuisset, si multis [54v] explicasset suam repugnantiam, aut impudicos ignes exprobrasset novercae, sed relicto proprio ense se in fugam proripere parat. Ubi Phaedra tectum diu amorem semel aperit, signum est quod illam ipsam hactenus semper puduerit. Verosimile itaque est pudorem hunc excrevisse, dum privignum suum ad prima verba sui flagitiosi desiderii erubescere conspicit. Quare non multis loquitur, sed prae confusione se proripit. Optime adhibetur nutrix, cui secretum aperiat Phaedra, cum tale mysterium requisiverit hominem, cujus fidem longo tempore jam cognovit Phaedra. Morientis Hippolyti verba non sunt prolixa, querulosa, sed sollicitudine plena pro sua Aricia, id quod amantium in morte proprium est.8

Reflections considering the principal action, episodia, the fictions of the work and the appropriateness and verosimilitude of the events in it.

8 ms 938, fols. 54r–54v. 186 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

The principal action is the unhappy love of Phaedra, by which all other things are directed, and in order that she burns even more by this flame of hers, her behaviour towards Hippolitus is contradictory and Phaedra is given Aricia as her rival. The same Aricia is considered as an episodic character, who contributes a great deal to avoiding, as is said above, that indignation, which is hidden elsewhere from the unworthy death of Hippolitus, except that she entan- gles him in some weakness. Nevertheless the action of this character is connected to the main action, because this love serves to kindle the love of Phaedra even more and to hide it from Theseus. This Aricia is indeed a subject of fiction, by which the poet makes her love happen at the same time in this place and time, when he has Theseus adopt her as his daughter. It is also a fiction, that Phaedra made her love known to her nurse, but it would be inferior to consider her case, when the discourse is about the characters. While Phaedra reveals her detestable affection to Oenone, it would not have been verisimilar, if she had listened immobile, as in the first place she is horrified and does not obey Phaedra’s plan until she hears of Theseus’ death. The same is true when Phaedra admits to Hippolytus himself that she is his lover. When the innocent young man reddens with shame, this would not have been appropriate, if [54v] he had explained his resistance with many words, or if he had reproached the impure flames of his step-mother, but he prepares to rush away to his flight, having left his own sword. When Phaedra reveals her love, which had been concealed for so long, only once, it is a sign that thus far she always felt shame. Therefore it is verisimilar that this shame has grown, when she sees her stepson redden with shame at the first words of her shameful desire. Hence he does not speak in many words, but rushes out because of confusion. The character of the nurse is employed very well: Phaedra reveals her secret to her, because she inquired after such a mystery: the man, whose loyalty Phaedra already knew for a long time. The words of Hippolytus, as he is dying, are not prolix or querulous, but full of concern for his Aricia, that which is characteristic of lovers in [time of] death.

In this section, Friz explains which characters and events are directly linked to the main action and which are episodic, or not directly linked to the main action. Although, as we know from his letter on tragedies, Friz believed there should be no unnecessary embellishments, he allows episodic characters and introduction 187 events as long as they contribute to the main action. Further, this section discusses the aptness and verisimilitude of how the characters actus In the next chapter, the characters and various elegantiae of the work are reflected upon:

Reflexiones supra caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Phaedra non est ex toto culpabilis, nec omnino innocens videtur sinistro fato implicata illegitimae passioni, id quod denotat commemorata toties ira deorum in ejus stirpem ob scelera Minois et Pasiphaes ejus parentum. Adhibet omnem conatum ad suos ignes extinguendos, mavult mori, quam confusionem subire illam in se cuidam aperiendo, et dum cogitur se manifestare, loquitur cum erubescentia ex quo colligitur ejus crimen poena magis deorum esse, quam motus propriae voluntatis. Curavit item author ut Phaedram minus odiosam reddat quam ut proponitur in tragoediis veterum, ubi illa ipsamet accusat Hippolytum. Credidit hanc calumniam indignam [55r] fore in ore principissae, quae alias tam nobiles et virtute plenas profert cogitationes. Abjectio illa convenire magis videbatur nutrici, quae posset habere inclinationes ejusmodi serviles, et quae nihilominus non suscipit falsam hanc accusationem, nisi ad salvandam vitam, et honorem suae principis. Phaedra accusationi huic non consentit, nisi quia est in perturbatione mentis, quae illam extra se ipsam ponit, et paulo post ipsa venit cum consilio defendendi innocentiam Hippolyti et declarandi veritatem. Hippolytus innocens et castus juvenis, genuinus Amazonis filius, qui ut amorem fugaret, per silvas et nemora in venationes incumbit, qui, dum amorem sentit in Ariciam, diu adversatur, ad Phaedrae autem impudentem declarationem extreme exhorrescit. Oenone nutricis fidae imaginem exhibit, quae obsequitur amoribus suae Dominae, periculosa et desperata media adhibet ad salvandam illam et quod talium vetularum proprium est, religionem praesefert, dum exemplo deorum amorem Phaedrae excusat. Scena in quae Phaedra Hippolyto amorem suum adhibet, omnium ferme est elegantissima, in qua omnia naturaliter fluunt, maximam gratiam habet Hippolyti rubor et ultima Phaedrae locutio in hac scena: “Ah Cruel! Tu m’as trop entendue! Etc.” Descriptio mortis Hippolyti multum vivacitatis continet ita ut quis quasi oculis videat vehentem in curru juvenem, introspiciat illius motus animi, mare tumidum, et in eo taurus ille marinus vel sui memoria terret, exhibetur conflictus juvenis cum monstro, turbatio equorum, laceratio 188 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

currus ita ut ejus frusta quasi numerari posse viderentur. Vox denique sola ultima infelicis sufficeret [55v] ad exprimendas lachrymas.

Reflections on the characters and the various elegances of the work

Phaedra is not completely culpable, nor does she seem completely innocent, entangled by an ill fate in an illegitimite passion, which denotes the anger, remembered so many times, of the gods towards her stock, because of the abominable deeds of her parents, Minos and Pasiphae. She attempts everything possible to extinguish her passion, prefers to die, rather than giving in to that confusion in herself by opening up to someone, and when she is forced to make herself visible, she speaks with shame. From this it can be inferred that her crime was a punishment of the gods, rather than an impulse of her own freewill. Likewise the author took care that he rendered Phaedra less hateful than the way she is presented in the tragedies of the ancient authors, where she accuses Hippolytus herself. He believed that this calumny would be unworthy [55r] in the mouth of a princess, who elsewhere utters such noble and virtuous thoughts, that dejection seems more fitting to the nurse, who could have slavish inclinations of this type and who nevertheless only takes up this false accusation to save the life and honour of her princess. Phaedra agrees to this accusation, only because she is in a confused state of mind, which put her out of herself, and shortly after she came herself with the plan of defending the innocence of Hippolytus and declaring the truth. Hippolytus, an innocent and chaste young man, a genuine son of an Amazone, who in order to flee love, applied himself to hunting through woods and forests, and who, when he felt love for Aricia, fought it for a long time, was extremely horrified at Phaedra’s impudent declaration. Oenone shows the image of a loyal nurse, who obeys the feelings of love of her mistress, applies dangerous and desperate measures to save her and, which is normal for such old ladies, she shows religious scruples, when she excuses Phaedra’s love at the example of the gods.9 The scene in which Phaedra declares her love to Hippolytus is far from the most elegant of all scenes, in which everything flows naturally. The embarrassment of Hippolytus has the most grace and the final words of Phaedra in this scene: “Ah, Cruel! Tu m’as trop entendue! etc.”10

9 Compare the same idea expressed in Seneca, De clementia 1, 7. 10 “Ah, cruel one, you have listened to me too much!” Racine, Phèdre, act 2, scene 5. introduction 189

The description of Hippolytus’ death contains a great deal of vivacity, so that one sees, as it were, with his eyes the young man riding on the cart, observes attentively the emotions of his mind. The swollen sea,11 and in it that sea bull or its memory scares, the fight of the young man with the monster is shown, the disturbance of the horses, the laceration of the cart, so that one seemed to be able to count his body parts, and that finally, only the last word of the unhappy man sufficed [55v] to express the tears.

This section describes how each character is presented in the play, and by what virtues, vices or passions they are affected. The next section is a list of affectus ‘affections’: the expressions of passions and in which act and scene they can be found:

Affectus.

Amor Phaedrae in Hippolytum. Actus 1, scena 3, 4; actus 3, scena 1. Amor Ariciae in Hippolytum. Actus 2, scena 2. Desperatio Phaedrae. Actus 2, scena 5; actus 3, scena 2; actus 5, scena 7. Dolor Phaedrae. Actus 3, scena 1, 2; actus 4, scena 5, 6. Ira Thesei. Actus 3, scena 5; actus 4, scena 1, 2. Dolor Thesei. Actus 4, scena 3; actus 5, scena 7.12

Passions.

The love of Phaedra for Hippolytus. Act 1, scenes 3, 4; act 3, scene 1. Aricia’s love for Hippolytus. Actus 2, scene 2. Phaedra’s desperation. Act 2, scene 5; act 3, scene 2; act 5, scene 7. The pain of Phaedra. Act 3, scenes 1, 2; act 4, scene 5, 6. Theseus’ anger. Act 3, scene 5; act 4, scenes 1, 2.

In most cases, for Friz a passion is something bad. For example Theseus’ anger or Phaedra’s love, which are both punished in the course of the play. The next section lists descriptiones:

11 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid, 8, 671; tumida aequora, id. 3, 157. 12 ms 938, fol. 55v. 190 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Descriptiones.

Indoles Hippolyti. Actus 1, scena 1. Querellae Phaedrae ad Venerem contra Hippolytum. Actus 3, scena 2. Thesei reditus ab inferis. Actus 3, scena 5. Votum ad Neptunum contra Hippolytum. Actus 4, scena 2. Mors Hippolyti. Actus 5, scena 6. Mors Phaedrae. Actus 5, scena 7.13

Descriptions. The character of Hippolytus. Act 1, scene 1. The complaints of Phaedra to Venus against Hippolytus. Act 3, scene 2. Theseus’ return from the underworld. Act 3, scene 5. His prayer to Neptune against Hippolytus. Act 4, scene 2. Hippolytus’ death. Act 5, scene 6. Phaedra’s death. Act 5, scene 7.

These ‘descriptions’ can be of many different kinds: commonly deaths, character descriptions, major events of a play, and, although not in the case of Phèdre, the expression of certain of passions. In the final section, Friz lists Les sentimens les plus élevés, elaborately quoting verses from Racine’s tragedy, each including a reference to the act and scene:

Les sentimens les plus élevées.

C’est peu qu’avec son lait une mére Amazone N’ait fait sucer encor cet orgueil qui t’étonne. Dans un âge plus mûr moi-même parvenu, Je me suis applaudi, quand je me suis connu. Actus 1, scena 1. Que ces vains ornemens, que ces voiles me pésent Quelle importune main, enformant tous ces noeuds A pris soin sur mon front d’assembler mes cheveux! Tout m’afflige, et me nuit, et conspire à me nuire. Actus 1, scena 3. [56r] Je reconnus Venus et ses feux redoutables, Je lui batis un temple, et pris soin de l’orner, Par des voeux assidus je crus les detourner. De victimes moi-même à toute heure entourée,

13 ms 938, fol. 55v. introduction 191

Je cherchois dans leurs flanc ma raison égarée. D’un incurable amour remedes impuissans! En vain sur les autels ma main bruloit l’encens. Quand ma bouche imploroit le nom de la deesse, J’adorois Hippolyte, et le voyant sans cesse, Même au pié des autels que je faisois fumer. J’offrois tout à ce dieu, que je n’osais nommer. Actus 1, scena 3. Je l’evitois par-tout. O comble de misére! Mes yeux le retrouvoient dans les traits de son pére. Ibidem. Ses yeux, qui vainement vouloient vous éviter, Déja pleins de langueur ne pouvoient vous quiter. Le nom d’Amant peut-être offense son courage. Mais il en a les yeux, s’il n’en a le langage. Actus 2, scena 1. Hercule à desarmer coutoit moins qu’Hippolyte. Et vaincu plus souvent et plutôt surmonté, Praeparoit moins de gloire aux yeux qui l’ont domté. Ibidem. Aux fers de ses captifs ai longtems insulté, Qui des foibles mortels déplorant les naufrages, Pensois toujours du bord contempler les orages, Asservi maintenant sous la commune loi. Actus 2, scena 2. Le Voici-Vers mon coeur tout mon sang se retire. J’oublie, en le voyant, ce que je viens lui dire. Actus 2, scena 5. Que dis-je! Il n’est point mort, puisqu’il respire en vous. Toujours devant mes yeux je crois voir mon époux. Je le vois, je lui parle, et mon coeur … Je m’égare. Seigneur, ma folle ardeur malgré moi se declare. Ibidem. Il avoit votre port, vos yeux, votre langage. Cette noble pudeur coloroit son visage. Ibidem [56v] Frape. Ou si tu le crois indigne de tes coups, Si ta haine m’envie un suplice si doux, ou si d’un sang trop vil ta main seroit trempée, Au défaut de ton bras prête—moi ton épée! Donne! Ibidem. Tu parois dans des lieux pleins de ton infamie, Et ne vas pas chercher sous un Ciel inconnu Des pays où mon nom ne soit point parvenu! Actus 4, scena 2. Tusses-tu par-de là les Colonnes d’Alcide, Je me croirois encor trop voisin d’un perfide. Ibidem. Les Dieux même, les Dieux de l’Olympe habitans, Qui d’un bruit si terrible épouvantent les crimes, 192 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Ont brulé quelque fois de feux illégitimes. Actus 4, scena 6. Cependant sur le dos de la plaine liquide, S’eleve à gros bouillons une montagne humide. L’onde aproche, se brise, et vomit à nos yeux, Parmi des flots d’écume un Monstre furieux. Son front large est armé de cornes menaçantes. Tout son corps est couvert d’écailles jaunissantes. Actus 5, scena 6. L’essien crie, et se romt, l’intrépide Hippolyte Voit voler en éclats tout son char fracassé. Actus 5, scena 6. J’ai pris, j’ai fait couler dans mes brulantes veines Un poison que Médée apporta dans Athénes. Déja jusqu’à mon coeur le venin parvenu, Dans ce coeur expirant jette un froid inconnu: Déja je ne vois plus qu’a travers un nuage, Et le ciel, et l’époux que ma présence outrage: Et la mort à mes yeux dérobant la clarté, Rend au jour, qu’ils souilloient, toute sa pureté. Actus 5, scena 7.14

This collection of quotations is not known from any other contemporary literature: Friz must have quoted them from the edition of Racine’s plays that he had at hand.

Conclusions

These analyses present Racine’s plays almost as if they were suitable Jesuit plays, that teach the pupils and the audience the love of virtue and hatred of vice through the use of passions. The reader is guided through Racine’s plays and pointed to the right places where to find good examples of sentiments élevés, expressions of passions, descriptions of death scenes and demonstra- tions of love. On the Jesuit stage such violent deaths were not desired. Nor was love, other than the love of God, or between brothers or parents and their children, an issue that could be presented in their plays. In many of Racine’s plays, on the other hand, the issue is often central. Racine’s Bérenice, for example, focuses on the love triangle between Titus, Bérenice and Antiochus. Neverthe- less, Friz sees the work as highly instructive. He writes:

14 ms 938, fols. 55v–56v. introduction 193

Titus, Berenice et Antiochus debebant separari, cum autem omnes tres personae plenae virtutibus repraesententur, funestus tribus his exitus ita debuit deduci, ne ulla injuria virtutibus eorum facta videatur. Licet enim Tito dura accidat haec separatio, satis tamen solatii habet ex hac de se, suoque amore victoria, deque gloria tanta cum religione observatae legis. Berenice ipsa ad finem persuadetur, ut ultro et prope libenter discedat. Antiochus in praemium suae fidelitatis obtinet amorem Berenicis, et eam Tito non conjungi gaudere potest. Caeterum commiseratio potenter excitatur fere in omnibus scenis modo erga Titum, dum luctatur cum amore, et cum gloria sui nominis; modo erga Berenicem, dum videt se separandam a Tito, modo erga Anti- ochum, dum Titum rivalem secum continuo debet intueri et amori suo in Berenicem renunciare.15

Titus, Bérenice and Antiochus had to be separated. Although all three characters are represented as full of virtues, the unfortunate ending for these three had to be conducted thus, lest any damage to their virtues would seem to have been done. For, although this separation is hard for Titus, nevertheless he has enough consolation from this victory over himself and his love, and from such great glory that comes with the conscientiousness of observing the law. Bérenice herself is finally persuaded to leave voluntarily and almost willingly. Antiochus obtains the love of Bérenice as a reward for his loyalty and he can be happy that she is not marrying Titus. For the rest, pity is aroused effectively in almost all scenes: at one moment it is aroused for Titus with regard to love and the glory of his name, at another for Bérenice, when she sees that she should be separated from Titus, and again at another for Antiochus, when he has to see Titus as his rival continuously and renounce his love for Bérenice.

Even if the love between man and woman is not acceptable for the Jesuit stage, our Jesuit approves of this play, since the representation of passions is useful: its emotional effect on the audience causes moral improvement. His opinion on Berenice is illustrative of his attitude towards all of Racine’s heroes: Racine’s characters, struggling to overcome their morally dubious passions in a realistic manner, are relevant for Friz, as they present us with an example to learn from. Perhaps it made them even more suitable for his own theatre than Corneille’s sublime heroes.

15 ms 938, fol. 31r. 194 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

In his interpretation of Racine’s plays, Friz takes a moderate Ancien position in what seems to be an eighteenth-century flare of the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes. His model Racine had similarly sided with the Anciens in an earlier episode of the dispute.16 In the context of Friz’s analyses the volu- minous and influential Théâtre des Grecs (1730) by the French Jesuit Pierre Brumoy should also be considered. In this work, Brumoy defended the position of the Anciens in a three-volume collection of translations and analyses of the Greek tragedies, supplemented by his own critical and aesthetic observations.17 In it, he emphasised the universal meaning and value of ancient Greek tragedies: they served as the deterrent representation of divine justice and resulted in the purgation of the audience from vicious passions.18 This interpretation of ancient tragedy is very similar to Andreas Friz’s interpretation of Racine’s tragedies and shows us once more how Friz used arguments from contemporary debates in his attempts to save the Jesuit theatre. He believed in the universal significance of the ancients, but also considered it possible for a modern author, such as Racine, to achieve the same quality as the ancient classical authors.19

Edition Principles

The original spelling of the text has been maintained as much as possible. In cases where spelling mistakes in the original have been corrected, both the original spelling and the corrected spelling have been included in the critical apparatus. All abbreviations have been expanded. Since there were no unusual abbreviations in the text, this has been done silently.

16 Cf. M. Fumaroli, La Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes: xviie–xviiie siècles (Paris: Galli- mard, 2001), 163–178. 17 Cf. Michael Lurie, ‘Facing Up to Tragedy: Toward an Intellectual History of Sophocles in Europe from Camerarius to Nietzsche’, in: Kirk Ormand (ed.), A Companion to Sophocles (Chichester: Blackwell, 2012), pp. 440–461, esp. pp. 450–451. 18 Ibid. 19 In terms of his position in the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes, Friz is very similar to Gottsched. Cf. Thomas Pago, Gottsched und die Rezeption der Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes in Deutschland: Untersuchungen zur Bedeutung des Vorzugsstreits für die Dichtungstheorie der Aufklärung (Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 1989), p. 273; Christopher Meid, Die griechische Tragödie im Drama der Aufklärung: “Bei den Alten in die Schule gehen” (Tübingen: Gunter Narr, 2008), p. 34. introduction 195

In the Latin part of this text, all punctuation and capitalisation have been adjusted to modern usage. All diacritical marks have been left out. I have retained the presentation of the letters ‘j’ and ‘i’ as in the manuscript. In the French quotations, the original spelling, as well as punctuation and capitalisation have been maintained. Since the original text has a mostly logical division in paragraphs, the original paragraphs have been retained. For ease of navigation between my edition, the translation and the original manuscript, I have included the page numbers of the manuscript in the text (in square brackets). Wherever I have found it necessary to supply emendations, the original version and the emendation are presented to the users of the edition in order that they can determine whether those emendations are correct or reasonable. Latin Text

Analysis Tragaediarum Racini

2r La Thebayde ou Les Freres Ennemis. Argumentum.

Oedipus, ut parricidii et incestus in se crimen comperit, erutis sibi prae dolore et pudore oculis exulatum ultro abiit, regnum vero Thebanum penes filios duos reliquit eo pacto, ut alternis mensibus sex gubernandi vices mutarent. Exacto jam regni semestre fratrum natu major sceptrum, quod sibi haereditarium ex integro praetendit, natu minori recusat cedere, hic pactionem patris allegat. Quae res ingens adeo ambos inter fratres succendit odium, ut nequidquam animis eorum conciliandis adlaborante Jocasta matre mutuis se vulneribus peremerint. |

2v Acteurs.

Etéocle, Roi de Thébes. Polinice, Frére d’Eteocle. Jocaste, Mére de ces deux Princes et d’Antigone. Antigone, Soeur d’Etiocle, et de Polinice. Creon, Oncle des Princes, et de la Princesse. Hémon, Fils de Créon, Amant d’Antigone. Olympe, Cónfident de Jocaste. Attale, Cónfident de Créon. Un Sóldat de l’Armeé de Polinice. Gardes.

La scéne est à Thébes, dans une sâle du Palais Royal. |

3r Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem, et evolutionem operis.

Actus i. In scena 1ma instruitur auditor de inimicitia duorum fratrum, dum Olympus narrat Jocasto se vidisse fratrum acies ordinatas. In scena 2da detegi- tur Antigonem esse filiam Jocastae. In 3tia sit manifestum fratres hos ad singu- lare certamen velle descendere. Nota sit causa inimicitiae, nempe regni cupido. 5ta scena praecipuarum personarum intentiones patefacit. Creon nempe alte-

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/9789004283749_005 latin text 197 rum fratrem in alterum concitat, ut illis inter se collisis ipse regnum occupet. Jocasta filiis conciliandis intenta. Antigone partium Polinicis studiosa, quod ejus factionis esset Hemon filius Creontis, quem amat. Actus ii. Praecipuam viam involutionis pandit scena 1ma, in qua Antigone de fratris Polinicis sibi prae Eteocle dilecti et Hemonis amantis sorte est sollicita, et gratis pacem Polinici suadet. Augetur hoc anxietas, uti et perturbatio matris Jocastae dubio oraculo:

Thebains, pour n’avoir plus de guerres Il faut par un ordre fatale Que le dernier du sang royal Par son trépas ensanglante vos terres.

Hoc oraculo Antigone et Haemon turbante, utpote cum utriusque ortus esset ex regio sanguine. Promovetur involutio per interventum Polinicis, cui mater Jocasta spem facit conciliandi fratris, cumque adlaborante pariter sorore Anti- gone ad inducias producendas permovet, idque in scena 3tia. Sed hic conatus irritus | recidit in scena 4ta allato per militem nuntio Eteoclem in castra Poli- 3v nicis irruisse, qua re hic in furias actus contra fratrem induciarum violatorem properat. Actus iii. Involvendo ulterius actionis femina disponit scena 1ma, in qua indicatur Meneceum natu minimum Creontis filium ad castra inimica pro- diisse, unde Jocasta sperat eum id facere ex consilio reconciliandi inimicos fratres, sed exitus aliam ejus fuisse mentem prodet. Nam dum in scena 3tia Jocasta ex Antigone de filiorum, quam transactam fuisse putat, pugna sciscitatur, Menecei se ut ultimum ex sanguine regio scilicet natu minimum oraculo hostiam offerentis mortem propria sibi manu in castris Thebanorum illatam. Quae actio et pugnam fratrum impedivit et spem fecit Jocastae hac morte pla- catam esse iram Deorum. Verum in scena 4ta adveniens Eteocles implacabilem se adhuc exhibet. Iterata spes reconciliationis affulget in scena 5ta, ubi Attalus a Polinice petente accessum ad Eteoclem venit, cui petitioni Eteocles annuit. Interea dum personae agentes hac in spe relinquunt. Auditoribus ea eximitur, dum Creon acerrimus antea in concitandis fratribus inimicis, nunca congres- sus hujus de pace, ut apparet, author consilii sui rationem Attalo exponit, ut scilicet ambo fratres mutuis obtutibus et exprobrationibus magis concitentur. Actus iv. Confirmat hoc in metu Auditorem scena prima, ubi Eteoclis, fratrem expectantis, de pace animum explorat Creon, eumque contra fratrem concitat. Scena 3tia est congeries perturbationem: mater Jocasta congressu adei nunc 198 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

suorum duorum filiorum modo omnia bona sperat, modo desperat. Eteocles, et Polinices in se mutuo vehementius exardescunt; Jocasta omnem possibilem adhibet operam; desperans tandem discedit. | 4r Actus v. Dum in scena 1ma Antigone de matris, fratruma et amantis forte angitur, actionem totam sensim scenae reliquae evolvunt. In scena 3tia narrat, mors Jocastae, Haemonis, Eteoclis et Polinicis, Creon se felicissimum putat in scena 4ta sperans thronum et connubium Antigonis, sed audita en scena 5ta Antigonis morte, prae dolore et desperatione inter satellitum manus in scena 6ta expirat.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutem

Excitatur terror in scena 3tia actus ubi ex congressu et colloquio dorum fratrum Thebanorum, ubi in se mutuo concitantur, nec nisi ad vindictam discedunt. Horrore omnium animos impleat tot mortes, inter quas praeterea. Commiserationem movet mors Meneici se oraculo hostiam offerentis, He- monis, quod dirimere tentaret inimicos fratres, perempti, Antigonis, quae inno- cua diversis sinistris casibus obruitur, amittendo scilicet matrem, fratres, et amantem. Punitur ambitio utriusque fratris mutua morte, ut neuter regno esset super- stes. Ambitio Creontis regno imminentis, quo consilio concitabat utrumque nepotem, sed amisit filium suum, neptem, cujus connubium ambiebat, et tot scelerum conscius furiis propriis periit. Ne et virtuti proemium desit Antigone fidelis amantis, Menecius generosi 4v adolescentis, Hemon fratrum inimicorum studiosi | pacificatoris gloriam refe- runt, ubi interea reliquorum mortes violentiores non nisi detestatis consequitur.

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, et fictiones operis rerumque in eo convenientiam et verosimilitudinem.

Actio principalis est mors duorum fratrum Thebanorum. Eo dirigitur ambitio Creontis, amor Antigonis in fratres et Haemonem. Fingitur, et per modum, episodii servit amor hic ipse Antigonis. Divertit enim auditores sui consideratione, interea dum variae res intra scenam debent apparari, ut sunt consultatio oraculi, pugna duorum fratrum, mors Jocastae. Servit item ad magis concitandum odium Creonti, ut et ille horum quoque

asororis fratrum latin text 199 duorum innocentium amantium Hemonis scilicet et Antigonis enectorum author consideretur. Fingitur oraculum ad magis suspendendum auditorem post singulas mortes, quae hac in actione peraguntur. In prima omnium scena apparet, quod fratres inimici jam inter se dimiscent, ita ut actio mox finienda videatur. Cavet author, ne utrumque fratrem in eandem scenam producat, sed id reservat ad eos ultimo determinandos pro duello, eo necessarium erat, ut odium in extremum erumpat, quod sub principium mali convenisset, melius id itaque in scenam actus 4ti ultimam usque dissertur. | Dum ad mortem properat in scena ultima actus 4ti Jocasta, omnis persona, 5r quae in theatro est, obligaretur illam sequi et impedire, ut igitur prohibeat author, ne in ictu oculi theatrum evacuetur, facit, ut appareat Jocastam a morte impediri ultra non posse. Filii interim de loco duelli conferunt, quod Antigo- nem et Haemonem obligat pro ultimis conatibus adhibendis in theatro rema- nere. Ut mors Antigonis verosimilior fiat, amatus illi Haemon eripitur, dein author per rumorem de unius tantum Eteoclis morte Antigonem informat, partim ut eum separatim doleor, sicque per gradus crescat dolor, partim ut se falsa fiducia incolumitatis Polinicis, quem Eteocle plus diligit, soletur, quo solatio quoque per nuncium aliud orbata et tentata insuper ad nuptias, regnique societatem a Creonte, quem ut omnis suae calamitatis et jacturae authorem detestatur, nihil facit pronius, quam quod se interficiat. Jocastae mors ut promoveatur, concipit ea antea spem reconciliationis filiorum, eo quod natu major addixerit, si sibi regnum relinqueretur, natu minora facile cessurus putaretur, cum aliud regum in Argis ei offerretur, sed concilia- tionis speratae loco irritatis magis in congresso filiis in extremam facile mater se dat desperationem. Ereontem perire voluit author, ut in eo ambitio castigetur, hoc ut conve- nientius exequatur, facit eum plurium aliorum scelerum authorem, dein totum, quod optat, eum obtinere permittit, nempe ex regia familia illum solum cum nepte Antigone in certam spem regni superstitem relinquit, dein vero de hac illum spe deturbat per mortem Antigonis, | unde dolor extremus, desperatio, et 5v ex desperatione furice ob memoriam tot scelerum. Videtur contra convenientiam tot necium ennarratio, septem enim pereunt personae, ita ut praeter milites et duos confidentes nullus actorum vivus remaneat. Sed in hoc author veniam juventuti suae fieri postulat, in qua opus hoc

amajor minor 200 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

confecit, ex parte vero se excusat, quod ipse materia tota hujus actionis utpote nimis atrocis parum conveniat theatro, sed se multis aliorum hortatibus ad hanc assumendam historiam esse coactum. Amor, qui alias tantum regnat in Tragoediis, nihil ferme hic loci habet. Necesse enim erat vel alterutri, vel utrique fratrum amorem tribuere. Sed quae convenientia aliis eos consiliis occupare, quam internecino illo odio, quod ambos totos sibi postulabat vix aliquo passionibus aliis relicto spatio? Praeter- quam quod male successissent teneri, et zelotipi amores inter incestus, par- ricidia et alia horribilia, quae Oedipi infaustaeque ipsius familiae historiam constituunt.

Reflexiones supra characteres et varias elegantias operis.

In Eteocle et Polinice exprimit, odium internecinum fraternum, cui omnia postponunt, preces matris, sororis, voluntatem patris. Apparet hic character 6v maxime in colloquio | illorum, dum conveniunt in actus 4ti scena ultima. Apparatus duelli quibusdam videtur nimis ad modum Parisinum. Jocasta proponitur tanquam mulier multis taediis et calamitatibus jam ex- hausta, quae nihil amplius boni vult sperare, est mater sollicita et anxia de suis filiis. Antigonis indoles amoena et tractabilis. Suo se amori in Haemonem imolat, nec alia de causa dolet, sperat, aut desperat, quam prout sors et conditio Haemonis in decursu actionis postulat. Creon ambitiosus et regnandi cupidini amorem omnem domesticis suis debitum postponens, qui aegre fert se neglecto suos regnare nepotes, mutua eorum odia promovet. Unde sunt occultae ejus machinationes, ut se a proprio filio liberet, qui ipsi et regnum controversum posset facere, et quem ut rivalem suum ob amores cum Antigone considerat, ideoque, ut persequendi eum habent causam, se offendi simulat, quod filius factionem Polinicis sequatur. Ad finem desperat et furiis agitur, qui communis est exitus proposterae ambitionis. Oraculo ipsi suus est character nempe obscuritas. Petebatur pro victima ultimus ex sanguine regio, quo intelligebatur tota domus regia usque ad ultimum surculum.

Affectus.

Amor Antigonis in Polinicem fratrem cum amore erga Haemonem. Actus 2 scena 1. Desperatio Jocastae. Actus 4, scena 3. Desperatio Creontis. Actus 5, scena ultima. | latin text 201

Dolor Antigonis. Actus 5, scena 1. 6v Dolor Jocastae cum anxietate. Actus 1, scena 1; actus 3 Scena 1.

Descriptiones

Mors Menecei. Actus 2, scena 3. Mors Eteoclis, Polinicis et Haemonis. Actus 5, scena 3. Mors Antigonis. Actus 5, scena 5. Mors Creontis. Actus 5, scena ultima. Duellum duorum fratrum Actus 5, scena 3.

Les sentimens les plus élevés

O Soleil, tu sais qu’ils sont d’un sang incestueux, Et tu t’étonnerois, s’ils etoient vertueux. Actus 1. Scena 1. J’en voyois et dehors, et dedans nos murailles Chaque assant à mon coeur livroit mille combats, Et mille fois le jour je souffrois le trépas. Actus 2. Scena 1. On ne partage point la grandeur souveraine, Et ce n’est pas un bien q’ou quite, et qu’on reprenne. Actus 1. Scena 5. L’amour a d’autres yeux que le commun des hommes ibidem. Et si tu prens pitié d’une flamme innocente, O Ciel! en ramenant Hémon à son amante, Raméne—le fidéle, et permets en ce jour, Qu’en retrouvant l’amant je retrouve l’amour. Actus 1. Scena 6. Nous nous aimions tous deux dès la plus tendre enfance, Et j’avois sur son coeur une entiére priessance: Je trouvois à lui plaîre une extrême douceur, Et les chagrins du frére étoient ceux de la soeur. Actus 2. Scena 1. En vain les Dieux voudroient différer mon trépas, Mon desespoir seroit ce qu’ils ne seroient pas. Actus 2. Scena 2. | La nature pour lui n’est plus qu’une chimére; 7r Je meconnoit sa soeur, il meprise sa mére; Et l’ingrat en l’état, où son orgueil l’a mis, Nous croit des étrangers, on bien des ennemis. Actus 2. Scena 3. Tout ce que je puis faire, hélas! c’est de mourir. Actus 2. Scena 4. O ciel! que tes rigueurs seroient peu redoutables Si la foudre d’abord accabloit les coupables. Actus 3. Scena 2. Et moi je suis montée au haut de la muraille, D’où le peuple étonné regardoit comme moi 202 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

l’aproche d’un combat qui le gaçoit d’effroi. Actus 3. Scena 3. Recevez donc ce sang qu ma main va repandre, Et recevez la paix où vous n’osiez pas prétendre. Il se tait, il se frappe en achevant ces mots. Ibidem. Tous les prémiers forfaits coutent quelques efforts: Mais, Attale, on commet les seconds sans remords. Actus 3. Scena 6. Nous etions ennemis dès la plus tendre enfance, Que dis-je? nous l’étions avant la notre naissance. Actus 4. Scena 1.

La scene d’Acte 4a est toutte charmante, et pleine des agreables antitheses.

Leur exemple t’anime à te percer la flanc, Et toi seule verses les larmes, Tous les autres versent du sang. Actus 5. scena 1. Je meurs, dit-il tout bas. Trop heureux pour expirer. Actus 5. Scena 3. Et tu meurs, lui dit-il, et moi je vai regner. Regarde dans mes mains l’empire, et la victoire; Va rougir aux enfers de l’excès de ma gloire; Et pour mourir encore avec plus de regret, Traître! Songe en mourant, que tu meurs mon sujet. Ibidem. | 7v Polinice frappé pousse un cri dans les airs, Et son ame en courroux s’ensuit dans les enfers. Tout mort qu’il est, il garde sa colére, Et l’on diroit, qu’èncore il menace son frére. Son visage, où la mort a répandu ses traits, Demeure plus terrible, et plus fier que jamais. Ibidem. Tout ce, qui s’est passé, n’est, qu’un songe pour moi. J’etois pére, et sujet, je suis amant, et Roi. Actus 5. Scena 4. Arretez, mon trépas va venger votre perte: La foudre va tomber, la terre est entr’ouverte: Je ressens à la fois mille tourmens divers, Et je m’en vai chercher du répos aux enfers. Actus 5. Scena 6. |

ala scene d’Acte 4 troi, scena la scene d’Acte 4 latin text 203

Alexandre Le Grand. Tragédie. 8r

Argumentum.

Pluribus exponitur a Q. Curtio in octavi libri ultimis capitibus totum illum, quod fecit Alexander, cum Indos tentaret; legationes, quas misit ad reges ejus regionis, quonam a singulis modo receptus sit; societas cum Taxilo inita; feroci- tas Pori generosa, qua conditiones Alexandri respuit; inimicitiae Taxilum inter, et Porum; generositas denique Alexandri, qua Poro omnes provincias restituit. Addit Author amores Alexandri et Cleofilis, quae cum dedisset se ei, regnum ab Alexandro recepit, illecebris consecuta, quod virtute non poterat, filiumque ab eo genitum Alexandrum nominavit, qui postea regnum Indorum potitus est. Ita Justinus. |

Acteurs. 8v

Alexandre Porus o Taxile Rois dans les Indes Axiane Reine d’une autre partie des Indes Cleofile Soeur de Taxile Ephestion Ambassadeur d’Alexandre

Suite d’Alexandre.

La Scene est sur le bord de l’Hydaspe dans le camp de Taxile. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem, et evolutionem operis. 9r

Actus i. In scena prima edocetur auditor Cleofilem sororem Taxili amari ab Ale- xandro ejusque propterea partibus studentem fratri suavere, ut se dedat Ale- xandro. In 2da scena exponitur Porum et Taxilum diversis agi consiliis. Porus ad extremum obsistere Alexandro, Taxilus eum victorem agnoscere decernit. Indicatur zelotipya Pori cum Taxilo ratione Exianis. In scena 3tia Axiane Porum sustentat in sua generositate, sed hortatur, ut Taxilum quoque ad suas partes pertrahat pertrahat, in quo magis zelotipyae causa apparet. Actus ii. In scena prima incipit involutio, dum Ephestion legatus Alexandri Cleofili amores Alexandri nuntiat, ut hac ratione illa fratrem suum Taxilum a partibus Pori abstrahat, sed ne illa penitus absentiatur, retinetur timore Pori ipsius et metu, ut Taxilus Alexandro adhaereat ob amorem Axianis, a qua con- 204 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

tinuo stimulabatur contra Alexandrum, quaeque adhuc inter illum et rivalem ejus Porum dubiam se simulabat. Augetur involutio, dum in scena 2da legatus ab ipso Poro homagium Alexandro praestandum exigit, quod cum ille audacter respuit, Taxilus dubio et frigido responso se ad petitionem legati propendere satis denotat. Interea de hac ipsa mente Taxili jam certior facta Axiana, in scena 4ta Taxilum ipsum hac de re interrogat, qui se contra Alexandrum properare simulat, ne eam offendat. Quae res in scena 5ta magis concitat zelotipyam 9v ipsius Pori. Nihil enim Axiane | de se spondet, diffidit, utrum a Taxilo relictus contra Alexandrum sufficiat Porus, eumque hortatur, ut Taxilo benignum se exhibeat, ipsumque ad suas partes pertrahat, hoc si fecerit, de illo quid ipsa sentiat tandem se aperturam. Unde Poro stimulus ad partes Alexandri acrius persequendas, ad fovendum acerbius odium in rivalem suum. Act iii. Ut plus obstaculi inveniret Alexander, Axianis odium in Taxilum facit, quod in scena prima multum promovetur. Axiane comes ire Poro voluerat, et cum eo in contemptum Alexandri collaborare, sed a Taxilo captiva tenetur, sub specie, ut tempore proelii securitas ei praestetur, qua de causa cum Cleofile expostulat. Interea commisso proelio Porus de sua nece rumorem spargi curavit, fidem habens Taxilus a rivale se suo liberatum triumphat Axia- nemque se obtenturum sperat, sed spe sua dejicitur in scena 2da. Nam audita morte Pori Axiane detestatur Taxilum, aperte suum amorem in Porum conte- statur. Quare in scena 3tia sortem suam Cleofili sorori committit, inque novam spem erigitur in scena 5ta, dum Alexander illum ad Axianem mittit, ut ei se offerat cum triplici regno, nempe perempti Pori, ut putabatur, Taxili et Axia- nis. Actus iv. In scena 2da Axiane invehitur acerbe in Alexandrum, qui ei Taxi- lum Pori loco offerebat. Magis adhuc spe sua fallitur Taxilus, dum Axiani veniam Alexandri offert, ab illa enim respuitur, nihilque nisi commemoratio- nem Pori audit. Extrema sequitur perturbatio, ubi in scena 4ta a Cleofile intelligit Porum adhuc vivere, quare ad castra properat dubiumque reliquit audito- 10r rem, utrum rivalem suum supprimere, an | eum juvare meditetur studio Axiani, a qua illum ita amari sciebat. Actus v. Alexander ubi in scena prima timentem adhuc sibi a Poro Cleofilem advertit, quare in scena 2da ut vel perdendi Pori occasionem nancisceretur, vel Axianem ad Taxilum inclinaret, arbitrum sortis Pori ipsum Taxilum Axiani demerendum proponit, sed illam in odio suo concepto pertinacem invenit, dumque idem Alexander Poro ipsi proponit, sit evolutio, ubi Porus a se occisum Taxilum refert. Hac enim occasione Axiane amorem suum diu celatum Poro aperit, hic vero voti sui jam compos ut Axianem magis demereatur, fortiter adhuc Alexandro obsistit. Alexander vero hac perculsus generositate, veniam, regnum, et Axianem Poro impertitur. latin text 205

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutum.

Terrorem excitat in tota actione Pori generositas, dum solus obsistere Alexan- dro audet, etiam postquam in ejus ipsius manibus tenebatur. Commiserationem movet Axiane, dum in scena prima actus 3tii inclusa tenetur, nihil scire, aut videre permittebatur, quid | interim Porum inter, et Ale- 10v xandrum geratur. Deinde in actus 4ti scena prima, ubi Pori mortem plangit, seque ipsa incusat, quod licet eum amarit, nullum ei adhuc amoris signum dederit. Eadem Axiane commiserationem terrore miscet, dum occurrenti Ale- xandro audacter violentiam exprobrat in eumque omnem amarulentiam ex credita Pori nece conceptam effundit. Demum in scena 2da et scena 3tia actus 5ti Axiane una cum Poro in sui commiserationem movent, ubi Pori fortuna in Taxili rivalis manus deponitur. Praemium Alexandri generositatis in restituendo Poro est regis hujus amicitia, sicut et Pori fortitudo in defendendo suo regno merita est, ut Alexandri violentiam et cursum victoriarum inhiberet. Vituperium nihilominus meretur Alexandri amor in Cleofilem, quo ita capitur, ut ad viles animi sensus se demit- teret. Punitur, ubi offensionem ejus, dum evitaret conaretur maxime, incurrit.a Nam mortis fratris ejus Taxili sit causa, dum eum ad partes suas pertrahendo Axiani amatae suo in Alexandrum patriam imolantis, sed et poena ejus eadem in jactura fratris. Axianis cum Poro in generositate consensio pro mercede et suum regnum, et Porum obtinet, sed nimiam suam cruditatem et tarditatemb in aperiendo suo amore Poro et propter seminatam zelotipiam inter Porum et Taxilum, haec, inquam, leviora satis dolore expiat, quo sparsam false Pori necem deplorat. Taxili ut crimen, ita et poena maxime hac in actione in oculos spectatoris incurrit. Misera enim mors animi ejus | mollitiem consequitur. 11r

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, et fictions operis, rerumque in eo convenientiam et verisimilitudinem.

Actio principalis hujus tragoediae est Alexandri magnanimitas Poro regnum et libertatem relinquentis. Eo dirigitur amor in Cleofilem, ut per ejus opem Taxilum fratrem a Poro avertat, Axianis amor in Porum, ut major Poro stimulus ingeratur ad resistendum Alexandro. Fingitur hic amor Pori et Taxili in Axianem bono cum successu, obtinetur

aevitaret incurrit btarditatem] tarditadem emend. 206 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

enim per zelotipiam, ut suis etiam consiliis sibi invicem repugnarent, ubi alter adhaerebat Alexandro, obsistebat alter. Ut verosimilior videatur Pori generositas, adjuvatur ab Axiane, quae nullam illi mutui amoris spem facit, nisi vincat Alexandrum. Dum Ephestion Alexandri amorem Cleophili explicat, illa non statim acquiescit,a sed in tanta rerum incertitudine diffidentiam suam, timorem ratione Axianis et Pori explicat. Ut Alexander tenerius cum Cleophile loqui possit, melius e re erat, soli ut 11v essent, quare in actus 3tii scena 4ta | Ephestion ad quaerendum Porum, in scena 5ta Taxilus ad flectendam Axianem dimittitur. Ut generositas Alexandri in restituendo Poro magis appareat, mors Taxili facit, postquam peractam nihil aliud expectans Porus, quam vindictam Alexan- dri ultro ejus iram provocabat.

Reflexiones supra Characteres et varias elegantias operis.

Alexander generosus et ubique amoris sui in Cleofilem memor, ideoque beni- gnus in Taxilum ejus fratrem, nec indignatur exprobrationes Axianis, quod ea a Taxilo ametur. Porus Rex generosus, ita ut dignum in eo Alexander habuerit adversarium. Taxilus imbellis, amans Axianem, a qua spernebatur, cui vis motui facile cedens, et inconstans, quod apparet, dum suasu Cleofilis Alexandro adhaeret, Axiani vero postea ut placeat, contra eundem arma sumere constituit. Cleofile inter amores, quos ab Alexandro experitur, non se nimium aperit, sed astute sui pretium novit facere. Axianes spernens Taxilum ut imbellem, et Porum intime amans, amorem tamen ei non nimium testatur, nisi dum Porum periisse falso comperit. | 12r Saint Evremond putat Porum nimis generosum esse, pro Alexandro, Alexan- drum non suspicere Poro. Porus juxta illum videtur magis occupatus cum sua dilecta, quam gloriae studio et Alexander tempus perdit cum Cleofile, ubi victoria nondum perfecta campum ejus male ab insidiis hostium tutatur. Taxilus magis est amator, quam miles, soror illum detinet, benignamque apud eum aurem obtinet, idque merito, sed non ita debebat esse Alexander et Porus. Hi non apparet magnus, nisi cum Ephestione actus 2 scena 2, et cum Taxilo scena 3tia ejusdem actus. In scena 5ta suam magnitudinem debet Axiani. In ultima tandem scena Porus cognoscitur. Alexandrum quod attinet, peregrinum videtur, quod interea dum heros hic homagium suum praestat Cleofili, haec principissa eum sibi ipsi depingat, qua-

aacquiescit] aquiescit emend. latin text 207 lis sit, aut potius qualis is debeat esse. Illa eidem monstrat ipsius officium, et sapienter dicit, quod gloria illi amorem in oblivionem adducet. Talis erat re ipsa character Alexandri. Poterat eum poeta inamoratum repraesentare, sed Magnus Alexander nimis amabat gloriam, quam ut unice illum amoribus occu- pemus. Nec erat is ex eo heroum numero, qui percursant orbem, ut dominae suae ubique locorum adoleri curent. Apologum quidem horum exhibit praefatio hujus tragoediae, sed vim horum argumentorum vix sustinet.

Affectus.

Amor Pori in Axianem. Actus 1 scena 3, actus 2, scena 5. Audacia Pori legato Alexandri, ubi pulcherrima ejusdem oratio. Actus 2, scena 2. Coram Alexandro. Ac. 5. Scena 3. | Odium Axianis in Taxilum. Actus 3, scena 2. 12v Amor Alexandri in Cleofilem. Actus 3, scena 6. Amor Cleophilis in Alexandrum. Actus 2, scena 1. Dolor Axianis de morte Pori. Actus 4, scena 1, scena 2. Odium Axianis in Alexandrum. Actus 4, scena 2. Amor Taxili in Axianem. Actus 4, scena 3, 4, 5.

Descriptiones.

Amor Alexandri ab Ephestione descriptus. Actus 2, scena 1. Alexandri viva imago. Actus 3, scena 3. Mors Taxili. Actus 5, scena 3. Milites generosi. Actus 1, scena 2.

Les sentimens plus élevés.

Qui sans balançer sur un si noble choix, Sauron également vivre, ou mourir en Rois. Actus 1, scena 1. Loin de s’épouvanter à l’aspect de sa gloire, Ils l’attaqueront meme au sein de sa victoire. Ibidem. Oui je consens, qu’au ciel on éléve Alexandre; Mais si je puis, je l’en ferai descendre, Et j’irai l’attaquer jusque sur les autels, Que lui dresse en tremblant le reste des mortels. Actus 1, scena 2. S’ils coutoient a Porus les moindres lachétes. Ibidem. | Son courage sensible à vos justes douleurs, 13r Ne veut point des lauriers arrosés de vos pleurs. Actus 2, scena 1. 208 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Et qu’on dise par-tout dans une paix profonde: Alexandre vainqueur eût domte’ tout le monde; Mais un Roi l’attendoit au bout de l’Univers, Par qui le Monde entier a vu briser ses fers. Actus 2, scena 3. La victoire est a vous, si ce fameux vainqueur Ne se defend pas mieux contre vous que mon coeur. Ibidem. Il est tems, que mon ame au tombeau descendue Te jure une amitié si longtems attendue. Il est tems, que mon coeur pour gage de sa foi, Montre qu’il n’a pu vivre un moment après toi. Actus 4, scena 1. Non, Seigneur, je vous hais d’autant plus qu’on vous aime, D’autant plus, qu’il me faut vous admirer moi-même, Que l’Univers entier m’impose la loi, Et que personne enfin ne vous hait avec moi. Actus 4, scena 2. Entre Taxile, et lui votre coeur en balance, Tant qu’ont duré ses jours, a gardé le silence. Et lorsqu’il ne peut plus vous entendre aujourd’hui, Vous commencez à prononcer pour lui. Sensez-vous, que sensible a cette ardeur nouvelle, Sa centre exige encor, que vous bruliez pour elle? Ibidem. Porus dans le tombeau Rassemble ses soldats autor de son drapeau. Son ombre seule ancore semble arrêter leur suite. Actus 4, scena 3. Ses soldats à piés etendus, et mourons, Le mettoient à l’abri de leurs coups expirans. Là, comme dans un fort, son audace enfermée Se soutenoit encor contre toute une armée. Actus 5, scena 3. |

13v Andromaque Tragédie. Argumentum.

Littoraque Epiri legimus portuque subimus Chaonio, et celsam Buthroti ascendimus urbem. Sollemnes tum forte dapes et tristia dona Libabat cineri Andromache manesque vocabat, Hectoreum ad tumulum, viridi quem cespite inanem, Et geminas, causam lacrimis sacraverat aras. Dejecit vultum, et demissa voce locuta est: O felix una ante alias Priameia Virgo, latin text 209

Hostilem ad tumulum Trojae sub monibus altis Jussa mori! Quae fortitus non pertulit ullos, Nec victoris heri tetigit captiva cubile. Nos, patria incensa, diversa per aequora vectae, Stirpis Achilleae fastus, juvenemque superbum Servitio enixae tulimus: qui deinde secutus Leclaeam Hermionem, Lacedaemoniosque hymenaeos … Ast illum ereptae magno inflammatus amore Conjugis, et scelerum furiis agitatus Orestes, Excipit incautum, patriasque obtruncat ad aras. Virg. L. 3 Aen. |

Habes in paucis versibus subjectum Tragoediae, locum scena, actionem, et 14r quatuor principes personas, nempe Pyrrhum, Andromacham,a Hermionem, et Orestem. Historia habet, quod Andromacha habuerit ex Pyrrho filium Molossum, quem Hermio cum matre occidit, sed in hac tragoedia Andromachab nullum alium maritum agnoscit, quam Hectorem, nec filium, nisi Asyanactem, cui author omnia Molossi fata appingit.

Acteurs.

Andromaque, veuve d’Hector, captive de Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, Filsc d’Achille, Roi d’Epire. Oreste, Fils d’Agamemnon Hermione, Fille d’Héléne, accordée avec Pyrrhus. Pylade, Ami d’Oreste. Cleone, Confidente d’Hermione. Cephile, Confidente d’Andromaque. Phoenix, Gouverneur d’Achille, et ensuite de Pyrrhus. Suite d’Oreste.

La scene est à Buthrote Ville d’Epire dans une salle du Palais de Pyrrhus. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem, et evolutionem operis. 14v

Actus i. In scena prima exponitur Orestem a Graecis missum esse ad Pyrrhum, ut Astyanactem filium Hectoris per fraudem servatum perdat, indicatur locus actionis nempe palatium Pyrrhi. Patent amores Orestis in Hermionem, a qua aAndromacham] Andromecham emend. bAndromacham] Andromecha emend. cFille Fils 210 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

spretus fuerat in Graecia, sperat itaque eam obtinere in Epiro, praesertim quia illa a Pyrrho Andromachae postponebatur, id quod in hac ipsa scena narratur. In secunda scena multa narrantur ex excidio Troyae, ea vero paene omnia, quae Hectorem, ejusque familiam concernunt, scilicet Andromacham captam cum filio a Pyrrho, Hecubam ab Ulysse, Cassandram ab Agamemnone. Actionis hujus tempus supponitur esse annoa post eversam Trojam elapso. Refertur praeterea modus, quo Astyanax est servatus. In 3tia scena et 4ta se prodit amor Pyrrhi in Andromacham postposita Hermione, a qua ut se liberet, ad eam mittit Orestem, a quo illam sciebat amari, Andromacham autem omni ratione lucrari nititur, praesertim servando filium ejus, quem tota poscebat Graecia, in quo ipso jam proxima ad involutionem sit dispositio, ubi in ancipiti tenetur Pyrrhus. Astyanactem petit Graecia, quem si perdit, Andromacham offendit, si servat, Graeciae sibi accersit odium, quin de favore Andromachae certi quid dispiciat. | 15r Actus ii. Praecipua involutio consistit in amore Pyrrhi concepto erga Andro- macham, quam ob rem postposuit Hermionem. Sed obnitente semper Andro- macha modo ad Hermionem redibat, modo novas spes concipiens ad Andro- macham. Unde Orestis, qui Hermionem amabat, diversae vices. In scena itaque prima Hermione Orestem expectat jam satur contemptuum a Pyrrho tolera- torum. In 2da Orestes proponit constantiam sui amoris, Hermione explicat odium suum in Pyrrhum, interea vero sollicitudinem suam denotat circa Pyr- rhum, quod ducat Andromacham,b unde diffidentia et zelotipya Oresti. Evertuntur hae spes Orestis in scena 4ta, ubi Pyrrhus Oresti innuit, se imo- laturum Astyanactem filium Andromachae, et ducturum Hermionem, cujus nuncium ad eam ipsum Orestem mittit. Interea tamen dum Pyrrhus se jactat coram Phoenice suo gubernatore de rupto vinculo cum Andromacha, residuas adhuc amoris scintillas prodit in scena 5ta. Actus iii. Orestes in scena 1ma furit et insanit ex spe Hermionis acquirendaec amissa, eam itaque vi rapere decernit. In scena 2da Orestes a Pyrrho nunciat restitutum ejus amorem, a quo iterum occupata eum expectat. In scena 3tia Hermione sibi plaudit, sed gaudium turbatur interventu Andro- machae, quam putabat venire, ut exprobet illid Pyrrhi amorem ereptum. Inte- rea autem supplex venit, et lugens de nece futura Astyanactis. Fugit igitur Hermione, et hac re sit, ut Pyrrhus adveniens Hermionis loco Andromacham 15v inveniat, ubi tamen se ab Hermione expectari voluit in scena 4ta actus ii. | In scena 6ta augetur involutio, dum Pyrrhus loco Hermionis invenit Andro- macham, cujus querellis emovetur, et secedere jubet Phoenicem, ut solus soli

aanno anno bHerm Andromacham cacquirendae] aquirendae emend. dsibi illi latin text 211 loquatur. Hinc in scena 7ma promittit iterum filium incolumem Andromachae, modo nuptias velit cum illo contrahere. In scena 8va Andromacha in summis angustiis luctatur inter amorem Astyanactis filii, et fidem juratam extincto Hec- tori, tandem ad tumulum Hectoris consilium captura properat. Actus iv. Interea Andromacha ficte promiserat Pyrrho consensum, et decernit venire ad templum, ubi parabatur hymen, promittere Pyrrho fidem, ut filium ferret, sed eodem sibi ipsi momento vitam abrumpere: id imperasse sibi ad tumulum Hectorem, indicat Cephisae in scenaa 1ma. Interim advenit Her- mione, quam ambae fugiunt. In scena 2da Hermione tota turbata iterum expectat Orestem, cui promittit in scena 3tia suum amorem, si ipsam vindicaverit, quod cum addixisset, jubet ad aram in ipsa solemnitate sponsalium imolari Pyrrhum, hic summa Orestis perturbatio. Legatus venit a Graecis ad Pyrrhum, et illum occidere deberet; dum nutat, Hermione illi indignatur, languorem in amore exprobrat, tandem consentit Orestes. In scena 3tia advenit Pyrrhus, quem Hermione venire credit nova poeniten- tia ductum mutati amoris, post Orestem igitur mittit Cleonem, ne quid molia- tur prius, quam ipsam denuo convenerit, mandat. Sed Pyrrhus in scena 5ta nihil aliud agit, quam ut se excuset Hermioni, quae illi vindictam minitatur. | Actus v. In scena prima sternitur via ad evolutionem dum Hermione incipit 16r revocare antiquam teneritudinem in Pyrrhum, ad templum igitur properare vult, ut ejus necem impediat. Sed in scena 2da advenit Cleone, a qua iterum in iram concitatur, dum audit totum apparatum nuptiarum, Orestem itaque tardum esse ad vindictam rata, se ipsa ultura ad templum provolat. In scena 3tia, dum properat Hermioneb ad templum, ei occurrit Orestes, extinctum Pyrrhum nuntiat, ex qui facto dum Hermioni placere sperat, ejus indignationem incurrit. In scena 4ta furit Orestes, et in scena 5ta, dum Pylades ei suadet abitum ex Epiro, ille Hermionem ubique sequi desperatur decernit, sed audiens a Pylade, Hermionem sibi in templo prope Pyrrho mortem conscivisse, in summas furias agitur.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutis.

Terrorem excitantc furiae Orestis, mors Pyrrhi et Hermionis. Commiserationem merentur periculum innocentis Astyanactis, angustiae Andromachae eo redactae, ut vel filium perdat, | vel fidem mortuo Hectori 16v aI in scena bw Hermione cexcitant p 212 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

promissam violet. Orestes compassione dignus est, ubi tam fidelis Hermioni ab ea toties luditur. Elucet praecipue Andromachae amor tenerrimus in Astyanactem filiolum et fidelitas in defunctum maritum. Praemiatur ubi filium servat incolumem et fidem inviolatam praestat marito. Orestis fidelitas in amando Hermionem commiserationem imprimis meretur, deinde ipsius Hermionis amorem saepius obtinet. Sed in eodem Oreste castigatur mors Pyrrhi procurata, ejusque hoc in opere perfidia utpote qui legatum egerat, scilicet agitur furiis, sentit gravissimos re- morsus, et amatae Hermioni author necis sit. Pyrrhus punitur interitu partim ob suam levitatem amando modo Hermio- nem, modo Andromacham, partim ob abjectionem animi, qua se amore captivae Trojanae irretivi passus est, et hanc ob rem totius Graeciae petitioni refra- gatus Astyanactem imolare noluit. Hermione Orestem deseruit, et illum totiesa lusit, Pyrrhi ipsius mortem pro- curat ex zelotipia, sed punitur imprimis Pyrrhi inconstantia, qua ipsa quoque toties ludebatur, quoties decepit Orestem, deinde desperatione et morte propria. |

17r Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem et fictiones operis, rerumque in eo verosimilitudinem et convenientiam.

Actio principalis est fidelitas Andromachae in defunctum Hectorem maritum suum, quo omnia reliqua diriguntur, ut sunt Pyrrhi amor in Andromacham, Hermionis zelotipia, Orestis furiae etc. Historia quidem refert Andromachae una cum marito in ipso Trojae excidio Astyanactem sublatum, ipsam vero a Pyrrho captivam abductam ex eo Molos- sum concepisse. Hic autem fingitur Andromacha nullum alium maritum agnoscere quam Hectorem, nec alium filium quam Astyanactem, facit igitur poeta per fictionem, ut diutius vivat Astyanax, quam re ipsa vixerit, scilicet ultra excidium Troyae eique applicat fata ipsius Molossi. Haec ipsa fictio ingeniose est excogitata ad fundandam majorem rei verisimilitudinem. Idea enim, quam vulgo de Andromacha habemus, est haec quod fuerit casta et pudica foemina, cui conforme non esset, quod de ea meminit historia. | 17v Ut furiae Orestis vero videantur similores, fingit illum poeta legatum a Grae- cis ad ipsum Pyrrhum, quem occidit. Hermione ipsa, cujus amore deperibat, prius debuit supra tumulum Pyrrhi mortua concidere. Hinc ira Hermionis,

atotiuses latin text 213 ejusque sibi ereptae mors, nex truculenta Pyrrhi ab ipso contra jus gentium accelerata sufficientem desperato furori occasionem suppeditant. Ut autem ipsa Hermione se occidat, illa consilium dat Oresti de necando Pyrrho, sed eo occiso redeuntibus amoris reliquiis in desperationem agitur.

Reflexiones supra caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Andromacha proponitur ut foemina casta et pudica, fidelis defuncto mari- to Hectori. Exprimitur optime tenerrimus illius amor in parvum Astyanac- tem. Pyrrhus perdite amat Andromacham, omnes ei machinas admovet, minatur necem Astyanactis, sed contemptus semper ad Hermionem redit, nihilominus tamen vel visa Andromacha iterum mutat consilium. | Hermionis amor in Pyr- 18r rhum, quae solum ad Orestem convertebatur, quoties a Pyrrho neglecta fuit, ideoque licet toties decepta Pyrrho tamen credit, quoties ad eam redit, donec nullam amplius spem sibi superesse videns in ipso apparatu sponsalium Pyrrhi cum Andromacha ad extrema deducitur, ulturaque perfidiam ejus necem pro- curat, mox autem occiso Pyrrho consilii sui poenitudine tacta et, quod amantes inter accidere solet, ultione peracta ut cesset ira, redeat amor, consilii poeni- teat, ipsisque ultionis executoribus indignentur.

Affectus.

Amor Pyrrhi in Andromacham. Actus 1, scena 4; actus 3, scena 7. Amor Orestis in Hermionem. Actus 2, scena 2; actus 4, scena 3. Mixtus desperationi. Actus 3, scena 1. Amor Hermionis in Pyrrhum. Actus 5, scena 1. Furor Orestis. Actus 3, scena 1; actus 5, scena 4, 5. Odium Andromachae in Pyrrhum. Actus 3, scena 6, 5. Dolor Andromachae de occidendo Astyanacte. Actus 1, scena 4; actus 3, scena 4, 8; actus 4, scena 1. Odium Hermionis in Pyrrhum. Actus 4, scena 3, 5; actus 5 scena 1, 2.a Ira Hermionis in Orestem occiso Pyrrho. Actus 5, scena 3 |

Descriptiones. 18v

Historia Andromachae. Actus 1, scena 1. Excidium Troyae et mors Hectoris. Actus 3, scena 8. aActus 5, scena 1, 2. scena 1, 2. 214 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Monita Astyanacti relicta ab Andromacha ad mortem properante. Actus 4, scena 1. Mors Pyrrhi. Actus 5, scena 4. Mors Hermionis. Actus 5, scena 5.

Les sentimens plus elevés.

Vous même de vos soins craignez la recompense, Et que dans votre sein ce serpent élevé Ne vous punisse un jour de l’avoir conservé. Actus 1, scena 2. Je ne vois, que des tours, que la cendre a couvertes, Un fleuve teint de sang, des campagnes desertes, Un enfant dans les fers. Ibidem. Puisque une fois le jour vous souffrez, qua je voie Le seul bien, qui me reste et d’Hector, et de Troie. Actus 1, scena 4. Digne objet de leur crainte! Un enfant malheureux, qui ne sait pas encor, Que Pyrrhus est son maître, et qu’il est fils d’Hector. Ibidem. Quels charmes ont pour vous des yeux infortunées, 19r Qu’à pleurs éternels vous avez condannés. Ibidem. | Non, vous n’esperez plus de nous revoir encor, Sacrés murs, que n’a pu conserver mon Hector. Ibidem. Il n’a pour sa defense, Que les pleurs de sa mére, et que son innocence. Ibidem. J’ai couru par-tout, où ma perte certaine Dégagoit mes fermens, et finissoit ma peine, J’ai mendié la mort chez des peuples cruels Qui n’appaissoient leurs Dieur, que du sang des mortels. Ils n’ont fermé leurs temples, et ces peuples barbares de mon sang prodigué sont devenus avares, Enfin je viens a vous, et je me vois reduit A chercher dans vos yeux une mort, qui me fuit. Actus 2, scena 2. Excuse un reste de tendresse. Crains-tu pour ma colére un si foible combat? D’un amour, qui s’éteint, c’est le dernier éclat. Actus 2, scena 5. Ma flamme par Hector fut jadis allumée, Avec lui dans la tombe elle s’est enfermée. Actus 3, scena 4. Je percerai le coeur, que je n’ai pu toucher Et me sanglants mains sur moi-même tournées Aussitôt malgré lui joindroit nos destinées. Actus 4, scena 3. latin text 215

Et même en ce moment, où ta bouche cruelle Vient si tranquillement m’annoncer le trépas, Ingrat! je doute encor, si je ne t’aime pas. Actus 4, scena 5. |

Britannicus. Tragédie. Argumentum. 19v

Nero Agrippinae matris artibus Britanico praelatus et imperium adeptus, auli- corum, Narcissi praesertim liberti adulationibus se credidit, eorumque consiliis Britanicum veneno sustulit, matrem vero, quod exprobrationes ejus continuas non ferret, ense trucidari jussit.

Vixit id temporis Junia Silani, cui Silano promissam a Claudio Octaviam ut Nero obtineret, eum variis circumventum fraudibus e medio sustulit. Octaviam postquam repudiasset Nero, fingitur amasse Juniam, licet ab Agrippina Britanico jam esset designata. Junia vero, ut a Nerone se expediret, vestalibus se virginibus adscripsit. |

Acteurs 20r

Neron, Empereur, fils d’Agrippine. Britannicus, fils d’empereur Claudius. Agrippine, veuve de Domitius Enobarbus, Pére de Néron et en secondes nôces veuve d’Empereur Claudius. Junie, Amante de Britannicus. Burrhus, Gouverneur de Néron. Narcisse, Gouverneur de Britannicus. Albine, Confidente d’Agrippine. Gardes.

La scéne est à Rome dans une chambre du palais de Néron. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem et evolutionem operis. 20v

Actus 1. In prima scena indicatur locus actionis, scilicet camera Palatii Caesarei ante penetrale ipsius Neronis: Faut-il qu’errant dans le Palais sans suite, et sans escorte la mere de César veille seule a sa porte. 2do tempus actionis, scilicet illud ipsum, quo Nero deposita sensim simulatione incepit se formidabilem reddere. 3tio causa, cur Agrippinae offensus sit Nero. Quia videbat hanc obnitentem suis consiliis, volebat repudiata Octavia ducere Juniam, quam Agrippina Britannico destinarat. Quae res occasionem dedit insidiis, quae parabantur Britannico. 216 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

4to narratur ab Agrippina imperium Neroni neglecto Britanico procuratum, et Silanus sublatus a Nerone, ut promissam ei a Claudio Octaviam obtineret. In secunda scena describitur munus Burrhi, scilicet gubernatoris, et profecti Caesarei. Narratur, quomodo remotis adulatoribus, revocati ex exilio Burrhus et Seneca, ut iis committeretur juventus Neronis. Innuitur a Nerone eo ipso tempore Juniam sororem Silani in palatium fuisse abductam. | 21r In scena 3tia Britannico jam est notus raptus Juniae sibi destinatae. In scena 4ta exponitur officium Narcissi, qui nempe erat Britanici moribus praefectus et Pallantis liberti Claudii imperatoris, apud quem Pallantem Agrip- pina cum Britanico degebant.

Actus 2. In prima scena Nero mandatum dat, ut Pallas exulet. In secunda scena ad praecipuas involutiones via sternitur, nam imprimis in actu anteriori Bri- tannicus se totum commissit Narcisso, eumqeu mittit ad Neronem, ut occultos ejus sensus de ipso, et de Junia rimetur, hic vero Narcissus id ipsum prodit Neroni. Deinde Nero amorem suum in Juniam detegit et zelotipyam adversus Britannicum. Octaviam repudiare constituit. Narcisso committit, ut persuadeat Britannico. Juniam absque teste conveniri posse et deceptum esse Neronem. In scena 3tia Nero Juniae amorem suum aperit, quae imprimis sub variis praetextibus se excusat, dein fatetur sibi fixum esse Britannicum amare. Impo- nit Juniae Nero, ut ipsa loquatur cum Britannico, sed nullum signum amoris exhibeat, se testem fore omnis sermonis et nutumque spondet et minatur, ex hoc pendere vitam Britannici, qua re in summam anxietatem redigitur Junia. In scena 6ta itaque dum Britanicus Juniae multis suos amores explicat, illa vero nullum signum dat et vix aliqua loquitur, Britanicus extreme angitur, 21v suspicatus, se jam vilescere Juniae et placere Neronem, vicissim | et Junia affligitur hac Britanici suspicione, quam illi ob praesentiam latentis Neronis eximere non audet.

Actus 3. In scena prima Burrhus disuadet amorem Neroni, sed incassum et insuper se suspectum reddit, in discrimine igitur se versari conspicatus, statuit in scena 2da Agrippinam flectere ad magis connivendum Neroni, sed Agrippina in proposita firmat se in scena 3tia, et perpetuo obsistere Neroni decernit, rationem hujus dat in scena 4ta. Nam hactenus Agrippina erat velut imperatrix et prope regnabat, quia Octaviam, quod ex ea nullam prolem habuisset, Nero contempserat, timet itaque, ne potentiam suam amittat, si repudiata Octavia Junia a Nerone ducatur. In scena 5ta Agrippina se arctius conjungit cum Britanico contra Neronem, ejusque (Britanici) de se suspiciones mitigare conatur. In scena 6ta Narcissus sciens eo venturam Juniam, Britanico fugam suadet, qui contra ab illo petit (utpote sibi fidum adhuc putat) ut Juniae colloqui possit, sed interea ipsa abest. latin text 217

In scena 7ma Junia et Britanicus se mutuo informant circa illa, quae gesta sunt in actus 2di scena 6ta, ubi tam frigide acceptus est a Junia Britanicus, quia nempe occultus testis aderat Nero, minimum amoris signum in Junia morte Britanici ulturus. Supervenit in scena 8va Nero, in quem dum acrius excandescit Britanicus, seque cessurum in amore negat, in vincula jussu caesaris abripitur, Junia minitante, se vestalibus virginibus accessuram. In | scena 9na Nero jubet 22r mutari satellitium Agrippinae suo Burrhoque obnitenti minatur.

Actus 4. In scena prima Agrippina tandem aditum ad Neronem obtinet. In scena 2da Agrippina multis Neroni exprobrat ingratitudinem, qui ex ea quaerit conditiones reconciliationis, Agrippina sequentes dictat:

De mes accusateurs qu’on punisse l’audace, Que de Britannicus on calme le courroux, Que Junie à son choix punisse prendre un époux, Qu’ils soient libres tous deux, etque Pallas deneure, Que vous me permettiez de vous voir à toute heure, Que ce même Burrhus, qui vous vient écouter, A votre porte enfin n’ose plus m’arrêter.

His pactis consentit Nero, sed ficto se id facere Burrho in scena 3tia aperit, seque ejus ruinam jam designasse. Burrhus autem illum a consilio dimovet sequentibus rationibus: 1mo innocentia Britanici, et spe certa, quod illud obedientem habebit. 2do a bona fama, quam hactenus habuit Nero, quam potest adhuc augere, et quam perderet hoc facinore. 3tio mortis Britanici ultores consurrec- turos, ideoque Neroni cunctos timendos fore. 4to a felicitate praeterita et solu- tio, quod habuit Nero, dum in omnium amoribus erat, dum sanguis vilissimi hominis illi erat pretiosus, dum optabat nescire litteras, quoties mortis sententia subscribendum fuerat. Tandem rogat Neronem, ut ipsum ante occidat, quam committat necem Britanici, se nolle tam detestando facinori supervivere, quod perorationis loco in hac oratione servit, suique expugnavit animum caesaris, qui vocari jubet Britanicum, ut se | cum illo reconcileat. 22v In scena 4ta Narcissus advenit et paratum jam esse venenum in mortem Bri- tanici nuntiat, sed ei Nero exponit, suum animum immutatum esse, sed reconciliationem cum Britanico se quaerere. Sed totus iterum Narcissi dolis et susu- rationibus pervertitur et quidem sequentia proponit Neroni Narcissus. Agrip- pinam publice gloriari sea dominari caesari et post momenti colloquium se ab illo omnia, quae voluit, impetrasse. Romanos, si caesar tantum praecaveret, sibi ased se 218 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

persuasuros, se timeri, adeoque tentaturos jugum excutere, cui tam dire jam assueverunt. Non timendam esse infamiam hujus necis, Romam facile inven- turam crimen, etiamsi innocentes fuerint, qui suppliciis addicerentur, quin dies nativitatis Britanici et Octaviae inter nefastos posituram. Burrhum et alios propterea solum obsistere huic neci, qui viderent hoc modo suam potentiam infractum iri. Vocem publicam hanc esse Neronem non esse natum pro imperio, aliorum regi arbitrio Burrhi nempe et Senecae ambitionis loco et virtutis bellicae illum excellere solum in aurigando, luctando per circum, agendo, et canendo in theatris, ubi interea gregarii milites laudes et applausum illi prae- ripiunt.

Actus 5. in scena prima Britanicus gaudium suum explicat de reconciliatione cum Nerone, Junia contra infidias metuente, quae dum venienti in scena 2da Agrippinae, ut ad Neronem Britanicum evocet, suspiciones suas et timorem de 23r salute | Britanici exponit, auditur tumultus, cernitur fugitivus Burrhus, qui in scena 4ta Britanicum veneno sublatum nuntiat, quo audito Junia in palatium currit. In scena 6ta excusare se volenti Neroni Agrippina exprobrata perfidium et crudelitatem, eique praedicit ipsum et materno sanguine manus inquinatu- rum, et tandem sibi mortem allaturum. In scena 7ma agnoscit Agrippina suum errorem, quo damnabat Burrhum et fidebat Narcisso, interea in scena ultima affertur nuncius de Junia, quae vestalibus virginibus se adscripsit, Narcissum volentem eam inde abstrahere a populo furente fuisse contrucidatum, Nero- nem autem furere, ad quem discedunt Agrippina et Burrhus.

Reflexiones, supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutis.

Excitatur commiseratio Britannici per totam actionem, praecipue autem in illo colloquio cum Junia, quod occulte praesente Nerone instituit, et mors illius. Movet ad compassionem quoque Junia in illa ipsa occasione, et dum amplexata statuam Augusti ad vestales virgines confugit. | 23v Excitant horrorem primo crudelitas Neronis, 2do raptus Juniae, et secuta inde consternatio Britanici, 3tio Mors Britanici sub specie reconciliationis patrata, 4to praesagia facta Neroni a matre sua Agrippina, 5to Mors Narcissi. Punitur Neronis crudelitas furore, amor illius iniquus et illegitimus repudiata Octavia, sinistro successu, ubi Juniam vestalibus adscriptam intueri debuit, facilitas credendi adulatori Narcissi jactura hujus ipsius aulici subsequente.

aexplo exprobrat latin text 219

Etiamsi Britanicus innocens moriatur, praemissum illius tamen est, quod comploratus, et ultus moriatur, et fidam sibi habuerit Juniam. Burrhi Religio et studium ad meliora perducendi caesarem praemiatur satis, ubi ille effugit incolumis, videns Narcissum quomodocunque caesareis favoribus sustultum misere interire.

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem et fictiones operis rerumque in eo verisimilitudinem et convenientiam. |

Actio principalis est mors Britanici, eo diriguntur amores Nerones cum Junia, 24r Agrippinae continuae exprobrationis, quibus filii odium sibi accersit. Ut author occasionem det Neronis amoribus, facit Juniam sub aliquo prae- textu ad aulam raptari, ubi Nero ea conspecta inflammatur. Etiamsi virgo vestalis nulla possit fieri infra sextum et supra decimum aetatis annum, id tamen indulgatur Juniae sustultae populi commiserantis protec- tione, qui ratione habita ejus nobilitatis, virtutis, calamitatis aetatem legibus praescriptam dispensare potuit, sicut dispensavit circa aetatem ad consulatum requisitam. Quare etiam author commiserationem ejus apud populum excitat, dum eam mortuo Britanico proponit in publicum prodeuntem, lamentantem, ad statuam Augusti confugientem, eam amplexantem. Cum proponatur Nero talis, qualis fuit eo tempore, quo incepit deponere larvam, author illi tribuit adhuc aliquos sensus meliores, ne aperte omnia per vim agat, ut fecit ultimis imperii annis, quibus in apertam crudelitatem jam erupit. Hinc persuadetur monitis Agrippinae et Burrhi, locum dat studio boni nominis conservando, donec novis iterum artibus Narcissi subvertatur in pejus ejus animus. In scena 6ta actus 2di Junia quidem cogitur, ut sine ullo signo amoris Brita- nicum excipiat, ne autem amor contra | verisimile nimis arctari videatur, Junia 24v una alterave propositione dat intelligendum, posse alicubi latere Neronem, qui audiat, quod tamen Britannicus nimis jam mutato, ut putabat Juniae animo consternatus minus observabat. Finito hoc colloquio animi aegra Junia diu per- sistere nequit, sed conspectum Neronis fugit. Ne videatur, quod Juniae improviso occurrerit, ut mortuo Britanico se vestalibus adscribat, quod consilium vix verosimile apparetur in ea rerum confusione, Junia ejus res jam in Actus 3tii scena 8va mentionem facit, ubi in vincula abrepto Britanico minatur, se ad vestales provolaturam,a ut adeo in catastrophe consilium hoc Juniae jam satis praemeditatum videatur.

aprovolaturam] provolaturum emend. 220 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

In scena 2da actus 4ti Agrippina longiorem orationem orditur, verosimile itaque est, quod Agrippina prius ad sedem se deponat, et sedendo loquatur, quod etiam valde conveniens est ex eo capite, quia Aggrippina authoritatem et characterem matris coram Nerone mordicus tuebatur. Paratum jam erat: saltem imperatum venenum pro Britanico, ut igitur Nero mutet consilium et reconciliationem con Britanico decernat, opus erat magno argumentorum pondere, ut videre est in actus 4ti scena 3tia. Quamprium Burrhus dicit: “Britannicus expire,” Junia non remoratur, sed profugit ad palatium, ut vel succurrat Britanico, ut mortuum sequatur. | 25r Aliquibus Junia videtur nimis venire in notitiam aulae, in qua non degebat ultra 24 horas, ubi eo etiam tempore magis occupabatur violentia et insidiis, quae illi struebantur, quam quacunque alia re, aut aulaea arcanis investigandis.

Reflexiones supra characteres et varias elegantias operis.

Nero proponitur, qualis fuit primis annis imperii, qui, ut historia refert, beati fuerunt, non licuit igitur eum repraesentare tam perversum, quam postea fuerat. Nondum enim occiderat matrem, uxorem, provinciarum praefectos, cuncta nihilominus jam alebat scelerumb femina, incipiebat jugum excutere maternum, oderat fratrem, uxorem et ditionum praefides, sed occulebat adhuc odium falsis blanditiis, uno verbo monstrum erat nascens, sed necdum audebat se palam declarare et flagitiis sceleribusque velamenta quaerebat. Non poterat ferre Octaviam claram pietate et religione foeminam metuebaturque, ne in stupra foeminarum illustrium prorumperet. Caetera suspiciosus curiosus sciendi, quid alii agant, loquantur, observans quosvis natus et in suspicionem trahens, auscultans adulationum Narcissi, optimos quosque aulios aversatus, 25v matris impatiens, in ejus tamen conspectu interna | quadam Religione ducitur. Amori deditur, non qualicunque, sed insanissimo, qualem fovet erga Juniam, quique amor ad furias usque eum redigit, sentit adhuc stimulos internos con- servandae famae suae, quam priorum annorum virtutibus fictis sibi compa- raverat, quamque ne attentanda Britanici nece primum eat perditum, metue- bat. Britannicus Princeps juvenis, facili et candido ingenio, magna utitur libertate, omnibus virtutibus clarus ita, ut quivis ei imperium optet propositumque Neronem indignetur. Aggrippina foemina ambitiosa, materna in Neronem authoritate usa, Brita- nicum fovet.

aalu aulae bvirtutum scelerum latin text 221

Narcissus exhibet imaginem aulici politici, qui se conformat genio sui principis et adulationibus suis eo inducit Neronem, quo vitia ejus inclinare advertit, omnes ei scrupulos eximit, quos circa necem Britanici, nuptias cum Junia cele- brandas, et alia seu indecora, seu violenta non tam suaa pietas, quam timor populi suggerit. Omnia minima ei defert, suspecta facit omnia, et residuam etiamnum in matrem reverentiam sensim oblitterat. Burrhus alius longe a Narcisso veritatem, exosam licet Neroni sciret, coram eo non erubescit, dissuadet | amores indecentes erga Juniam, priora gesta 26r laudabilia revocat, et tandem, quod talibus evenire solet, suspicionibus de Britanico necato involvitur, aulamque fugere cogitur. Junia virgo tenera, honesta, Britanico ad extremum in amore fida, ad impuros Neronis ignes erubescit, rapinae tyrani se exponi videns virginitatem perpetuam arripit.

Affectus.

Amor Neronis erga Juniam. Actus 9, scena 3. Erubescentia Juniae ad amorem Neronis. Actus 1, scena 3. Amor mixtus dolori in Britanico. Actus 1, scena 6; actus 2, scena 6. Gaudium Britanici de reconciliatione cum Nerone. Actus 5, scena 1. Timor Juniae de Britanico. Actus 5, scena 1. Ira Aggrippinae in Neronem. Actus 5, scena 6.

Descriptiones.

Injuria illata Aggrippinae a Nerone. Actus 1, scena 1. Electio Neronis ejusque imperium. Actus 4, scena 2. Amoris erga Juniam in Nerone origo. Actus 2, scena 2. Mors Britanici. Actus 5, scena 5. Junia se adscribit vestalibus. Actus 5, scena 8. |

Les sentimens plus élevés. 26v

Il commence, il est vrai, par ou finit Augyste; Mais crains, que l’avenir detruisant le passé, Il ne finisse ainsi qu’Augyste a commencé. Actus 1, scena 1. Derriére un voile, invisible et présente, J’étois de ce grand corps l’âme toute-puissante. Ibidem. aejus sua 222 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Les trésors, dont le ciel voulut vous embellir, Les avez-vous reçus pour les ensevelir. Actus 2, scena 3. Vous êtes en des lieux tout pleins de sa puissance. Les murs même, Seigneur, peuvent avoir des yeux, Et jamais l’Empereur n’est absent des ces lieux. Actus 2, scena 6 Trop sure, que ses yeux ne pouvoient se cacher, Peut-être elle fugoit pour se faire chercher. Actus 3, scena 6. Vertueux jusqu’ici vous pouvez toujours l’être. Le chemin est tracé, rien ne vous retient plus. Vous n’avez qu’à marcher de vertus en vertus. Actus 4, scena 5. Vous allumez un feu, qui ne pourra l’éteindre. Craint de tout l’univers, il vous faudra tout craindre. Ibidem. Ne voila prêt, Seigneur, avant que de partir, Faites percer ce coeur, qui n’y peut consentir. Ibidem. Neron n’est point né pour l’Empire. Il ne dit, il ne fait, que ce qu’on lui prescrit. Burrhus conduit son coeurs, Senecque son ésprit | 27r Pour toute ambition, pour vertu singuliere, Il excelle à conduire un char dans la carriére A disputer des prix indignes de ses mains, A se donner lui-même en spectacle aux Romains, A venir prodigner sa voix sur un theâtre, A reciter des chants, qu’il veut, qu’on idolâtre; Tandis que des soldats, de momens en momens Vont arracher pour lui les applaudissemens. Actus 4, scena 4. La coupe dans ses mains par Narcisse est replie, Mais ses lévres à peine en ont touché les bords, Le fer ne produit point de se puissans efforts. La lumiére a ses yeux est ravié, Il tombe sur son lit sans chaleur et sans vie. Actus 5, scena 5. Ne crois pas qu’en mourant je te laisse tranquille, Rome, ce ciel, ce jour, que tu regas de moi, Par-tout, à tout moment m’offriront devant toi. Tes remords te suivront comme autant de furies, Tu croiras les calmer par d’autres barbaries. Ta fureur s’irritant soi-même dans son cours, D’un sang toujours nouveau marquera tous tes jours. Actus 5, scena 6. D’abord elle a d’Auguste apperçu la statue: Et mouillant de ses pleurs les marbres de ses pies: Prince, par ces genoux, dit-elle, que j’embrasse, latin text 223

Protege en ce moment le reste de ta race!a Rome dans son palais vient de voir immoler, Le seul de tes neveux, qui te put ressembler. | 27v On veut aprés sa mort que je lui sois perjure. Mais pour lui conserver une fois toujours pure, Prince, je me devoue à ces Dieux immortels, Dant ta vertu t’a fait partager des Autels. Actus 5, scena 8. |

Berenice. 28r Tragédie. Argumentum.

Titus Reginae Berenici, quam ex Palaestina secum adduxerat, nuptias est polli- citus, quas utprimum populo Romano improbari comperit, nec non adversari legi, qua, ne quis cuidam e regio sanguinae connubio conjungeretur, cautum erat, invitus eam invitam ex urbe dimisit.

Antiochus Rex Comagenae Berenicis amores in Palaestina possederat, eamque ubique locorum est secutus, quin Romam usque, ubi Titum rivalem accepit. |

Acteurs. 28v

Titus, Empereur de Rome. Berenice, Reine de Palestine. Antiochus, Roi de Comagéne. Paulin, Confident de Titus. Arsace, Confident d’Antiochus. Phenice, Confidente de Bérenice. Rutile, Romain. Suite de Titus.

La scéne est à Rome, dans un cabinet, qui est entre l’apartement de Titus, et celui de Berenice. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem, et evolutionem operis. 29r

Actus 1. In scena prima indicatur locus actionis, scilicet cubiculum medium inter concave Titi et Berenicis. Deinde patefit, Antiochum fuisse semel amatum ata race] ta trace emend. 224 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

a Berenice, Antiochum autem etiamnum constanter adhaerere Berenici, illi fuisse de amore silentium impositum a regina, sed modo constituisse illud rumpere, ubi Tito desponsatur, narratur in scena 2da. In scena 3tia ostenditur Antiochum post dictum vale reginae, abitum Roma meditari, jamque ad fugam expeditas stare naves in ostio. In scena 4ta explicatur vehementia amoris Antiochi, qui ubique secutus est Berenicem, donec Titus modo omnem illi spem ademit, fugere itaque certo statuit. In scena 5ta Phenice honorariaa Berenicis edocet, quod connubium Titi cum Berenice esset contra legem, qua vetatur conjungi Regio sanguini, ubi simul via sternitur ad involutionem. |

29v Actus 2. In scena 2da Titus constituit Berenicem dimittere. Hujus rei ignara Berenice convenit Titum in scena 4ta, cumque illum tristem animadverteret, putabat id provenire ex memoria defuncti patris Vespasiani, Titumque hac super re solabatur, interea Titus dubius solum verbis respondebat, nec poterat sibi adhuc imperare, ut Berenici consilium suum aperiret. Berenice igitur inquirit in scena 5ta diversas causas, quae tam tristem Titum efficere potuissent et tandem concludit illum offensum esse amore Antiochi.

Actus 3. Augetur involutio in scena prima, nam Antiochus cogitabat fugere ob amorem Titi erga Berenicem, ubi tamen Titus huic amori valedicere jam decrevit, praeterea Berenice, ut Tito magis placeat, potentius se opponit amoribus Antiochi et interea Titus ipse Antiochum fugientem detinet illumque sponsum mittit Berenici. Hoc in articulo ex multis capitibus ingens perturbatio Antiochi in scena 2da, nam inprimis debebat redire ad Berenicem, cui jam valedixerat, 2do debebat illi nuntiare spes amissas se conjungendi cum Tito. 3tio timebat ex zelotipia, ne, si ea etiam frueretur, cor semper penes Titum remaneret, dumque 30r ita deliberat et ad finem concludit, coram illa non amplius comparere. | Regina supervenit in scena 3tia, cui exponit nuntium Titi Antiochus, sed non credens Berenice, idque tantum ab Antiocho ingeniose confictum putans, ipsa caesarem adit et Antiochum denuo procul fugere jubet, nec moratur Antiochus et novo hoc dolore percussus in scena 4ta fugae se accingit.

Actus 4. Interea Berenice expectat Titum in scena 1ma et 2da, veniente vero Tito in scena 3tia illa iterum ex perturbatione abit. Titus interea solus in scena 4ta cum amore conflictatur et tandem triumphat reginamque relinquere statuit. In scena 5ta Berenice iterum redit, Tito perfidiam exprobrat, necquidquam se

acon honoraria latin text 225 purgare conanti. In scena 6ta Titus sui impos et metuens, ne Berenice extrema meditetur prae doloris vehementia, modo illi consulere contra legem patriam statuit, modo nova iterum paenitudine tangitur, sicque diversis animi motibus agitatur. Augetur turbatio in scena 7ma, ubi novum nuntium Antiochus offert de extrema animi aegritudine Berenicis, tum non amplius se potuisset sat defendere Titus, nisi in scena 8va jam urgeret nuntius missus a senatu qui praesentiam caesaris postulabat. Mittit itaque ad consolandama reginam Anti- ochum, ipse vero in senatum procedit. |

Actus 5. In scena 2da nuntiat Arsaces Antiocho Berenicem discedere et sepa- 30v rari a Tito, dumque modicum quid spei affulget hac ratione Antiocho, totum evertitur rursus in scena 3tia, ubi Titus ad Berenicem intrat, ut eam soletur, et testem amoris sui ipsum Antiochum petit. In scena 5ta prorumpit ex sui conclavi, ut se a Tito liberet, Titus illam sequitur eique exponit suum amorem, illa vero abitum assiduo parat et litteras dat legendas Tito, quibus valedicit et sibi mortem consciscere statuit. Hic vero Titus vehementius eam retinet. In scena 6ta Titus tandem Berenici persuadet, quod eam amet et vult, ut secura de suo amore discedat. Res tota demum evolvitur in scena ultima, ubi Titus agnoscit Antiochum fuisse suum rivalem, Berenice consentit Tito sibique invicem perpetuum amorem jurant, non tamen minus Antiocho suum affectum promittit Berenici, omnes tres denique invicem separati sibi in amore fide vitam agere decernunt.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutis. |

Titus, Berenice et Antiochus debebant separari, cum autem omnes tres per- 31r sonae plenae virtutibus repraesententur, funestus tribus his exitus ita debuit deduci, ne ulla injuria virtutibus eorum facta videatur. Licet enim Tito dura accidat haec separatio, satis tamen solatii habet ex hac de se, suoque amore victoria, deque gloria tanta cum religione observatae legis. Berenice ipsa ad finem persuadetur, ut ultro et prope libenter discedat. Antiochus in praemium suae fidelitatis obtinet amorem Berenicis, et eam Tito non conjungi gaudere potest. Caeterum commiseratio potenter excitatur fere in omnibus scenis modo erga Titum, dum luctatur cum amore, et cum gloria sui nominis; modo erga Berenicem, dum videt se separandam a Tito, modo erga Antiochum, dum Titum rivalem secum continuo debet intueri et amori suo in Berenicem renunciare. aubiquam ad consolandam 226 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem et fictiones operis rerumque in eo verosimilitudinem et convenientiam. |

31v Actio principalis est separatio duorum amantium Titi et Berenicis difficillima, materia theatro omnino dignissima, cum plurimorum et vehementissimorum affectuum sit capax. Et certe si ulla Racini tragoedia simplex est quoad unitatem actionis, haec esse et censeri debet, nihil enim ne per modum episodii quidem tractatur aliud quam haec separatio, in nulla actione cuives affectui insistitur accuratius. Quae etiam causa est, quod minus sit involuta haec actio, neque tamen propterea minus delectat, quam quaevis altera maxime intri- cata, ita ut ter repetita omnis generis ordinisque hominum lachrymas merue- rit. Non opportebat adigere Berenicem, ut se ipsa post separationem a Tito occidat; nam praeterquam quod nullum vitium commode appingi potuisset Berenici, quo merita fuisset tam funestum exitum, nihil etiam hoc in genere probat exemplum Virgilii, qui Didonem quae desperatione mori permittit, nam Berenice tam procul non venit in amore cum Tito, quam Aeneas cum Didone, utpote qui in spelunca jam sponsalia contraxerant. | 32r Ne contra verosimiltudinem nimiam vim amori suo inferat Titus, ille non ipse consilium suum de separatione Berenici aperit, sed primum dum convenit cum Berenice in actus 2di, scena 4ta non nisi suspiriis loquitur, nec tamen sibi imperare potest, ut consilium suum aperiat, dein Antiochum rei nuncium ad reginam mittit, desperans, quod ipse coram consilium suum posset exponere. Praeterea licet gloriam suam semper habeat ante oculos, tamen dolore Bere- nicis emovetur subinde illius animus, ut aliquos infra dignitatem suam sensus concipiat, sed mox opera fidi aulici Paulini in viam reducitur.

Reflexiones supra characteres et varias elegantias operis.

Titus princeps optimus populo summe addictus, cui ut satisfaciat, amorem suum erga Berenicem negligit. Amans veritatis, cupidus sciendi ex aulicis, quid de ipso sentiat populus, quid improbet, quod manifestum est, dum Paulinum licet nolentem et approbantem nuptias cum Berenice, edicere cogit, quinam 32v sint | hoc in genere plebis sermones. Berenice amat sincere Titum, de ejusque fide sibi certa, omnes amoris effec- tus prodit, dum ab eo se separandam videt, videlicet iram, exprobrationes, dolorem, desperationem. Paulinus aulicum fidum et cordatum exprimit, qui servit principi bono, a quo nihil timere sibi debet virtutis causa. latin text 227

Affectus.

Amor Antiochi in Berenicem. Actus 1, scena 2, 4; actus 5, scena 7. Dolor amantis Titi. Actus 1, scena 2, 4; actus 3, scena 1; actus 4, scena 4, 5, 6; actus 5, scena 5, 6, 7. Dolor Berenicis amantis. Actus 2, scena 5; actus 4, scena 1; actus 5, scena 7. Ira Berenicis et desperatio. actus 4, scena 5; actus 5, scena 5.

Descriptiones.

Itinera Antiochi. Actus 1, scena 4. Romana insignia honoris. Actus 1, scena 5. Amoris Titi erga Berenicem vehementia. Actus 2, scena 2. |

Les sentimens plus élevés. 33r

Apres cinque ans d’amour, et d’espoir superflus, Je pars fidéle encor, quand je n’éspére plus. Actus 1, scena 2. Moi, qui loin des grandeurs, dont il est revêtu, Aurois choisi son coeur et cherché sa vertu. Actus 1, scena 4. Madame, il vous souvient, que mon coeur en ces lieux Reçut le prémier trait, qui partit de vos yeux. Ibidem. Votre bouche à la mienne ordonna de se taire, je disputai longtems, je fis parler mes yeux; Mes yeuxa et mes soupirs vous suivoient en tous lieux. Ibidem. Lieux charmans, ou mon coeur vous avoit adorée, Je chercois en pleurant les traces de vos pas. Ibidem. Que vous dirai-je enfin? je suis des yeux distraits, Qui me voyant toujours ne me voyant jamais. Ibidem. Et les secrets de son coeur et du mien, Sont de tout l’univers devenus l’entretien. Actus 2, scena 2. je ne prens point pour juge une cour idolâtre, Paulin, je me propose un plus noble theâtre, Et sans prêter l’oreille à la voix des flateurs, Je veux par votre bouche entendre tous les coeurs. Ibidem. Qu’au travers des flateurs votre sincérité,

amodern reading is ‘mes pleurs’. 228 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Fit toujours jusqu’à moi passer la verité. Ibidem. Mais par où commencer? vingt fois depuis huit jours J’ai voulu devant elle en ouvrir le discours; | 33v Et dés le prémier mot ma langue embarassée Dans ma bouche vingt fois a demesuré glacée. Ibidem. Depuis cinq ans entiens chaque jour je la-vois, Et crois toujour la voir pour prémier fois. Ibidem. Faut-il par des sermons vaincre ma defiance? Mon coeur ne prétend point, Seigneur vous dementir Et je vous en croirai sur un simple soupir. Actus 2, scena 4. Dois-je croire, Grands Dieux! ce que je viens d’ouir, Et quand je le croirois, dois-je m’en réjouir? Actus 3, scena 2. Car enfin au combat, qui pour toi se prépare, C’est peu d’être constant, il faut être barbare. Soutiendrai-je ces yeux armés de tous leurs charmes, Attachés sur les meins, m’accabler de leurs larmes, Me souviendrai-je alors de mon triste devoir? Pourrai-je dire enfin: je ne veux plus vous voir? Actus 4, scena 4. Je n’écoutea plusieurs, et pour jamais adieu. Pour jamais! ah Seigneur! Songez-vous en vous-même, Combien ce mot cruel est affreux, quand on aime? Dans un mois, dans un an, comment souffrirons-nous Seigneur, que tant de mère me separent de vous? Ibidem. Tous mes momens ne sont qu’un éternel passage De la crainte à l’éspoir, de l’éspoir à la rage. Actus 5, scena 4. Que me fert de ce coeur l’inutile retour? Ah cruel! Par pitié montrez-moi moins d’amour. Ne me rapellez point une trop chére idée | 34r Et laissez-moi du moins partir persuadée, Que déja de votre amie exilée en secret, J’abandonne un ingrate, qui me perd sans regret. Actus 5, scena 5. Vous cherchez à mourir? Et de tout ce que j’aime, Il ne restera plus qu’un triste souvenir? Ibidem. |

34v Bajazet. Tragedie. Argumentum.

ane n’écoute latin text 229

Amurates Imperator Turcarum, ut imperium sibi firmaret, e quatuor suis fratribus Osmanem, qui ante illum regnarat, et Orcanum primis regni diebus sustulit; sumque nihil ab Ibrahim natu minimo timendum esset, utpote quem stupiditas imperio prohibuerat, solus supererat Bajazet, quem jugulandi decretum Constantinopolim misit a capta Babylone redux victor Amurates. Amores Bajazetis et zelotypia sultanae habentur ex relatione comitis de Cezy eo ipso tempore legati munus Constantinopoli obeuntis, quo tragoediae haec contigit. |

Acteurs. 35r

Bajazet, Frére du Sultan Amurat. Roxane, Sultane, Favorite du Sultan Amurat. Atalide, Fille du sang Ottoman. Acomat, Grand Visir. Osmin, Confident du Grand Visir. Zatime, Esclave de la Sultane. Zayre, Esclave d’Atalide.

La scéne est à Constantinople, autrement dit Bysance, dans le Serrail du Grand- Seigneur. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem et evolutionem operis. 35v

Actus i. Scena prima instruit de loco actionis, 2do de tempore, dum Osminus e castris ad Babylonem redux narrat de obsidione et missum esse mancipium ob Amurate cum mandatis ex Acomate intelligitur, mancipium jam advenisse, in mandatis habuisse necem Bajazetis, sed in Euxino demersum. 3tio explicantur amores Bajazetis in Roxanam eorumque occasio, scilicet timens Vezirius suo capiti Bajazetem Roxanae implicuit amoribus, ut illa reditum prohibeat Amu- rati, sicque imperium in Bajazetem recidat. 4to causa zelotipyae Roxanae, quod Bajazet amaverit Atalidem. Argumentum magis liquefit in scena 2da, ubi Vezirius adhortatur Roxanam, ut populo ostendat Bajazetem imperatorem et portas claudat Amurati, ad hoc utitur sequentibus argumentis: 1mo, crudelitas Amuratis, seu victus, seu victor redeat; 2do, favor populi in Bajazetem; 3tio populi motus et murmura contra | Amuratem, quod videretur sedem imperii Ottomanici alio velle trans- 36r ferre. In scena 3tia narrat Roxana Attalidi suum amorem in Bajazetem et quam parum respondeat amor Bajazetis. In scena 4ta autem exponitur constitutio 230 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

amoris Atalidis in Bajazetem, nempe occulte amavit, ne resciat Roxana, eo ex fine amorum Roxanae ipsamet fautrix, unde zelotipia, timor, ne aut beneficiis Roxanae capiatur Bajazet, aut ne amorem suum manifestet.

Actus 2. Involutio se prodit in scena prima, dum Roxanae amores Bajazet respuit, neque in scena 3tia, ut iis consentiat, a Vezirio permoveri potest. Magis involvitur actio in scena 5ta, ubi Atalidis persuadet Bajazetem, ut simulet amorem in Roxanem.

Actus 3. Augetur involutio, dum in scena prima narratur Atalidi a sua serva, quod Bajazet promiserit Roxanae nuptias, qua re ejus zelotipia excitatur, ut credat Roxanam a Bajazete vere amari. Propagatur involutio, dum Vezirius ipse progressum totum sponsionis enar- rat Atalidi in scena 2da. Haec in scena 3tia motibus zelotipis suis indulgens Bajazetem relinquere statuit. In scena 4ta Bajazet Atalidem tristem et suas 36v cum Roxanae nuptias timentem deprehendens | Roxanam in scena 5ta super- venientem coram Atalide frigide accipit et fugit, quae res Roxanae suspicionem facit de amore Bajazetis in Atalidem, quod cum ea illum solum repere- rit. Prodidit jam igitur Amuratem Roxana et tamen incerta adhuc est, an a Bajazet ametur, ad extremum turbatur repetito adveniente mandato, ut Bajazet juguletur.

Actus 4. Redduntur Atalidi litterae in scena 1, quas, quod essent a Bajazete, superveniente Roxana abscondit, sed in scena 3tia audito decreto Amuratis de jugulando Bajazete et videns Roxanam exequendum promptam, deliquium patitur atque in deliquio litteras ex sinu dimittit, ex quibus a servo allatis dum Roxana amorem Bajazetis cum Atalide certo comperit, mortem Bajazetis accelerare constituit et hic se incipit evolvere actio. Adfertur a Vezirio nuntius de impatientia populi expectantis resolutionem Sultanae, quae propterea ad executionem properat, consultantibus interea de nece Bajazetis impedienda Vezirio et Osmino.

Actus 5. Roxana Atalidem tenet inclusam, ne impediat necem Bajazetis. In scena 3tia dum omnia sedulo apparat, adducitur in scena 4ta Bajazetes ipse, 37r qui postquam ostensis litteris de amore | cum Atalide convictus esset a Roxana hujus amorem palam respuit, in scena 6ta Roxana Atalidi defendenti Bajaze- tem dubie respondit. Interea 7ma aperit proximam viam ad evolutionem, ubi erumpit seditio Vezirii, qui palatium capit, fugiente in subsidium Roxana. Atalis ex Zatimo, cui secretum impositum erat, de sorte Bajazetis in scena 8va, dum latin text 231 ipsa nihil potest rescire, a Vezirio, cum eidem nihil de hac ipsa referre sciret, in scena 9na minis terretur.a Demum in scena 10ma venit nuncius de occisa Roxana ab Orcano, servo misso ab Amurate pro jugulando cum illa Bajazete, cujus mortem cum notam potaret Zayre, eam narrare negligit. Sed in scena 11ma utriusque mors ab Osmino narratur. Acomat Vezirias suum subsidium Atalidi offert, sed interea dum ad mare currit, Atalis in scena ultima se ipsa confodit.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutum.

Terror excitatur in zelotipia crudeli Roxanae, 2do in resolutione Vezirii ad seditionem contra Roxanam, 3tio in morte Roxanae, Bajazetis et Atalidis. Misericordiam excitat Bajazet, qui maluit mori, quam aut fratri, aut Atalidi esse perfidus. Amor Atalidis, qui tam diu se debuit occultare coram Roxana, et tandem proditus est. Punitur zelotipia Roxanae, quae Amurati perfida, amorem Bajazetis obtinere non potest, et dum mortem ejus exequi vult, ipsa perit. Zelotipia Atali- dis pariter et ipsam, et amantem ejus perdidit. Amuratis crudelitas castigatur omnium proditione conspirante. |

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, tres unitates, nexum scena- 37v rum et episodia Tragoediae.

Actio principalis operis est mors Bajazetis, quam comitantur alii casus funesti secundum naturam tragoediae, scilicet mors Roxanae, mors Atalidis, quibus actio principalis occasionem subministrat. Quod ad tres unitates attinet: primo unitas loci observatur, omnia enim geruntur in grandi palatio Serail; 2do unitas temporis, nam trium praedictorum mors, nuncius ex castris, amoris machinationes omnes intra 24 horas potue- runt perfici; 3tio unitas actionis, dum amor Atalidis, Roxanae zelotipya, Vezirii commotio, Bajazetis ipsius religio ad principalem actionem diriguntur. Spectando episodia Acomat Vezirius habetur pro persona episodica, quae sine detrimento operis posset abesse, interea tamen multum attentionis facit suis conatibus servandi Bajazetem, ad quod illum timor Amuratis reducis invitat. Scenae sunt ita inter se connexae, ut nulla persona prodeat sine convenientia. Sic connaturale est, ut in scena prima colloquantur de statu reipublicae aint terretur 232 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Vezirius et Osminus, ut dum venit Roxane cum Atalide consultum de permo- vendo Bajazete, ab in id ipsum intentis Vezirio, et Ormino eo incitetur Roxana, ut discedente Roxana in scena 4ta Atalis Zayrae suae servae conqueratur de desperato suo amore etc., ut in actu 2do in scena prima Roxana Bajazetem 38r impugnet et recusante | nuptias Bajazete Roxana mandatum det Vezirio de claudenda seralia in scena 2da, ut in scena 3tia Vezirius de hac ipsa re cum Bajazete loquatur, ut in scena 4ta Atalis audito claudi Seraliam, accurrat roget- que Acomatum, ne se elonget, ut in scena 5ta remanentes Atalis et Bajazet suis se amoribus divertant et sic de caeteris.

Reflexiones supra fictionem, caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Finxit poeta Acomati Vezirii offensum animum in Amuratem et studium libe- randi Bajazetem, involutionem factam per litteras Bajazetis inventas in sinu Atalidis. Bajazetes proponitur princeps consuetudinis patriae et amoris sui in Atali- dem observantissimus. Roxane femina perdite amans Bajazetem, licet renuentem, cujus minimum verbum pro maxima amoris contestatione interpretatur, cujus amor zelosusa comperta rivale in odium et crudelitatem erumpit. Atalis amans Bajazetis, cujus commoda proprio amori postponit ita ut amoris Roxanae ipsa interpres esset et fautrix, cum ex eo penderet vita amati. Sed interea zelotipya uritur, suspicionibus agitur. Acomatus speciem Vezirii graphice depingit, qui sultanum timet a victoria aut clade reducem, qui aegre fert se ad expeditionem Babylonicam non adhi- beri, qui ut principis sui insidiis occurrat, extrema meditatur. Affectus elegantissimi exprimuntur amoris mixti zelotipyae, irae desperationi, sic: |

38v Zelotipia Atalidis. Actus 1, scena 4; actus 3, scena 1, scena 3; actus 3, scena 4. Ira amoris spreti in Roxana. Actus 2, scena 1; actus 4, scena 4, 5; actus 5, scena 4. Amor Atalidis et Bajazetis. Actus 2, scena 5; actus 3, scena 4. Zelotipia Roxanae. Actus 3, scena 6, 7; actus 4, scena 4, 5. Zelotipia Atalidis. Actus 4, scena 1.

aOn this medieval Latin word, here used in the sense ‘jealous’, cf. Charles Du Cange, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis (6 vols., Paris 1840–1850), vol. 6, p. 932. latin text 233

Dolor Atalidis. Actus 5, scena 1. Desperatio Atalidis. Actus 5, scena 12.

Descriptiones.

Mors Roxanae. Actus 5, scena 11 Mors Bajazetis. Ibidem.a Sponsalitia ficta inter Bajazetem et Roxanam. Actus 3, scena 2.

Observationes supra rerum convenientias et verosimilitudines.b

Non esset alias consultum in theatrum producere historiam tam recentem, cum personae tragicae deberent respici alio quasi oculo, quam quo respicimus personas communes, quas tam prope vidimus. Dici potest, quod existimatio, quae habetur de heroe eo major, quo ille est remotior; major e longinquo reverentia. Compensari tamen potest temporis novitas longinquitate loci, qua ratione excusari potest author, qui utpote Gallus ejus erat nationis, quae Turcas respicit sicut antiquos, moribus et consuetudinibus diversos, quae tam parum commercii habet cum Ottomanis, ut eos consideret tanquam homines, qui vivunt in alio seculo. De rebus belli et imperii non discurrunt feminae, sed plerumque Acomatus Vezirius resque non per tabellarios aut formatos nuncios, sed per mancipia nunciantur, id quod Turcos mores exprimit. Ut Roxane consentiret in mortem Bajazetis, non sufficiebat quaevis suspicio, sed opus erat claro comperimento litterarum et propria confessione Bajazetis. | Proditio litterarum Bajazetis poterat fieri eo pacto, ut Atalis casu perderet aut 39r servi in curia elaberentur eae, quod cum successu fecit Corneille, sed noluit author mero casui locum relinquere et facit deliquium pati Atalidem, ut accur- rentes subsidio, dum forte vestes ei laxant, in sinu epistolam depehendant. Deliquium vero ut pateretur, non obviam causam aut suspicionem ortam ex zelotipya sufficere putavit poeta, sed debebat causa esse mors Bajazetis ipsique Atalidi certum fieri, Roxanam eam necem serio animo decrevisse. Ut Bajazetes suum in Atalidem amorem fateretur, ibidem opus erat, ut litteras deprehensas sciret.

aActus Ibidem. bsim verosimilitudines. 234 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Les sentimens les plus élevés.

Comme il les craint sans cessea, ils le craignent toujours. Dans le combat le destin plus puissant. Actus 1, scena 1. Marque de quelque affront son Empire naissant Le frére rarement laisse jouir ses fréres. Ibidem. De l’honneur dangereux d’être sortis d’un sang, Qui les a de trop près aprochés de son rang. Ibidem. Bajazet doit perir, dit-elle, on l’épouser. S’il se rend, que de viens-je en ce malheur extrême? S’il ne se rend pas, que devient-il lui-même? Actus 1, scena 4. Elevée avec lui dans le sein de sa mére, J’apris à distinguer Bajazet de son frére. Ibidem. O ciel! Si notre amour est condanné de toi, Je suis la plus capable. Epuise tout sur moi. Ibidem. Ne desespérez point une Amante en furie, S’il m’échapoit un mot, c’est fait de vôtre vie. Actus 3, scena 1. J’affectois á tes yeux une fausse fierté, De toi depend ma joye et ma felicité. De ma sanglante mort ta mort sera suivie. Ibidem. J’osai tout jeune encor la chercher sur vos traces. Et l’indigne prison, où je suis renfermé, A la voir de plus près m’a même accoutumé. Actus 2, scene 3. | 39v Plus vous me commandez de vous être infidelle, Madame, plus je vois combien vous meritez, De ne point obtenir ce que vous souhaitez. Actus 2, scena 5. L’une a rendu la main pour gage de sa flame, L’autre avec des regards éloquens, pleins d’amour, L’a de ses feux assurée à son tour. Actus 3, scena 2. Ah! Peut-être après tout, que sans trop se forcer, Tout ce qu’il a pu dire, il a pu le penser. Peut-être en la voyant, plus sensible pour elle Il ab vu dans les yeux quelque grace nouvelle. Actus 3, scena 3. Et j’aurois en mouvant cette douce pensée Que vous aiant moi-même imposé cette loi, Je vous ai vers Roxane envoyé plein de moi. Actus 3, scena 4. Vous, si vous avez soin de vôtre propre vie, Ne vous montrez à moi, que sa tête à la main. Actus 4, scena 3.

atoujours sans cesse bIl a vu] I a vu emend. latin text 235

Je saurai le surprendre avec son Atalide, Et d’un même poignard les unissant tous deux, Les percer l’un et l’autre et moi-même après eux. Actus 4, scena 4. Tu pleures, malheureuse! Ah! Tu devois pleurer, Lorsque d’un vain desir à ta perte poussée, Tu conçus de le voir la premiére pensée. Actus 4, scena 5. Tu pleures? Et l’ingrat, tout prêt à te trahir, Praepare les discours, dont il veut t’éblouir. Ibidem. Qu’une mort sanglante est l’unique traité, Qui restre entre l’esclave et ce Maître irrité. Actus 4, scena 7. Ne tardons plus, marchons. Et s’il faut, que je meure, Mourons, moi, cher Osmin, comme un Visir, et toi, comme le Favori d’un homme tel, que moi. Ibidem. Ah! Trop cruelle main, qui m’avez secourue, Vous m’avez vendu cher vos secours inhumains, Et par vous cette lettre a passé dans ses mains. Actus 5, scena 1. Quoi? Ne devrois-tu pas être deja vengée? Ne crois tu pas encore être assez outragée? Actus 5, scena 3. Vous savez un secret, que tout prêt à s’ouvrir Mon coeur a mille fois voulu vous decouvrir. Actus 5, scena 4 | Je n’accepteroisa la grace, que pour vous en punir,b 40r Que pour faire eclater aux yeux de tout l’empire L’horreur et le mepris, que cette offre m’inspire. Ibidem. Je jure par le Ciel, qui me voit confondue, Par ces grands Ottomans, dont je suis descendue,c Et qui tous avec moi vous parlent à genoux, Pour le plus pur du sang, qu’ils ont transmis en nous. Actus 5, scena 6. Nous l’avons rencontré De morts, et de mourans noblement entouré, Que vengeant sa défaite, et cédant sous le nombre, Ce héros a forcés d’accompagner son ombre. Actus 5, scena 11. N’étoit ce pas assez, cruelle Destinée, Qu’à lui survivre, helas! Je fusse condannée? Et faloit-il encor que, pour comble d’horreurs, aje ne’accepterois bThe actual verse is: Je ne l’accepterais que pour vous en punir. Friz replaced ‘l’ by ‘la grace’, because the previous line (spoken by Roxane, whom Bajazet is replying to) is: Ta grâce est à ce prix, si tu veux l’obtenir. Without this context the reader would not understand what ‘la’ would refer to, so Friz replaced it by the original antecedent. cEt qui tous Par ces grands Ottomans, dont je suis descendue. Friz skipped a line here, but corrected himself. 236 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Je ne pusse imputer sa mort qu’à mes fureurs?a Moi seule j’ai tissu le lien malheureux, Dont tu viens d’éprouver les détestables noeuds.b Ah! N’ai—je de l’amour que pour t’assassiner? Actus 5, scena 12. Vous de qui j’ai troublé la gloire, et le repos, Héros, qui deviez tous revivre en ce héros; Toi, mére malheureuse, et qui dès notre enfance, Ne confias son coeur, dans une autre espérance; Infortuné Visir, amis deséspérés, Roxane venez tous contre moi conjurés, Tourmenter à la fois une Amante eperdue, Et prenez la vengeance enfin qui vous est due. Ibidem. |

40v Mithridate Tragedie. Argumentum.

Mithridates accepta a Romanis clade recta eundi in Italiam consilium cepit, militibus vero ad expeditionis hujus famam tumultuantibus, ne in hostium manus incideret, necquidquam tentato toxico se transfixit. Monime erat una ex foeminis, quas Mithridates amavit, de qua habetur ex Amiot, quod misso sibi licet regali ornatu et reginae titulo Mithridatis amoribus ut consentiret, adduci non potuerit, vi ad nuptias coacta, aulae loco barbaro- rum cohorte continuo cincta tanquam in custodia tenebatur a rege suspicionibus et zelotipyae dedito. Dumque eunuchus a rege mandatum adfert, quo sibi regina moriendum intelligit, direptis illa e capite vittis regalibus sibi collum stringit, ex iisque se suspendit, sed ruptis vittis ad terram projectis calcatisque: “O maledictum,” inquit, “et infelix opus! Ergo non poteras ad hoc triste saltem officium mihi servire?” Quibus prolatis collum Eunucho praebet. Xiphares erat filius Mithridatis ex Stratonice, quem juvenem etiamnum pater sustulit, ut vindicaret perfidiam matris, quae, ut filio huic suo gratiam Pompeji conciliaret, locum, ubi erant thesauri Mithridatis, Romanis tradidit. Pharnaces Mithridatis filius alter contra Patrem residuos a clade milites concitat, ita ut ad effugiendas manus hostium se ipse occiderit Mithridates.

aIn the actual play, there are two more verses between this verse and the next: “Oui, c’est moi, cher amant, qui t’arrache la vie; Roxane ou le sultan ne te l’ont point ravie.” bIn the original, there were three more verses in between this one and the next: “Et je puis, sans mourir, en souffrir la pensée, Moi Qui n’ai pu tantôt, de ta mort menacée, Retenir mes esprits prompts m’abandonner!” latin text 237

Hic ille ipse est Pharnaces, qui postea a Julio Caesare victus est, et in alia pugna cecidit. |

Acteurs. 41r

Mithridate, Roi de Pont, et de quantité d’autres Royaumes. Monime, accordée avec Mithridate, et déja déclarée Reine. Pharnace Fils de Mithridate, mais de differentes Méres. Xiphares Arbate, Confident de Mithridate, et Gouverneur de la Place de Nymphée. Phoedime, Confidente de Monime. Arcas, Domestique de Mithridate. Gardes.

La scéne est à Nymphée, Port de mer sur le Bosphore Cimerien, dans la Cher- sonése Taurique. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem, et evolutionem operis. 41v

Actus 1. Scena prima indicat ea, quae prius gesta sunt, nempe cladem Mithrida- tis et famam de ejus morte, 2do Monimam a Mithridate et duobus filiis amari, 3tioa Pharnacem esse addictum Romanis. 2da scena Monimae animum pro Xiphare contra Pharnacem et Mithridatem explicat. Quod clarius sit in scena 3tia. 4ta instruit Mithridatem etiamnum vivere et advenire. Necesse etiamnum erat cognoscere, quo animo fuerint filii reduces patre. Xiphares cum suos amores nondum prodidisset, parum timet. Pharnaces contra de seditione excitanda cogitat, quia timebat iram patris ob affectatum connubium Monimae et regnum, id quod videre licet in scena 5ta.

Actus 2. Scena 1ma viam sternit principali involutioni per insperatum reditum Mithridatis, unde Monima ratione Xipharis extreme turbatur, neve ita pertur- bata occurrat regi, eo veniente se subducit, qui se informat in scena 3tia per Arbatam de amoribus filiorum, a quo ita instruitur, ut Monimam Pharnaci favere putet. In scena 4ta rex petit nuptias a Monima, utque iis interesset Xiphares, quod sibi hac in parte fidelem credidit, eum advocat. Monimab interea putat Xipha- rem proditum. aPh 3tio bRegina Monima 238 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

In scena 5ta augetur involutio, dum Xiphari ipsi provincia committitur Monima a Pharnace abducendi. Praevidens hic periculum suum et Xipharis Monima in scena 6ta ab eo fugit.

Actus 3. Renovatur, et propagatur involutio per fraudem Mithridatis, qui consilium suum exponit eundi in Italiam, utque ad hoc opus socium haberet Par- 42r thorum regem Pharnacem jubet ire | desponsatum filiam ejus regis, quod vero mandatis paternis refragaretur et consentiret Xiphares, prae hoc ille magis reus amoris cum Monima regi comprobatur. Cum tamen Xiphares eo solum consentiret, quod facilius patrem, quam fratrem ferret rivalem. Quare in scena 2da custodiae datur Pharnaces, qui in ira Xipharis amores aperit cum Monima hujusquea proniorem animum in illum. Quod in scena 4ta inter dubia relinquit Mithridatem, uter filiorum magis sit reus. In scena 5ta per fraudem Mithridates offert Monimae nuptias cum Xiphare, quae verbis ejus credens amorem suum secretum aperit.

Actus 4. Monime postquam secum rem attentius voluit, fraudem suspicatur, cui in scena 2da Xiphares se proditum conqueritur, a qua ipsa suum detectum amorem comperit, dumque illa extreme affligitur, Xiphares, ut ei consulat, suadet nuptias cum rege et illam perpetuo relinquere decernit. In scena 4ta iterato nuptias suasb Monimae offert Mithridates, sed cum illac causaret nuptias cum Xiphare, ab illo graviter reprehenditur. Mithridates fluc- tuat in scena 5ta inter amorem et vindictae cupidinem, ubi via sternitur ad evolutionem in scena 5ta, allato nuncio, a Pharnace in seditionem coactos milites ob expeditionem in Italiam, quod cum a Monima institutum suspicaretur rex, de ea sumere vindictam decernit, interim vero subsidio accurrit.

Actus 5. Monima in desperationem agitur et se in ligamine regali donato pri- dem a rege tentat suspendere, sed dum non succedit conatus, Arcas a rege illi venenum adfert in scena 2da, quod cum illa laeto animo haurire parat, a rege, qui ipse frustra tentato toxico gladio lethaliter se vulneravit, ne in manus Roma- norum auxilia rebellibus ferentium incideret, a rege inquam gratia Monimae adfertur et nuncius, vicisse Xipharem. In scena ultima morituriens portatur rex, qui ut praemiaret virtutem et fidem Xiphares, ei Monimam donat, quo facto expirat. |

42v Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitii et amorem virtutis.

aejus hujusque bXipharis suas csed frau sed cum illa latin text 239

Terror universaliter excitatur in zelotipia Mithridatis, 2do in ejus inexpectato adventu, 3tio in seditione excitata a Pharnace, 4to dum moribundus adfertur Mithridates, postquam 5to prius Monima se suspendere tentat, eique toxicum adfertur. Commiseratio movetur per infelicem amorem Monimae in Xipharem, 2do per Xipharis fraudulentam proditionem. Ad amorem virtutis excitat innocens amor in Monima praemiatus dum desi- deratum Xipharem obtinet, in quo etiam Xipharis in patrem, quema rivalem aeque ferebat, in patriam (nam refragabatur Pharnaci Romanis addicto) in sponsam, cui ne detrimento esset, proprium suum commodum et desiderium postposuit et eam patri reliquere decrevit. Odium vitiis concitatur per zelotipiam Mithridatis punitam tot deceptioni- bus, perfidia Pharnacis, seditione suorum militum, animo adversante Moni- mae, quam deperiit, et demum propria morte, 2do Pharnacis zelotipia, et in patrem perfidia jactura desideratae sponsae castigatur.

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem et episodia operis rerumque in eo verosimilitudinem et convenientiam fictiones. |

Principalis actio est mors Mithridatis, ad quam dirigitur illius consilium expe- 43r ditionem suscipiendi in Italiam, quod concilium ut propius accedat ad ipsum operis subjectum, author illo uti facit Mithridatem ad elicienda secreta senti- menta suorum duorum filiorum. Cum unica causa, cur Mithridates sibi mortem accelerarit, fuerit seditio concitata a Pharnace, Monima est solum persona episodica, quam tamen author huic ipsi negotio implicat, dum facit concitare a Pharnace militum seditionem ea de causa, quia nolebat relinquere Monimam et desponsari filiae regis Par- thorum. Quae ipsa res processit ex felici fictione poetae, sicut etiam, quod in id ipsum tempus conjuxerit venenum praebitum a Mithridate et licet in historia habere, eam illud hausisse, fingit nihilominus author, eam, ne hauriret, ab ipso rege prohibitam. Praeterea fingitur principissa haec data Xiphari,b Xipharem victorem extitisse contra seditiosos milites et Romanos. Ut crederetur mors Mithridatis, non sufficiebat simplex rumor praesertim cum ita certi debebant essent, ut morte hac supposita ageretur de successore, de nuptiis, quare renunciare debet, militem Pompejo coronam et ensem Mith- ridatis consignasse.

aP quem bPharn Xiphari 240 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Adveniente Mithridate Monima se abscondit, cum non videretur verosimile, illam a tante perturbatione potuisse tam subito ad se redire, ut ejus intima sensa non paterent, ubi paulo ante lamentabatur suam Xipharisque sortem sub regis adventum, ut autem animis eo forte non reflectentibus excusetur ab officio excipiendi inter primos regem, quem neglectu hujus officii offendere timere debuerat, ut, inquam excusetur, illa ipsa causam auditori innuit, dum 43v Phoedimo ad excipiendum regem adhortanti parere recusat his verbis: | “Je ne puis, je ne paroîtrai point dans le trouble où je suis.” Ut Pharnaces Xipharis secretum amorem prodat, debet desperata invidia adduci, dum ille ipse ob suspicionem, quod ametur a Monima in custodiam trahitur. Ut Mithridatis per fraudem credere faciat Monimam, quod illam velit des- ponsare Xiphari plura debet adducere argumenta. 1mo, quod non fidat sibi amplius sustinere regnum, adeoque decernat sibi successorem Xipharem, cui utpote regi soli ipsam possit consignare. 2do, quod se velit sic vindicare contra Pharnacem addictum Romanis, ut cum ipsemet illius amorem demereri non possit, perfido saltem filio ut suo rivali spem omnem adimat. 3tio, quia nolebat consentire, dicit Mithridates, dari a se ut se jungat Pharnaci, cum eo se dedat Romanis, usque serviat, hanc suspicionem cum in se ferre non posset principissa, aperte se contra Pharnacem et pro Xiphare declarat. Quae ratio satis verosimilis videtur, ut illa tantum secretum revelet, praesertim cum author illam mox iterum timere faciat, ne fraude rex sit usus. Ad majorem vero motum excitandum Xiphares nihil minus cogitans, quam se a Monima proditum, illi ipsi conqueritur de inimico, qui illius amorem prodidisset. Dum Mithridates dubius haeret an sui contemptum in Monima vindicet, cum eam licet spernentem extreme amaret, opus erat violento determinativo, nempe seditione militum a Pharnace excitata, quam cum in gratiam Monimae fieri putaret, ei venenum mittit. Ut major sit motus ab extrema desperatione ad inexpectatum eventum tran- seundo, Arbates ferens gratiam a Mithridate effundere debet toxicum Moni- mae recusanti illud omittere. Utque in theatrum moribundus proferri possit, Mithridates vulnus tale sibi infligit, quod illum penitus non extinguat, sed 44r solum ita debilitet, ut ictum repetere nequeat, adeoque lentius mori | cogatur.

Reflexiones supra caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Inseruntur huic tragoediae omnia illa, quae possint ad vivum depingere mores et genuinos Mithridatis sensus. Scilicet illius implacabile odium contra Roma- nos, dum etiam clade debellatus recta via in Italiam Romam cogitat, grandis audacia, politia, dissimulatio denique illa zelotipia, quae multis feminis vita constitit, verbo proponitur talis, qualem describit Dion Cassius: latin text 241

“Cet homme étoit véritablement né pour entreprendre de grandes choses. Comme il avoit souvent éprouvé la bonne et la mauvaise fortune, ile ne croyoit rien au dessus de ses espérances, et de son audace, et mesuroit ses desseins bien plus à la grandeur de son courage, qu’au mauvais état de ses affaires. Bien résolu, si son entreprise ne réussisoit point, de faire une fin digne d’un grand Roi et de s’ensevelir lui-même sous les ruïnes de son Empire, plutôt que de vivre dans l’obscurité, et dans la bassesse.”a

Monima speciem exhibet foeminae virtute et nobilitate florentis, infelicis, quod amata fuerit a Mithridate, captivae instar habita sub insignibus regalibus, Xiphari addicta. Xiphares et Pharnaces par fratrum dissimile hic crudelis perfidus patri et patriae, servilis indolis, ut Romanorum jugum non erubesceret. Xiphares contra suavis, tractabilis, fidus patri, patriae et sponsae suae, eaque de causa aver- sus a suo fratre. Regnant in hoc opere cum primis affectus zelotipiae, amoris, irae, amantis Mithridatis contempti, desperatio, dolor. |

Amor Xipharis. Actus 1, scena 2. 44v Mithridatis. Actus 1, scena 4. Zelotipia Mithridatis. Actus 2, scena 4; actus 3, scena 4, 6; actus 4, scena 4, 5. Dolor Xipharis. Actus 2, scena 6. Dolor Monimae. Actus 4, scena 2. Desperatio Monimae. Actus 5, scena 1.

Descriptiones.

Infelicitas Monimae. Actus 1, scena 3. Clades Mithridatis. Actus 2, scena 3. Regni occasus. Actus 3, scena 1. Oratio adhortatoria ad expeditionem in Italiam. Actus 3, scena 1. Oratio disuasoria Pharnacis. Ibidem. Oratio hortatoria Xipharis. Ibidem. Clades Mithridatis a seditiosis. Actus 5, scena 3. Mors Mithridatis. Ibidem. aCf. Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom., book xxvii, chapter 11. The same French translation is quoted by Racine himself in his extended Préface to Mithridate in the 1676 edition. (Jean Racine, Oeuvres de Jean Racine (Paris: Jean Ribou, 1676), vol. 1.) 242 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Les sentimens les plus élevées.

Meurt, et laisse après lui, pour venger son trépas, Deux fils infortunés, qui ne s’accordent pas. Actus 1, scena 1. Les cris, que les rochers renvoyoient plus affreux. Actus 2, scena 3. Et je ne dois la vie en ce commun effroi, Qu’au bruit de mon trépas, que je laisse après moi. Ibidem. Ce coeur nourri de sang, et de guerre affamé, Malgré le faix des ans, et du sort, qui m’opprime, Traine partout l’amour, qui l’attache à Monime. Ibidem. Vous portez, Madame, un gage de ma foi, Qui vous dit tous les jours, que vous êtes à moi. Actus 2, scena 4. Faut-il, que des ormais renonçant à vous plaire, Je ne prétende plus, qu’à vous tiranniser? Ibidem. Malgre tout ma haine on veut, qu’il m’ait fu plaire. Actus 2, scena 6. Oui, Prince, il n’est plus tems de le dissimuler. Ma douleur pour se taire a trop de violence. Ibidem. | 45r Ah! Per quel soin cruel le ciel avoit-il joint Deux coeurs que l’un pour l’autre il ne destinoit pas. Ibidem. Quoi! J’aurai pu toucher un coeur comme le vôtre? Vous aurez pu m’aimer? Et cependant un autre Possédera ce coeur, dont j’attirois les voeux. Ibidem. Il faut pourtant, il faut se faire violence, Et sans perdre en adieux un reste de constance, Je suis. Ibidem. Le Bosphore m’a vu, par de nouveaux aprets Ramener la terreur du fond de ses marais. Actus 3, scena 1. Et si ce grand dessein surpasse ma valeur, Du moins ce desespoir convient à mon malheur. Ibidem. Un fils, qui fut toujours le bonheur de ma vie A pu percer ce coeur, qu’un pére lui confie. Actus 3, scena 3. Et de son coeur d’un vain espoir flaté, Par un mensonge adroit tirons la verité! Actus 3, scena 4. Ne voudriez-vous point qu’aprouvant sa furie, Après vous avoir vu tout percé de ses coups, Je suivisse à l’autel un tirannique époux: Et que dans une main de votre sang fumante J’allasse mettre, helas! La main de votre Amante? Actus 4, scena 2. Le tombeau, Seigneur, est moins triste pour moi, Que le lit d’un époux, qui m’a fait cet outrage. Actus 4, scena 4. latin text 243

Et toi fatal tissu, malheureux diadême, Instrument, et temoin de toutes mes douleurs, Bandeau que mille foi j’ai trempé de mes pleurs, Au moins, en terminant ma vie et mon suplice, Ne pouvois-tu me rendre un funeste service? Actus 5, scena 1. Mais au moins quelque joye en mourant me console. J’expire environné d’ennemis que j’immole. Dans leur sang odieux j’ai pu tremper mes mains, Et mes derniers regards ont vu fuir les Romains. Actus 5, scena 5. |

Iphigenie. Tragedie. Argumentum. 45v

Inter diversas de Iphigenia historicorum opiniones author sequitur relationem Stesichori,a qui narrat Iphigeniam, quae sacrificata suis Dianae ad obtinendos ventos propitios jussu oraculi, non fuisse illam Agamemnonis et Clytemnestrae filiam, sed aliam Thesei et Helenae, sed ab Helena fuisse negatam suam filiam, cum Menelao occultas cum Theseo nuptias aperire nollet utpote proprio suo marito, hancque ipsam Euriphilae nomine designamus, quae in fine agnoscitur esse Iphigenia sacrificanda. Euphorion poeta narrat de Lesbensi Achillis itinere, ubi capta urbe secum abduxit Euriphilem Aulidem, cujus deinde amore captus est.b Iphigeniam autem filiam suam ex Clytemnestra tam parum abest, ut a patre Agamemnone sacrificari sinat Homerus in nono libro Iliadum, ut potius eam Achillis sponsam efficiat. In quo poeta noster tragicus hujus authoris secutus est sententiam. Praeter gressus est itaque eorum opiniones, qui Agamemnonem loco suae filiae, aut una cum filia, aut loco ejus cervam, sive aliam victimam imolatum proposuerunt. |

Acteurs. 46r

Agamemnon. Achille. Ulysse. Clytemnestre, Femme d’Agamemnon. Iphigénie, Femme d’Agamemnon. aCompare Racine’s own preface to the play in his Oeuvres, vol. 1, where he describes Stesichorus as “l’un des plus fameux et des plus anciens Poètes lyriques”. (Racine, Oeuvres (Paris: Jean Ribou, 1676), vol. 1). bCf. Racine’s Préface to Iphigénie. (Racine, Oeuvres (Paris: Jean Ribou, 1676), vol. 1.) 244 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Eriphile, Fille d’Héléne et de Thésée. Arras. Domestiques d’Agamemnon. Eurybate. Aegine, Femme de la suite de Clytemnestre. Doris, Confident d’Eriphile. Troupe de Gardes.

La scéne est in Aulide dans la tente d’Agamemnon. |

46v Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem, et evolutionem operis.

Actus 1. Scena prima informat de oraculo, quo petebatur pro victima filia ex sanguine Helenae ad propitios ventos obtinendos. Exprimit dolorem patris, qui putat suam filiam designari. Indicat munus Ulyssis, cujus partes sunt hac in tragoedia, ut patri stimulo sit ad filiam imolandam. Narrat Agamemnon Achillis amorem in Iphigeniam, quam eidem jam desponderat, eaque de causa cum Argis adveniret Achilles, Iphigeniam quoque Mycenis appellari jussit. Ejus ergo adventum impedire conatur per Arcadem, scripsis ante litteris ad eam, Achillem mutata sententia nuptias distulisse. Scena 2da. His non obstantibus adventat Achilles, qui urget nuptias, ut iis peractis ad Trojam invitis etiam ventis proficiscatur, licet ei prodiceretur in campis Phrygiis mors. Scena 3tia clarius prodit munus Ulyssis, ubi luctantem inter amorem pater- nem et oraculi religionem animum Agamemnonis impugnat. Tandem in scena 4ta et 5ta certus redditur auditor de adventu Iphigenia Aulidem.

Actus 2. Scena prima explicat conditionem Eriphilis, quod ignota fuerit illius stirps, quod abducta sit Lesbo ab Achille, quod hunc ipsum amet, et zelotipia uratur in Ephigeniam desponsandam Achilli, quod ipsum viam ad involutionem sternit. Augetur involutio per adventum Iphigeniae, dumque fugitur a parente dolori impare, in scena 2da, in dubio relinquitur. Eriphile quoque in scena 4ta in sua opinione decipitur, dum Clytemnestraa Agamemnonis litteras de mutato Achillis animo exhibet, suum igitur amorem haec spes sustentat, sed mox tri- statur, dum Iphigenia in Eriphila suam rivalem agnoscit ex verbis matris: “Et ce n’est pas Calchas, que vous cherchez ici.” Durat et mutatur vario modo involutio per scen. 6, 7 et 8. Dum superveniente Achille Iphigenia fugit, ut rivali suae

aE Clytemnestra latin text 245 locum facit. Rei nescius Achilles suum amorem, dolorem ob fugam et aversio- nem, ut putat, Iphigeniae | Eriphilae explicat, quae ex his rivalem sibi suam 47r praeferri agnoscit.

Actus 3. In scena prima e fuga retrahitur Clytemnestra, quam cum filia susce- perat offensa perfidi Achillis. Agamemnon illam retinet persuasione rumorem illum de mutato Achillis animo esse falsum, utque imolandam acquirata Iphi- geniam, petit eam ad aras pro perficiendis nuptiis ea lege, ut mater abesset, quod cum Clytemnestra ut commiseret nullis precibus mariti adduci posset, expresso tandem illius imperio parere statuit. In scena 2da confirmatur Clytemnestra per Achillem, qui ipsemet quoque optatas sibi concedi nuptias narrat. In scena 4ta petit Iphigenia ab Achille, ut Eriphlem nuptiis interesse sinat impertita eidem libertate, quod ejus zelotipiae aegerrimum accidit.b Jam ad sacrificium ire parantibus Arcas in scena 5ta Agamemnonis de imo- landa filia consilium prodit, mater itaque filiam fidei sponsi Acchillis committit, qui cum vindictam spiraret et juvare suam amantem constituit, ab Iphigenia ipsa eidem multis precibus vetatur, ne obicem ponat ipsius morti, sed neglectis his ad templum currit, ut suam in Agamemnone injuriam ulciscatur.

Actus 4. Implicatur huic quoque involutioni Eriphile, dum extreme affligitur sorti suae timens, si Achilles ab altari vindicaret Iphigeniam. In scena 3tia Cly- temnestra nequidquam tentat adducere Agamemnonem dubiis quaestionibus, ut suum consilium fateatur, sed offerenti se in scena 4ta pro victima Iphige- niae ipse suum propositum prodit, cumque volentem ad aras abducere vellet filiam, a Clytemnestra impeditur, quae suam secum filiam abripit in scena 4ta. In scena 5ta Achilles cum Agamemnone concitatur eidemque vindictam minatur. Luctans denuo secum Agamemnon per sen. 7, 8, 9, in decima ipsemet filiae suae fugam suppeditat, quae res Eriphilam excitat ad perdendam suam rivalem.

Actus 5. In scena prima fugae paenitentia adducta Iphigenia revertitur. Seque morti offerre statuit, quam maluit subire, quam ut, quod a patre jussa erat, Achillem odisset. Quae res evolutionem accelerat. Postquam enim interea Achilles copias ad defendendam conduxisset, auxilium, quod obtulit, Iphigenia sprevisset, ad occidendum sacerdotem, Agamemnonem se cursurum minatur in scena 2da. Cumque in scena 3tia ab armatis duceretur filia, nequidquam ei succurrere, eamque | custodum manibus eripere tentat, tum in scen. 4ta furit 47v aacquirat] aquirat emend. baccidit. Ja 246 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

prae doloris vehementia, sed in scena 5ta adventum Achillis cum armatis intelligit, eique se ut adjungat ad aras provolatura obvium habet Ulyssem, qui narrat alio oraculo servatam esse filiam ipsius, et aliam Iphigeniam ex regio Helenae sanguine esse detectam, scilicet Eriphilem, quae, cum pro victima ab omnibus peteretur, propria se manu imolavit.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitii et amorem virtutis.

Excitatur terror in Agamemnonis consilio imolandi filiam, in Eriphilis zelotipia furente, qua rivalem suam perdere studet, in Clytemnestrae desperatione ducta ad aras filia, in Achillis in templum irruptione, in morte Eriphilis. Commovetur animus ad commiserationem per luctam Agamemnonis cum amore suo paterno, per Clytemnestrae matris desperationem dolorem, per filiae promptitudinem ad se imolandam. Praemiatur Iphigeniae innocentia, observantia in Szyzeros, patrem, patriam incolumitate, nuptiis optatis cum Achille, qua de causa author ex Pausania Eriphilem elegit, ut imolaretur, quam digniorem tanta poena facilius auditores judicarent, utpote cujus zelotipia et insidiae in Iphigeniam taliter punitae possunt videri. Servatur etiam Clytemnestrae ob amorem maternum, qui compensari debuit, sua filia. Fuit Author in invenienda alia Iphigenia, quae imolaretur, felix etiam eo ex capite, quod filiam Agamemnonis alia via, quam via miraculi salvaverit. |

48r Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, episodia et fictiones operis rerumque in eo verosimilitudinem et convenientiam.

Actio principalis est Iphigenia a morte liberata, quo diriguntur amores Achillis et Eriphilae mors. Ulysses est persona episodica, quae ideo adhibita est, ut verosimilius fiat consilium Agamemnonis propriam filiam imolandi, cum Ulyssis authoritate, rationibus et minis sustentetur. Episodiorum instar etiam ea omnia sunt, quae spectant amores Achillis et Eriphilae, qui solum serviunt ad magis culpabilem reddendam personam Eriphilae, utpote quae mercatur in foveam incidere, quam suae in amore Achillis rivali foderat. Ut Agamemnon se accingat ad imolandam filiam, debet ante omnes vias tentare eam salvandi, quae postquam irritae factae sunt, sine laesione verosimilitudinis, eo devenire potest. Ut autem ipse adornaret sacrificium, et propria manu filiam suam imolandam susciperet, factum est ad majorem excitandum; quam quidem crudelitatem in patre improbant illi, qui minus advertunt ad illa, latin text 247 quae patrem eo hac in tragoedia perducunt. Offenditur antea Achillis impro- periis Agamemnon, cumque disperaret filiam suam ab Achille salvari posse contra furorem plebis a Calcha sacerdote concitatae, simulque ulcisci vellet contumelias sibi ab Achille ingestas, cum denique timeret, ne gravius quid ipsemet ab Achille experiret, accelerare constituit necem filiae, quam, licet dif- ferretur, impediri posse desperabat, accelerare autem securissime putabat, si propria manu exequeretur. Cum fortassis, licet oraculo alio salva pronunciaretur Iphigenia dubium tamen oriri posset de Ulysse, qui ejus mortem maxime urgebat antea, ad hanc igitur difficultatem tollendam, ipse Ulysses | totius rei nuncius ad Clytemne- 48v stram venit, ut intelligatur, notuma esse et aliud oraculum idque probari Ulyssi. Exponunt alii ad sacrificium Eriphilam sine causa venisse, sed quam mali illi sint critici, deprehendet ille, qui Eriphilam ut rivalem Iphigeniae considerarit, an non illa maxime laborat ut imoletur Iphigenia? Quam ad minimam spem ejus incolumitatis turbatur? Quam minatur, se fugam ejus prodituram, quam pater filiae suppeditat? Quam ergo verosimile est, ut, dum re ipsa eam imolandam audit, ipsa jucundo huic pro se spectaculo adsit, partim ut se recreet, partim ex cupiditate se videndi tandem liberam a sua rivale, partim fortasse etiam, ut, si impedimentum opponeretur morti Iphigeniae, illud consilium arriperet ex desperatione, quod re ipsa deinde arripuit.

Observationes supra caracteres personarum et varias elegantias operis.

Iphigenia proponitur tanquam principissa omnis honestatis et virtutis studiosa, patris, patriae, sui in Achillem amoris observantissima, quae itaque apta videtur ad excitandam commiserationem, ubi toties periclitatur. Achilles bellatoris juvenis speciem exhibit, qui affectibus suis et amori suo nescit temperare, qui injuria quavis extreme exacerbatur, in vindicta praeceps et ad extrema tentanda pronus. Agamemnon regem gravem, amantem filiae suae, sed amantiorem patriae et observantiorem erga superos depingit. Clytemnestra amorem maternum, qualis esse potest tenerrimus, in scenam producit, quem denotat ejus extrema prope desperatio et furor, ducta ad aras filia. | In Eriphila genuinis coloribus efformatur zelotipia, ut videre est in affecti- 49r bus, quibus rivalis suae spem et pericula prosequitur.

aei notum 248 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Affectus.

Amor paternus Agamemnonis. Actus 1, scena 1, 3. Dolor Agamemnonis. Actus 1, scena 3, 5; actus 2, scena 2; actus 4, scena 8. Amor Eriphilae. Actus 2, scena 1. Dolor Eriphilae. Actus 2, scena 1. Zelotipia Iphigeniae. Actus 2, scena 5. Zelotipia Eriphilae. Actus 3, scena 8. Dolor Clytemnestrae. Actus 3, scena 5. Ira Achillis. Actus 3, scena 6; actus 4, scena 6. Ira Clytemnestrae. Actus 4, scena 4. Amor Achillis et Iphigeniae. Actus 5, scena 2. Furor Clytemnestrae. Actus 5, scena 4.

Descriptiones.

Abductio Eriphilae Lesbo. Actus 2, scena 1. Sacrificium et mors Eriphilae. Actus 5, scena 6. Descriptio oraculi. Actus 1, scena 1.

Les sentimens les plus élevées.

Vous armez contre Troye une puissance vaine, Si dans un sacrifice auguste, et solemnel, Une fille du sang d’Helene De Dianae in ces lieux n’ensanglante l’autel, Pour obtenir les vents que le Ciel vous dénie, Sacrifiez Iphigénie. Actus 1, scena 1. Surpris, comme tu peux penser, Je sentis dans mon corps tout mon sang se glacer. Je demeurai sans voix, et n’en repris l’usage, 49v Que par mille sanglots, qui se firent paysage. Ibidem. | Non, je ne croirai point, o Ciel! Que ta justice Aprouve la fureur de ce noir sacrifice, Tes oracles sans doute ont voulu m’eprouver, Et tu me punirois, si j’osois l’achever. Ibidem. Mais puisque il faut enfin, que j’arrive au tombeau, Vaudrois-je, de la terre inutile sardeau, Trop avare d’un sang reçu d’une Deesse, Attendre chez mon pére une obscure vieillesse. Actus 1, scena 2. latin text 249

Ah, Seigneur, qu’éloigné du malheur, qui m’opprime, Votre coeur aisément se montre magnanime! Mais qu si vous voyiez ceint du bandeau mortel Votre fils Télémaque aprocher de l’autel, Nous vous verrions troublé de cette affreuse image, Changer bientôt en pleurs ce superbe langage. Actus 1, scena 3. Pleurez ce sang, pleurez. Ou plutôt sans pâlir Considerez l’honneur qui doit en rejaillir. Voyez tout l’Hellespont blanchissant sous nos rámes, Et la perfide Troye abandonnée aux flames, Ses peuples dans vos fers, Priam à vos genoux, Héléne pas vos mains rendue à son époux. Voyez de vos vaisseaux les poupes couronnées, Dans cette même Aulide avec vous retournées. Actus 1, scena 5. Mon coeur trop pressé m’arrache ce discours, Et te parle une fois, pour se taire toujours. Actus 2, scena 1. Je crains malgré moi-même un malheur que j’ignore. Justes Dieux! Vous savez pour qui je vous implore. Actus 2, scena 3. Ces mêmes fureurs, que vous me dépeignez, Ces bras, que dans le sang vous avez vus baignez, Ces morts, cette Lesbos, ces cendres, cette flame, Sont les traits dont l’amour l’a gravé dans votre ame. Actus 2, scena 5. Si le sort contr’elle à ma haine se joint, Je saurai profiter de cette intelligence, Pour ne pas pleurer seule et mourir sans vengeance. Actus 2, scena 8. | Ce heros si terrible au reste des humains, 50r Qui ne connoit de pleurs que ceux qu’il fait répondre, Qui s’endurcit contr’eux dès l’age le plus tendre, Et qui, si l’on nous fait un fidéle discours, Suça même le sang des lions et des ours, Pour elle de la crainte a fait l’aprentissage. Elle l’a vu pleurer et changer de visage. Actus 4, scena 1. Loin que ma fille pleure et tremble pour sa vie, Elle excuse son pére et veut que ma douleur Respecte encor la main qui lui prece le coeur. Actus 4. Scena 2. Fille d’Agamemnon c’est moi qui la prémiére, Seigneur, vous apellai de ce doux nom de pére; C’est moi qui si longtems le plaisir de vos yeux, Vous ai fait de ce nom remercier le Dieux. Actus 4, scena 4. Et déja d’Ilion présageant la conquête, 250 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

D’un triomphe si beau je préparois la fête. Je ne m’attendois pas que pour le commencer, Mon sang fût le prémier, que vous dussiez verser. Ibidem. Du coup qui vous attend vous mourrez moins que moi. Montrez en expirant de qui vous êtes née; Faites rougir ces Dieux qui vous ont condannée; Allez; et que les Grecs, qui vont vous immoler, Reconnoissent mon sang en le voyant couler! Ibidem. Cette Héléne, qui trouble l’Europe, et l’Asie, Vous semble-t-elle un prix digne de vos exploits? Combine nos fronts pour elle ont-ils rougi de fois? Ibidem. Cette soif de régner que rien ne peut éteindre, L’orgueil de voir vingt Rois vous servir, et vous craindre, Tous les droits de l’Empire en vos mains confiez, Cruel! C’est à ces Dieux que vous sacrifiez. Ibidem. Un Prêtre environné d’une foule cruelle Portera sur ma fille une main criminelle, Déchirera son sein, et d’un oeil curieux Dans son coeur palpitans consultera les Dieux. Ibidem. | 50v Assez d’autres viendront, à mes ordres soumis Se couvrir des lauriers qui vous furent promis; Et par d’heureux exploits forçant la Destinée, Trouveront d’Ilion la fatale journée. Actus 4, scena 6. Je verrai mes soldats, moins barbares que moi, Respecter dans ses bras la fille de leur Roi Et toi soleil et toi qui dans cette contrée Reconnois l’hérétier, et le vrai fils d’Atrée! Toi qui n’osas du pére éclairer le festin, Recule, ils t’ont apris ce funeste chemin. Actus 5, scena 4. Furieuse elle vole, et sur l’autel prochien Prend le sacré couteau, le plonge dans son sein. A peine son sang coule, et fait rougir la terre, Les Dieux sont sur l’autel entendre le tonnere, Les vents agitent l’air d’heureux frémissemens, Et la mer leur repond par ses mugissemens: La rive au loin gémit blanchissante d’écume, La flame du bucher d’elle même s’allume, Le Ciel brille d’éclairs, s’entr’ouvre, et parmi nous Jette une sainte horreur qui nous rassure tous. Actus 5, scena 6. Le triste Agamemnon qui n’ose l’avouer, latin text 251

Pour détourner ses yeux des meurtres qu’il présage, Ou pour cacher ses pleurs s’est voilé le visage. Actus 5, scena 5. |

Phedre. 51r Tragedie. Argumentum.

Cum Theseus in Epirum profectus esset ad originem Acherontis, ibique a rege quodam Pirithoo, cui feminam rapere voluerat, captivus detineretur, mortuus credebatur. Interim uxor ejus Phaedra exarsit impudico in privignum suum Hippolytum amore, qui fortiter restitit, sed tamen antequam illam reduci The- seo proderet, crimen ipsemet sustinere malluit, quam suspicionem de se movit, quod domum impudicam fugerit patris, qui absenti filio mortem a Neptuno precatur, voti brevi damnatus. Erumpens enim taurus marinus currum, quo Hyppolytus vehebatur turbatis equis, evertit,a ita ut exanimis juvenis excuteretur ejusque membra discerpta a patre ipso colligerentur. Phaedra dolore amens se ipsa toxico conficit. Aricie non est ficta persona. Virgilius canit ab Hippolyto eam ductam esse, ex qua filium habuit, postquam ab Aesculapio in vitam fuisset revocatus. Legitur praeterea in aliquibus authoribus, quod Hippolytus in Italiam abduxerit, sibique desponsarit juvenem aliquam filiam Atheniensem, quae vocabatur Aricie, et a qua parva quaedam civitas Italiae nomen habet. |

Acteurs. 51v

La scéne est à Trézéne, Ville du Péloponése. |

aevehi evertit 252 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

52r Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem et evolutionem operis.

Actus 1. Instruitur auditor in scena prima de amoribus Hippolyti cum Aricia, et animus juvenis hujus, qui, ne consentire debeat affectioni suae, a qua potenter tentabatur, fugam Trezenis parat. Exponitur officium Theramenis, qui ut magister morum datus juveni huic laxi aulici partes explet. Scena 2da explicat turbationem Phaedrae, cujus causam ipsamet nutrici suae confidit, amorem scilicet suum impurum in Hippolytum, id quod fit in scena 3tia. In scena 4ta liquidior fit rumor de morte Thesei et dissidium de eligendo successore, quo nuncio accepto nutrix, quae ante exhorruit ad amorem Phaedrae, eum ipsa promovet in scena 5ta.

Actus 2 incipit involutio in scena prima, dum Aricia ab Hippolito ad colloquium petitur, in quo valedicendum esset, illa autem persuadetur ab Ismene, juvenem mortuo patre amores suos illi declaraturum. In scena 2da Hippolytus re ipsa magis amorem suum cum Aricia in congressu inflammat. Dum in scena 3tia Hippolytus abitum parat, supervenit Phaedra, a qua, quod eam impedimento sibi fore suspicaretur, ut se expediret, in scena 4ta maturari abitum curat, sed nihilominus detinetur a noverca, ad cujus impuros ignes erubescit in scena 5ta. Augetur involutio, dum adfertur nuncius de reditu Thesei.

Actus 3. Phaedra amore amens in scena prima nequidquam fugam suadente nutrice privignum oblato Athenarum diademate denuo tentare constituit, sed in scena 2da instruitur a nutrice de reditu Thesei mariti sui, qua re in extremam desperationem adigitur. | 52v Redux in scena 4ta Theseus amplexum offert Phaedrae, quem ex pudore suorum malefactorum non admittit. In scena 5ta abitum suum declarat patri, cujus causam celat et soli Phaedrae notam dicit, quae res suspicionibus implet Theseum. In scena 6ta timet Hippolytus, ne Phaedra se ipsa prodat aut ne amor suus in Ariciam fiat manifestus.

Actus 4. In actus 2di scena 5ta Hippolytus reliquit ferrum suum in manibus Phaedrae, quod ab illa arreptum, ut se in desperatione occideret, noluit ut impurum amplius contingere. Occasionem sumpsit nutrix Phaedrae, ut eam salvaret, accusandi juvenem de vi illata novercae, cujus testimonium exhibet ensem illi ereptum. Ita igitur instructus, hacque imbutus opinione Theseus in actus 4ti scena prima prodit et in scena 2da dum filio exprobrat amorem, hic amorem suum cum Aricia designari ratus, eum fatetur, eaque de causa se fugere innuit, sed non creditur ei a patre. latin text 253

In scena 3tia Theseus cum amore paterno luctatur illumque poenitat voti facti Neptuno in scena 2da in perniciem filii, quod votum dum explicat Phoe- drae in scena 4ta, simulque ea jam instructa fuit de amore Hippolyti in Ariciam, amore et desperatione furit in scena 5ta, sed a nutrice in scena 6ta ad novis artibus amorem suum tentationum stimulatur.

Actus 5. In scena prima ad abitum incitatur ab Aricia Hippolytus timente ejus saluti a noverca, ad quem cum ab eo ipsamet invitaretur pro complendis nuptiis in exilio, sed nollet consentire amorem sibi invicem perpetuum jurant, et dum, ut intra muros Trezenarium sponsalia contrahant, abire parant, fugiente Hippollyto deprehenditur a Theseo Aricia, quod suspicionem ei injicit, ut vix jam non veram crederet propriam passionem filii factam in Actus 4ti scena 2da.a Incipit evolutio in scena 5ta, ubi Theseus, ubi actu advocari curat nutricem Phaedrae Oenonem, de ejus morte instruitur, quod nempe se in mare praecipitarit, sicut et nunciatur | turbatio ipsius Phaedrae eo usque ut mortem quae- 53r rere videretur, dumque Theseus filium vocari curat, ut se ipse defendat, ejus loco nuncius de ejus morte, et de completo voto, quod Theseus fecerat Nep- tuno, adfertur in scena 6ta. Dolore igitur dum indulget largius Theseus, Phaedra sumpto jam ante veneno occurrit, omnia secreta hactenus narrat, et operante in ipso theatro toxico expirat. Theseus ut innocentiae filii justa persolvat, amatam ab illo Ariciam in filiam adoptat.

Reflectiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitii et amorem virtutis.

quam invitus sentit versus Ariciam filiam, et sororem juratorum hostium sui 53v patris. | Interea author omnia adducit, quae defectum hunc minuere et excusare possunt, ut ita mors Hippolyti in fine etiamnum ut poena major delicto, et digna commiseratione consideretur. Punitur praecipitata ira Thesei, qua Neptunum contra filium precatur: voti enim sui, cujus illum jam poenituerat dum minime vult, damnatur per miseram Hippolyti mortem, castigatur Phaedrae impurus amor tot furiis, anxietatibus, morte amati privigni, desperata morte, quam sibi ipsa intulit. Cum Aricia partim culpabilis, partim laudabilis proponatur, poenam, et praemium recipit: quod consenserit amori Hippolyti filii hostilis, eum ipsum misera morte perdit, quod autem agnito periculo hujus amoris ad eum dirimendum ipsa operam adhibuerit, praemiatur amicitia Thesei, a quo in filiam adoptatur. Oenone, quod Phaedram induxerit ad varia tentanda, quibus Hippolyti innocentiam expugnaret, quoque illum ipsum postea falso accusarit Patri, punitur desperatione, qua victa se in pelagus dat praecipitem. Caeterum si ullibi, tunc hac in tragoedia sola memoria criminis implet horrore animos, imbecillitates amoris considerantur ut verae imbecillitates, passiones non praesentantur oculis nisi ad ostendendam extremam perturbationem, cujus illae sunt causa: vitium denique pingitur coloribus, qui indicant et odiosum faciunt ejus deformitatem. |

54r Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, episodia, fictiones operis rerumque in eo convenientiam et verosimilitudinem.

Dum Hippolytus aperire vult suum amorem Ariciae, multa prius praefatur, ut suam confusionem in aperiendo denotat, quod etiam in Phaedra, dum se Oenoni manifestat, observatur. Item ubi ipsi Hippolyto ejus se amantem esse fatetur. Ubi erubescit juvenis innocens, nec conveniens fuisset, si multis | explicasset suam repugnantiam, aut impudicos ignes exprobrasset novercae, 54v sed relicto proprio ense se in fugam proripere parat. Ubi Phaedra tectum diu amorem semel aperit, signum est quod illam ipsam hactenus semper puduerit. Verosimile itaque est pudorem hunc excrevisse, dum privignum suum ad prima verba sui flagitiosi desiderii erubescere conspicit. Quare non multis loquitur, sed prae confusione se proripit. Optime adhibetur nutrix, cui secretum aperiat Phaedra, cum tale mysterium requisiverit hominem, cujus fidem longo tempore jam cognovit Phaedra. Morientis Hippolyti verba non sunt prolixa, querulosa, sed sollicitudine plena pro sua Aricia, id quod amantium in morte proprium est.

Reflexiones supra caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Phaedra non est ex toto culpabilis, nec omnino innocens videtur sinistro fato implicata illegitimae passioni, id quod denotat commemorata toties ira deorum in ejus stirpem ob scelera Minois et Pasiphaes ejus parentum. Adhibet omnem conatum ad suos ignes extinguendos, mavult mori, quam confusionem subire illam in se cuidam aperiendo, et dum cogitur se manifestare, loquitur cum erubescentia ex quo colligitur ejus crimen poena magis deorum esse, quam motus propriae voluntatis. Curavit item author ut Phaedram minus odiosam reddat quam ut proponitur in tragoediis veterum, ubi illa ipsamet accusat Hippolytum. Credidit hanc calumniam indignam | fore in ore principissae, quae alias tam nobiles et virtute 55r plenas profert cogitationes. Abjectio illa convenire magis videbatur nutrici, quae posset habere inclinationes ejusmodi serviles, et quae nihilominus non suscipit falsam hanc accusationem, nisi ad salvandam vitam, et honorem suae principis. Phaedra accusationi huic non consentit, nisi quia est in perturbatione mentis, quae illam extra se ipsam ponit, et paulo post ipsa venit cum consilio defendendi innocentiam Hippolyti et declarandi veritatem. Hippolytus innocens et castus juvenis, genuinus Amazonis filius, qui ut amorem fugaret, per silvas et nemora in venationes incumbit, qui, dum amorem sentit in Ariciam, diu adversatur, ad Phaedrae autem impudentem declarationem extreme exhorrescit. Oenone nutricis fidae imaginem exhibit, quae obsequitur amoribus suae Dominae, periculosa et desperata media adhibet ad salvandam illam et quod talium vetularum proprium est, religionem praesefert, dum exemplo deorum amorem Phaedrae excusat. 256 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Scena in quae Phaedra Hippolyto amorem suum adhibet, omnium ferme est elegantissima, in qua omnia naturaliter fluunt, maximam gratiam habet Hippolyti rubor et ultima Phaedrae locutio in hac scena: Ah Cruel! Tu m’as trop entendue! Etc. Descriptio mortis Hippolyti multum vivacitatis continet ita ut quis quasi oculis videat vehentem in curru juvenem, introspiciat illius motus animi, mare tumidum, et in eo taurus ille marinus vel sui memoria terret, exhibetur conflictus juvenis cum monstro, turbatio equorum, laceratio currus ita ut ejus frusta quasi numerari posse viderentur. Vox denique sola ultima infelicis sufficeret 55v | ad exprimendas lachrymas.

Affectus.

Descriptiones.

Les sentimens les plus élevées.

C’est peu qu’avec son lait une mére Amazone N’ait fait sucer encor cet orgueil qui t’étonne. Dans un âge plus mûr moi-même parvenu, Je me suis applaudi, quand je me suis connu. Actus 1, scena 1. Que ces vains ornemens, que ces voiles me pésent Quelle importune main, enformant tous ces noeuds A pris soin sur mon front d’assembler mes cheveux! Tout m’afflige, et me nuit, et conspire à me nuire. Actus 1, scena 3. | 56r Je reconnus Venus et ses feux redoutables, latin text 257

Je lui batis un temple, et pris soin de l’orner, Par des voeux assidus je crus les detourner. De victimes moi-même à toute heure entourée, Je cherchois dans leurs flanc ma raison égarée. D’un incurable amour remedes impuissans! En vain sur les autels ma main bruloit l’encens. Quand ma bouche imploroit le nom de la deesse, J’adorois Hippolyte, et le voyant sans cesse, Même au pié des autels que je faisois fumer. J’offrois tout à ce dieu, que je n’osais nommer. Actus 1, scena 3. Je l’evitois par-tout. O comble de misére! Mes yeux le retrouvoient dans les traits de son pére. Ibidem. Ses yeux, qui vainement vouloient vous éviter, Déja pleins de langueur ne pouvoient vous quiter. Le nom d’Amant peut-être offense son courage. Mais il en a les yeux, s’il n’en a le langage. Actus 2, scena 1. Hercule à desarmer coutoit moins qu’Hippolyte. Et vaincu plus souvent et plutôt surmonté, Praeparoit moins de gloire aux yeux qui l’ont domté. Ibidem. Aux fers de ses captifs ai longtems insulté, Qui des foibles mortels déplorant les naufrages, Pensois toujours du bord contempler les orages, Asservi maintenant sous la commune loi. Actus 2, scena 2. Le Voici-Vers mon coeur tout mon sang se retire. J’oublie, en le voyant, ce que je viens lui dire. Actus 2, scena 5. Que dis-je! Il n’est point mort, puisqu’il respire en vous. Toujours devant mes yeux je crois voir mon époux. Je le vois, je lui parle, et mon coeur … Je m’égare. Seigneur, ma folle ardeur malgré moi se declare. Ibidem. Il avoit votre port, vos yeux, votre langage. Cette noble pudeur coloroit son visage. Ibidem | Frape. Ou si tu le crois indigne de tes coups, 56v Si ta haine m’envie un suplice si doux, ou si d’un sang trop vil ta main seroit trempée, Au défaut de ton bras prête—moi ton épée! Donne! Ibidem. Tu parois dans des lieux pleins de ton infamie, Et ne vas pas chercher sous un Ciel inconnu Des pays où mon nom ne soit point parvenu! Actus 4, scena 2. Tusses-tu par-de là les Colonnes d’Alcide, 258 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Je me croirois encor trop voisin d’un perfide. Ibidem. Les Dieux même, les Dieux de l’Olympe habitans, Qui d’un bruit si terrible épouvantent les crimes, Ont brulé quelque fois de feux illégitimes. Actus 4, scena 6. Cependant sur le dos de la plaine liquide, S’eleve à gros bouillons une montagne humide. L’onde aproche, se brise, et vomit à nos yeux, Parmi des flots d’écume un Monstre furieux. Son front large est armé de cornes menaçantes. Tout son corps est couvert d’écailles jaunissantes. Actus 5, scena 6. L’essien crie, et se romt, l’intrépide Hippolyte Voit voler en éclats tout son char fracassé. Actus 5, scena 6. J’ai pris, j’ai fait couler dans mes brulantes veines Un poison que Médée apporta dans Athénes. Déja jusqu’à mon coeur le venin parvenu, Dans ce coeur expirant jette un froid inconnu: Déja je ne vois plus qu’a travers un nuage, Et le ciel, et l’époux que ma présence outrage: Et la mort à mes yeux dérobant la clarté, Rend au jour, qu’ils souilloient, toute sa pureté. Actus 5, scena 7. |

57r Esther, Tragedie Tirée de l’Ecriture Sainte.

Argumentum.

Assuerus rex Persarum decretum, quod in Judaeorum intercidium pronuncia- vit Amanis falsis delationibus inductus, ad preces Estheris revocavit. Esther Mardochei fratris filia, ejus igitur neptis cum captiva cum reliquis captivis degeret in regia civitate Persarum, oculis regis arrisit adeo, ut eam regni sociam effecerit. Mardocheus Amanem ex gente Amalecitarum oriundum, quam progeniem Deus tot maledictionibus est persecutus, noluit honorare flexione genuum, eumque sibi hac ratione insensum reddidit, ita ut ab eo furcam sibi jam paratam haberet, in qua tamen post ipse pependit Aman. |

57v Acteurs.

Assuerus, Roi de Perse. Esther, Reine de Perse. Mardochée, Oncle d’Esther. latin text 259

Aman, Favori d’Assuerus. Zares, Femme d’Aman. Hydaspe, Officier du Palais interieur d’Assuerus. Asaph, Autre Officier d’Assuerus. Elise, confidente d’Esther. Thamar, Israélite de la suite d’Esther. Gardes du Roi Assuérus. Choeur de jeunes Filles Israélites.

La scéne est à Suze dans le Palais d’Assuérus.

La Pieté fait le Prologue. |

Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem et evolutionem operis. 58r

Actus 1. Instruitur auditor de conditione Estheris, quod ex propagine Benja- mini oriunda in Persiam captiva fuerit abducta, ubi Rex Assuerus ambitiosam Vasthim throno et toro proturbavit sceptroque et diademate Estherem ejus captus pulchritudine ornavit, idque factum esse indicatur Mardochei auxilio, qui ut ejus avunculus eam educavit ejusque Judaicam celavit progeniem. Men- tio fit beneficii regi praestiti a Mardocheo, dum ei a duobus domesticis insidiae struebantur. Indicatur denique pronus Assueri in Judaeos animus. Deplorato in Hierosolymarum statu et captiva gente Judaicaa haec geri, ex choro foeminarum Israeliticarum dignoscitur, ubi cantantur aerumnae Hierosolymarum, a quibus ut liberetur Israel, filia Judaica Deum Israel precatur.

Actus 2. Intimatur in scena prima decretum Assueri contra Israelitas, quod Mardocheus Esthere adfert, illa se ad accedendum Regem et deprecandum pro salute sui populi resolvit, hunc in finem in scena 2da Dei opem implorat.

Actus 3. In scena prima Aman odium suum in Mardocheum indicat, ejusque causam impatientiamque suam expectandi adhuc decem dies ejus perniciem, quod tempus constitutum erat totius Judaicae gentis excidio. In scena 2da initium fit involutioni dum Assuerus | casu recordatur beneficii 58v sibi praestiti, dum a duobus sicariis fuit liberatus detectione conjurationis facta per quendam hominem. In scena itaque tertia cum Assaph confert, ex eoque exquirit nomen benefactoris, qui ubi Mardocheum fuisse refert, rex eum ipsum, licet esset Judaeus, possibili omni praemio remunerari decernit. aIn the manuscript, Judaica is followed by an asterisk (*), but there is no note corresponding to this asterisk. 260 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Augetur involutio in scena 5ta, dum rex Amanem consulit de praemio offe- rendo, hicque modo honorandi eum, quem rex vult honorare, Aman sibi id parari putans enuntiat, ut ille purpura et omnibus insignibus regiis ornatus regio insidens equo in conspectu populi summa in pompa per Susam ingre- diatur, et ut primus regis minister per habenas ducens equum praecedat altum clamans: “Mortales flectite genua. Sic rex honorat merita et fidem.”a Ut vero adiit, Mardocheum designari istis honoribus seque destinatum ducendo illius equo, sume exacerbatur. Additur nova involutio, dum Assuerus advenire quempiam sine suo mandato advertens custodibus pro more signum dat, quo accepto illi alias sole- bant eos, qui non vocati ad regem accedebant, trucidare, sed dum videt Esthe- rem prae terrore deliquium pasti, ei in signum clementiae sceptrum proten- dit, eique concedit, ut petere possit, quamcunque velit, gratiam, licet peteret medietatem regni, illa ad mensam suam invitat regem rogans, ut ibidem etiam adsit Aman, coram illo se aliquid rogaturam, qua re regis desiderium sciendi, quid petat, magis accenditur.

Actus 4. Aman in scena 1ma uxori suae conqueritur confusionem subeundam in honorando Mardocheo et metuit suae fortunae hoc in casu labare incipienti. Uxor itaque fugam illi suadet. Interim nuncius illum ad tabulam reginae evo- cat, quo cum accedere timeret, animatur spe animi reginae suis votis secun- 59r dantis, cujus spei inde sumebatur | fundamentum. Ex responso alicujus idoli habebatur, manum exteram paratam esse ac se inquinandam sanguine reginae, designabatur per manum exteram Aman oriundus ex gente Amalecitarum, qui sanguine reginae se polluere meditabatur, dum Mardocheo insidias struebat, qui erat Estheri reginae sanguine junctus utpote ejus avunculus, sed cum nesci- retur etiamnum in aula Estherem esse Judaeam, Hydaspes persuadet Amani, regem putare designari oraculo Mardocheo, videri itaque reginam ipsam ei per- dendo esse intentam.

Actus 5. In scena prima aperit se evolutionis initium. Ester in genua provoluta a rege suam suorumque popularium excidium deprecatur, eique attonito se Judaeam esse, aperit, contra Amanem vero regis iram provocat, dum ejus dolos, populi Judaici innocentiam, causam frivolam inimicitiarum Amanis cum Mar- docheo explicat, cujus se neptem quoque esse manifestat. Discedit rex ut ex Mardocheo plura audiat, redux vero in scena 3tia, dum Amanem coram Esthere in genua provolutum, et deprecantem deprehendit, ejus concludit inde ream conscientiam, eumque ad furcam paratam Mardocheo duci jubet.

aCp. Esther, 3.2–5. latin text 261

In scena quarta rex Mardocheo enuntiat libertatem populi Israel, laudat ejus Deum et postquam in scena 5ta mors Amanis nunciatur, chorus virginum Judaicarum Deo benedicit.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum odium vitiorum et amorem virtutum. |

Excitatur terror in decreto sanguinario Regis contra Judaeos in Amanis contra 59v Mardocheum odio, in ejusdem Amanis morte. Commiseratio excitatur Estheris, dum pronunciato decreto, id ut depreca- retur, regem accedit, inque ipso vestibulo deliquium patitur, excitata quoque Mardocheus, dum summum ei periculum ab Amane imminet parata jam pro eo ante urbis portam furca. Punitur credulitas Assueri Regis, et nimia ejus in Amanem fiducia, dum ab eo ipso se turpissime deceptum debet agnoscere. Aman perniciem, quam Mar- dochei struit innocentiae, ipse incurrit, in quo ejus punitur ambitio. Praemiatur contra Estheris religio et fiducia in Deum, sicut et Mardochei pietas, dum illa suscepti in gratiam populi Israel negotii felicem susceptum obtinet, hujus vero innocentia licet pressa non opprimitur.

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem et fictiones operis rerumque in eo convenientiam et verosimilitudinem.

Actio principalis est illa, qua Esther exorat a rege, ut enuntiatum contra Judaeos decretum revocet. Eo diriguntur Amanis in Mardocheum artes et Mardochei accepti a rege honores. Nam ut liberius peteret salutem Judaeorum Esther, fecit fiducia favoris in Mardocheum. Fingitur oraculum illud idoli Persici, quo exterus reginae insidias struere enunciabatur. Valebat id | ad persuadendum Amanem, ut reginae mensae 60r accumberet, quod eam quoque contra Mardocheum irritatam crederet, qui solus ab oraculo designari putabatur. Ut in actus primi scena prima narrari illa possint, de quibus instrui auditor debet, narrat Esther advenienti foeminae Judaicae illa, quae secum interea contigerint in aula Assueri, decus enim convenienter nulla fuisset persona, cui aut ea narrasset, aut quae ipsa alteri exposuisset, nisi forte Mardocheus, sed in hac persona debuerat illud observari, quod cum illo rarissima Estheri fuerit conveniendi occasio, quod ille Judaeus esse sciretur, omnis itaque cum illo conversatio non nisi occulta poterat esse. adum excitat 262 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Verosimillimum est quod Aman nemini alteri suum rariorem in Mardo- cheum ob regios ei delatos honores aperiat, quam suae uxori, cum a quovis alio timere sibi portuisset, ne querellae suae ad regem venirent. Non fuisset credibile, quod longam sui accusationem ab Esthere sustinuis- set Aman, quin aliquid interloqueretur, praecavit itaque author et Esther antea petit a rege, obtinetque ut sensa sua possit exponere, quin interturbaretur ab Amane. Debebat autem accusatio ejus fieri longa et interrupta, cum debuerit praecipitantem effectum praestare contra Amanem, adeoqeu majorem in regis ut faceret animo impressionem, debebat confertis et non interruptis contra Amanem concitari argumentis, deinde debebat fieri praesente Amane, ut auditor perturbatione ipsius pasceretur, meritamque ei poenam irrogari magis sibi plauderet. Ut tamen observet naturam, quae coerceri legibus nequit, Aman ad magis sensibilia puncta interloquitur, sed mox a rege monetur: “Oses tu donc parler sans l’ordre de ton roi. Toi toi.”a | 60v Licet auditis malignis Amanis artibus extreme Rex excandescat, contra naturam tamen fuisset, si aulicum sibi acceptissim in primo impetu damnasset. Quare prius supplex ante reginae pedes deprecans malefacta deprehendi debuit, ut eum vere reum credens rex condemnaret. Quanquam revocato jam decreto completur actio principalis, curiosus tamen relictus fuisset spectator, quid cum Amane contigerit, ideoque ejus mors antea per nuncium describitur, ut ejus vitia magis abominationi essent.

Reflexiones supra caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Assuerus regum Persarum fastum et superbiam egregie exprimit, dum nemo eum audet accedere sine expresso ejus mandato et ipsa regina, quam adeo amaverat, in signum clementiae, flexo id illum poplite accedere et protensum in signum clementiae sceptrum expectare debuerat. Huc serviit etiam studium illud inaudito modo honorandi suum benefactorem et quod omnium coram eo timor observetur. Quod omnia pro sua agat jubeatque voluntate, sine multa consultatione, id quod apparet in subita Amanis condemnatione. Esther religione et pietate plena, quae in solo Deo fiduciam suam reponens decreto regio preces interponere ausa est. Sed ne eam ultra foeminam genero- sam exhibeat author, a communi foeminarum imbecillitate penitus eam non 61r eximit, nam ubi Mardocheus illi suadet, ut accedat regem | deprecatum, illa initio timorem suum prodit, dein vero argumentis piis confirmata ad arduum hoc negotium se resolvit. Deinde quando comparet coram Assuero, ad ejus vultum minacem deliquium patitur.

aRacine, Esther, act 3, scene 4. latin text 263

Aman aulicus est, qui adulatur regi suo eaque propter in illius est favoribus, quorum ipsorum favorum inconstantiam experitur, suis consiliis et artibus regem ad omnia perducit. Sua ad haec gloria ebrius minimum sui contemptum fert gravissime et acerbissime ulciscitur. Unitas loci ad amussim non observatur, licet enim totum agatur Susae in palatio Assueri, quivis tamen actus fere aliam palatii partem exhibet et quidem actus primus cameram Estheris, quae durat etiam per actum 2dum, in actu 3tio cameram et thronum Assueri, in actu 4to et 5to hortum Estheris et partem illam salae, in qua festum celebratur, theatrum repraesentat. Videtur author vel aliorum consilio legem violasse, ut diversitati picturae locus detur, vel libertatem sibi sumpsisse uti aliqua licentia, sicut quibusvis clarioribus in qualibet linea authoribus est concessum. Ornatum operi singularem dant chori, quibus incomparabile suum in Lyri- cis ingenium Racinus prodidit! Observatur illis in verbisque stylus concisus et paucis multa continens, suavitas et energia sensuum, insignium repraesenta- tionum et imaginum copia, figurarum diversarum laudabilis hoc in carminum genere audacia, mensura pedum libera et minime coacta suaque velut sponte fluens. Prologus, quem facit Pietas, omnes eas elegantias Gallico in idiomate continet, quas veteres ut Terentius aut Plautus suis in prologis expresserunt. Stylus enim in eo eminet nitidus, clarus, constans ex obviis verbis | et sensibus, interea 61v tamen sublimis et elevatus. Occasionem chororum hoc in opere adhibitorum author innuit in praefatione, scilicet id se commisisse rogatu aliorum, qui exercitium aliquod in cantu desiderabant pro certo convictu nobilium domicellarum. Musicam quoque commendat Racinus hac in praefatione sequentibus verbis:

Je ne puis me résoudre à finir cette Préface, sans rendre a celui qui a fait la Musique la justice, qui lui est due, et sans confesser franchement que ses chants ont fait un des plus grands agrémens de la piéce. Tous les con- noiseurs demeurent d’accord, que depuis longtems on n’a point entendu d’airs plus touchans, ni plus convenables aux paroles. Quelques person- nes ont trouvé la Musique du dernier Choeur un pue longue, quoique très belle. Mais qu’auroit-on dit de ces jeunes Israélites qui avoient tant fait de voeux à Dieu pour être délivrés de l’horrible péril, où elles etoient, si ce péril etant passé elles lui en avoient rendu de médiocres actions de graces? Elles auroient directement péché contre la louable coutume de leur nation, où l’on ne recevoit de Dieu aucun bien fait signalé, qu’on ne l’en remerciât sur le champ par de fort longs Cantiques; temoin ceux de Marie 264 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Soeur de Moyse, de Débora, et de Judith, et tant d’autres dont l’Ecriture est pleine. On dit même que les Juifs, encore aujourd-hui, celebrent par de grandes actions de graces le jour, où leurs Ancêtres furent délivrés par Esther de la cruauté d’Aman.

Oratio Estheris ad Deum pro felici successu negotii suscepti in salutem sui populi plena est energia, pietate, efficaciaque argumenta continet, quae prae- sens necessitas ejusque in Deum fiducia potuit dictare. |

62r Affectus.

Timor Estheris. Actus 2, scena 1. Odium Amanis in Mardocheum. Actus 3, scena 1. Amor Assueri in Estherem. Actus 3, scena 7. Ira Amanis. Actus 4, scena 1.

Descriptiones.

Descriptio pietatis. Prolog. Historia Estheris. Actus 1, scena 1. Honor Mardocheo habitus. Actus 3, scena 6. Fastus regum Persiae. Actus 2, scena 1.

Les sentimens les plus élevés.

La discorde en fureur frémit de toutes parts, Tout semble abandonner tes sacrés étendarts; Et l’enfer couvrant tout de ses vapeurs funébres, sur les yeux les plus saints a jette ses ténébres. Prolog. Et vous, qui vous plaîsez aux folles passions, Qu’allument dans vos coeurs les vaines fictions, Profanes amateurs de spectacles frivoles, Dont l’oreille s’ennuye au son de mes paroles, Tuyez de mes plaisirs la sainte austérité! Tout respire ici Dieu, la paix, la vérité. Prolog. Le fier Assuerus couronne sa captive, Et le Persan superbe est aux piés d’une Juive. Actus 1, scena 1. Et c’est-la que fuyant l’orgueil du diadême, Lasse de vains honneurs, et me cherchant moi-même, Aux piés de l’Eternel je viens m’humilier. Actus 1, scena 1. latin text 265

Puissent jusques au Ciel vos soupirs innocens Montes comme l’odeur d’un agreable encens! Actus 1, scena 2. Sion, jusques au Ciel élevée autrefois, Jusques au enfers maintenant abaissée. Ibidem. Quand verrai-je, o Sion! Relever tes remparts, Et de tes tours les magnifiques faites? Ibidem. | Otives du Jourdain! O champs aimés des Cieux! 62v Sacrés monts, fertiles vallées Par cent miracles signalées! Du doux pays de nos ayeux, Serons-nous toujours exilées? Ibidem. Un Ange du Seigneur sous son aile sacrée A donc conduit vos pas, et caché votre entrée? Actus 2, scena 1. Cieux! Eclairerez-vous cet horrible carnage Le fer ne connoîtra ni le sexe, ni l’âge. Tout doit servir de proye aux tigres, aux vautours. Ibidem. Et quel besoin son (Dieu) bras a-t-il de nos secours? Que peuvent contre lui tous les rois de la terre? Envain ils s’uniroient pour lui faire la guerre. Pour dissiper leur ligue, il n’a qu’à se montrer. Il parle, et dans la poudre il les fait tous rentrer. Au seul son de la voix la Mer fuit, le Ciela tremble. Il voit comme un néant tout l’Univers ensemble. Et les foibles mortels, vains jouëts du trépas, sont tous devant ses yeux, comme s’ils n’etoient pas. Elle a repudié son époux, et son pére. Ibidem. Pour rendre à d’autres Dieux un honneur adultére. Actus 2, scena 2. C’est pour toi que je marche. Accompagne mes pas Devant ce fier Lion, qui ne te connoit pas. Commande en me voyant que son courroux l’apaise, Et prête à mes discours un charme qui lui plaise. Les orages, les vents, les lieux te sont soumis, Tourne enfin sa fureur contre non ennemis. Ibidem. Foibles agneaux, livrés à des loups furieux, Nos soupirs sont nos seules armes. Actus 2, scena 3. Ma vie à peine a commencé d’eclôre. Je tomberai comme une fleur, Qui n’a vu qu’une Aurore, aCiel] Cie emend. 266 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Helas! Si jeune encore! Ibidem. | 63r Quel carnage de toutes parts! On égorge à la fois les enfans, les vieillards; Et la soeur, et le frére; Et la fille, et la mére; Le fils dans les bras de son pére. Que de corps entassés, que de membres épars, Privés de sepulture! Grand Dieu! Tes saints sont la pâture, Des tigres, et des Leopards. Ibidem. He quoi! diroit l’impiété, Où donc est-il ce Dieu sí redouté, Dont Israël nous vantoit la puissance? Ibidem. Ce Dieu jaloux, ce Dieu victorieux, Fremissez, peuples de la terre, Ce Dieu jaloux, ce Dieu victorieux, Est le seul qui commande aux cieux Ni les éclairs, ni le tonnere, N’obéissent point à vos Dieux. Le Dieu que nous servons est le Dieu des combats. Ibidem. Arme-toi, viens nous défendre. Descens tel qu’autrefois la Mer te vit descendre Que les Méchans aprennent aujourd-hui A craindre ta colère Qu’ils soient comme la poudre, et la paille légére, Que le vent chasse devant lui. Ibidem. Hélas! Sans frissoner, quel coeur audacieux Soutiendroit des éclairs qui sortoient de vos yeux? Ainsi du Dieu vivant la colére étincelle. Actus 3, scena 7. Quand sera le voile arraché, Qui sur tout l’univers jette une nuit si sombre? Dieu d’Israël! Dissipe enfin cette ombre. Jusqu’a quand seras-tu cache? Actus 3, scena 8. J’adorerois un Dieu sans force, et sans vertu, Reste d’un tronc par les vents abatu. Qui ne peut se sauver lui-même? Ibidem. | 63v O douce Paix! O lumiére éternelle! Beauté toujours nouvelle! Heureux le coeur épris de tes attraits! latin text 267

O douce Paix! O Lumiere éternelle! Heureux le coeur qui ne te perd jamais! Ibidem. Nulle paix pour l’impie. Il la cherche, elle fuit: Et le calme en son coeur ne trouve point de place. Le glaive au dehors le poursuit, Le remords au de dans le glace. Ibidem. La gloire des Méchans en un moment s’éteint. L’affreux tombeau pour jamais le dévore. Il n’en est pas ainsi de celui qui te craint. Il renaîtra, mon Dieu! Plus brillant que l’Aurore. Ibidem. Où tendez-vous plus haut? Je fremis quand je voi, les abîmes profonds qui s’offrent devant moi. La chute desormais ne peut être qu’horrible. Actus 4, scena 1. Rois! Chassez la calomnie. Ses criminels attentats Des plus paisibles états Troublent l’heureuse harmonie.

Sa fureur de sang avide Poursuit par tout l’innocent. Rois! Prenez soin de l’absent Contre la langue homicide.

De ce Monstre si farouche Craignez la feinte douceur. La vengeance est dans son coeur, Et la pitié dans sa bouche.

La fraude adroit, et subtile Séme de fleurs son chemin | Mais sur ses pas vient enfin 64r Le repentir inutile. Actus 4, scena 3. D’un soufle l’Aquilon écarte les nuages, Et chasse au loin la foudre, et les orages. Un Roi sage, ennemi du langage menteur, Ecarte d’un regard de perfide imposteur. Ibidem. Ainsi puisse sous toi trembler la terre entiére. Ainsi puisse à jamais contre tes ennemis, Le bruit de ta valeur te servir de barriére! 268 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

S’ils t’attaquent, qui’ils soient en un moment soumis. Que de ton bras la force les renverse. Que de ton nom la terreur les disperse. Que tout leur camp nombreux soit devant tes soldats. Comme d’enfans une troupe inutile. Et si par un chemin il entre en tes états. Qu’il en sorte par plus de mille. Ibidem. Dieu vît contre nous les méchans s’assembler, Et nôtre sang prêt à couler Comme l’eau sur la terre ils alloient le répandre Du haut du Ciel sa voix s’est fait entendre. L’homme superbe est renversé, Ses propres fléches l’ont percé. J’ai vu l’impie adoré sur la terre. Pareil au cédre, il cachoit dans les cieux Son front audacieux. Il sembloit à son gré, gouverner le tonnere; Fouloit aux piés ses ennemis vaincus. Je n’ai fait que passer, il n’étoit déja plus. Que son nom soit beni! Que son nom soit chanté! Que l’on célébre ses ouvrages. Au-déla des tems, et des âges, Au-déla de l’éternité. | 64v Ton Dieu n’est plus irrité. Rejoui-toi, Sion, et sors de la poussiére. Quite les vêtemens de la captivité, Et reprens ta splendeur prémiére. Les chemins de Sion à la fin sont ouverts. Rompez vos fers, Tribus captives. Troupes fugitives, Repassez les monts, et les mers, Rassemblez-vous des bouts de l’Univers Rompez vos fers, Tribus captives. Troupes fugitives, etc. Relevez, relevez les superbes portiques Du temple où notre Dieu se plaît d’être adoré. Que de l’or le plus pur son autel soit paré, Et que du sein des monts le marbre soit tiré. latin text 269

Liban! Dépouille-toi de tes cédres antiques. Prêtres sacrés! Préparez vos cantiques Dieu descend, et revient habiter parmi nous Terre! Frémi d’allegresse, et de crainte. Et vous sous sa Majesté sainte, Cieux! Abbaissez-vous. Je j’apaise, il pardonne. Du coeur ingrat qui l’abondonne Il attend le retour. Il excuse notre foiblesse. A nous chercher même il s’empresse. Pour l’enfant qu’elle a mis au jour, Une mére a moins de tendresse. Ah! Qui peut avec lui partager notre amour? Actus 5, scena 6. |

Athalie. Tragedie. Tirée de l’Ecriture Sainte. 65r

Argumentum ipsius authoris.

Joram, roi de Juda, fils de Josaphat, et le septiéme Roi de la race de David, épousa Athalie, fille d’Achab et de Jézabel qui régnaient en Israël, fameux l’un et l’autre, mais principalement Jézabel, par leurs sanglantes persécutions contre les prophètes. Athalie, non moins impie que sa mére, entraîna bientôt le roi son mari dans l’idolâtrie et fit même construire dans Jérusalem un temple à Baal, qui était le dieu du pays de Tyr et de Sidon, où Jézabel avait pris naissance. Joram, après avoir vu périr par les mains des Arabes et des Philistins tous les princes ses enfants, à la réserve d’Ochosias, mourut lui-même miséra- blement d’une longue maladie qui lui consuma les entrailles. Sa mort funeste n’empêcha pas Ochosias d’imiter son impiété et celle d’Athalie sa mére. Mais ce prince, après avoir régné seulement un an, étant allé rendre visite au roi d’Israel, frére d’Athalie, fut enveloppé dans la ruine de la maison d’Achab, et tué par l’ordre de Jéhu, que Dieu avait fait sacrer par ses prophètes pour régner sur Israel et pour être le ministre de ses vengeances. Jéhu extermina toute la posterité d’Achab, et fit jeter par les fenêtres Jézabel, qui, selon la prédiction d’Elie, fut mangée des chiens dans la vigne de ce même Naboth qu’elle avoit | fait mourir autrefois pour s’emparer de son héritage. Athalie, ayant appris à 65v Jérusalem tous ces massacres, entreprit de son côté d’éteindre entièrement la race royale de David, en faisant mourir tous les enfants d’Ochosias, ses petits- fils. Mais heureusement Josabeth, soeur d’Ochosias et fille de Joram, mais d’une autre mère qu’Athalie, étant arrivée lorsqu’on égorgeait les princes ses 270 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

neveux, elle trouva moyen de dérober du milieu des morts le petit Joas, encore à la mamelle, et le confia avec sa nourrice au grand-prêtre son mari, qui les cacha tous deux dans le temple, où l’enfant fut élevé secrètement jusqu’au jour qu’il fut proclamé roi de Juda. L’histoire des Rois dit que ce fut la septième année d’après. Mais le Texte Grec des Paralipomènes, que Sévère Sulpice a suivi, dit que ce fut la huitième. C’est ce qui m’a autorisé à donner à ce prince neuf à dix ans, pour le mettre déjà en état de répondre aux questions qu’on lui fait. L’âge de Zacharie, fils du Grand-Prêtre, n’étant point marqué on peut lui supposer, si l’on veut, deux ou trois de plus qu’grave/ à Joas. L’Histoire ne spécifie point le jour où Joas sul proclamé. Quelques interpré- tes veulent que ce fut un jour de Fête. J’ai choisi celle de la Pentecôte, qui étoit l’une des trois grandes Fêtes des Juifs. On y celebroit la mémoire de la publication de la Loi sur le Mont de Sinaï. |

66r Noms des personnages.

Joas, Roi de Juda, Fils d’OKasias. Athalie, Veuve de Joram, Arieule de Joas. Joad, autrement Jojada, Grand-Prêtre. Zacharie, Fils de Joad, et de Josabet. Salomith, Soeur de Zacharie. Abner, l’un des principeaux Officiers des Rois de Juda. Azarias. Ismael et les trois autres chefs des Prêtres et des Lévites. Nathan, Prêtre apostat, sacrificateur de Baal. Nabal, Confident de Nathan. Agar, Femme de la suite d’Athalie. Troupe de Prêtres et de Lévites. Suite d’Athalie. La Nourrice de Joas. Choeur de jeunes filles de la tribu de Lévi.

La scéne est dans le Temple de Jérusalem, dans un vestibule de l’appartement du Grand-Prêtre. |

66v Reflexiones supra expositionem, involutionem et evolutionem operis.

Actus 1. In scena prima indicatur locus actionis, dum Abner prodiens dicit se ire ad templum. 2o tempus nempe festum Pentecostes. 3 Instruitur auditor de conditione ejus temporis, quod nempe paucissimi sacrificent vero Deo, sed latin text 271 ejus loco Baalem adorent, idque ob Athaliae in Davidis stirpem persecutionem. 4 nota fit conditio Nathanis, dum dicitur esse Baalis sacerdos, qui a latere Athaliae perpetuo haereat, ut eam contra verum Dei cultum, ejus ministros extimulet. Scena 2da explicat consilium Joadis sacerdotis de Joa parvo monstrando civi- bus, ut eum regem agnoscant. Narratur Joas servatus per Josabeth Joadis con- jugem, dum Athalia cum reliquis suis nepotibus eum trucidare voluit. Refertur hactenus puer custoditus latuisse in templo sub nomine Eliacim, sed periculum illi imminet ab Athalia, quae vult in ipso templo Dei veri sacra Baalis celebrare. Hoc in dicrimine puerum abscondendum judicat Josabeth, osten- dendum populo Joad. In scena 3tia patet Zachariam esse filium Joadis, exponitur apparatus ad festum, jamque sacra tuba signum datur.

Actus 2. In scena prima initium fit involutione, dum in media festi celebra- tione accurrit Zacharias, et Athaliae irruptionem in templo, ab eaque visum Joam | narrat, Joadem ei in limine obstitisse ingressumque vetare voluisse. In 67r scena 3tia fugiunt foeminae cum Zacharia adventate Athalia, quae secum ducit Abnerum, ut ex illo aliqua exquireret, id quod facit in scena 5ta quae multum promovet involutionem. Nam narrat Athalia suum somnium, in quo idi apparuit mater ejus Jezabel et iram Dei est minetata. Praeterea in somnis vidit infantem indutum vestitus sacerdotalibus, qui illique pectori ensem immersit et id somnium sibi saepius redire. Addit se in irruptione ad templum eum ipsum infantem, quem in somnis viderat, deprehendisse, exquirit itaque ex Abnero pueri illius conditionem, quam cum ille nesciret, Athalia autem magis in suspicionibus confirmaretur, ea sibi adduci puerum jubet extimulante interim in pueri hujus necem reginam Nathanem. Augetur involutio in scena 2ma, dum ex ipso Joa multa de ejus origine, cultu et religione sciscitatur, ut expiscetur, quibus principiis ambutus sit, dum vero oblatum ejus puer respueret et nollet illi haeres succedere, ad quod simulato regina illam invitavit, ea praesenti Josabeth exprobrat, puerum contra ipsam animo adversario esse instructum, dumque multa suspecta loquitur, Joadem et Josabetham timentes de salute pueri relinquit.

Actus 3. Additur nova involutio dum Nathan venit ad templum, quo ne ultra limites intra septa Levitarum progrediatur, obicem se ponit parvus Zacharias in scena 2da, a quo Nathan accersiri sibi ejus matremJosabetham, interea cum Nabule in scena 4ta colloquitur de periculo quod imminet Judaeis et ejus templo, seque declarat | non alia ex causa ab Israelis sacris descivisse, 67v quam ex cupidine honorum et favoris Athaliae. Ab adveniente in scena 4ta 272 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Josabeta petit tradi sibi Eliacinum, id est, Joam, ut eum Athaliae adducat, ejus secus iram minatur, dumque Josabet recusat annuere, Joam superveniens initio indignatur, uxorem suam cum sacerdota Apostata loqui, subin auditae Athaliae voluntati ipse quoque renunciat Nathanemque cum exprobratione et vaticinio irae Divinae ablegat in scena 5ta dum de salute Joae Joad cum uxore Josabet consultat, haec pueri curam fidei istius Jehu committere vult, ille vero poulo Joam monstrandum regem putat. In scena 7ma firmata per Azariam Levitam tepli porta Joad aufugisse omnes comperit ex templo praeter Levitas et chorum virginum. Tum Divino aestro se impleri sentiens symphoniam instrui curat, ad cujus sonum praedicit cap- tivitatem Babylonis, Zachariae pontificis in templo jugulation, alterius Jerusa- lem nempe Ecclesiae ortum, congregandos ad eam gentiles, Nesciae adventum; subin ad se rediens paucis, qui restiterant in templo, diversas pro sacrarii defen- sione partes dividit, armaque Davidis illis dispertitur.

Actus 4. In scena prima apparantur omnia in templo ad coronandum Joam, qui cum sibi a Josabeta coronam Davidis adaptari videt, repugnat initio, com- periens vero simul ejus singultus ratis se imolandum ut Jephtiadem, se ipse huic sacrificio offert, in scena Zoa itaque ipse obviam procedit Joadi sacerdoti, qui vero postquam illi regum antecessorum gesta in memoriam revocat, rogat, quaenam facta illi maxime arrideant, respondenti, Davidis, ex ejus ipsum pro- 68r pagine esse, imo ejus nepotem Joad aperit, simulque prostratus ante | pedes ejus primus eum ut regem adorat, vocatisque templi ministris promissum diu Judae regem ostendit, tum omnes ei fidem jurant, et ad ejus se defensionem parant. In scena 4ta ad magis urgendum affectum Josabet adducit suum Zacha- riam, quem Joas ut suum fratrem tenerrime amplectitur. Interea Levitarum aliquis nunciat tumultum ante templi sores animadverti, Joam itaque armis suis instruit, et ad varias partes templi disponit, puerum vero regem cum Josa- betha in sacrario imo recondit, id quod fit in scena 5ta.

Actus 5. In scena prima Zacharias ad suam sororem salomitham procuurit, et ei narrat unctionem, coronationemque Joae in sacrario, seu sanctis sanctorum peractam, interea jam vident cum armis discurrentes Levitas, qua re terrentur rati templum jam capi. In scena 2da adducto secum Joadi Abner e captivitate missus ad Athalia ejus ipsius repetitum de tradendo Joa mandatum exponit, et ipse urget executioni adhuc ignarus pueri conditionis et stirpis sed ut ipse Joam sub suam tutellam accipiat, se offert postquam de ejus stemmate instruitur. In scena 3tia Joad Isa- maeli hanc curam commitit, ut postquam intraverit Athalia, ei reditus interclu- datur; jubet omnes stare in ordine cum silentio, urat erigi thronum pro Joa, et ut latin text 273 post intercusam Athaliam signum detur tuba populusque in auxilium sui regis convocetur; ante omnia autem, ut fides habeatur, regis nutrix advocari debuit. In scena 4ta Joad Joam in throno jam parato collocat eumque sippario occultat, interea audit claudi templi portam indeque omen capit, captam esse Athaliam, quae adhuc sui secura ingreditur in scena 5ta, exprobrat | multa 68v Joadi, ab eoque iterato tradi sibi Joam petit. Tum aperto velo apparet ipse rex puer, quem cum indignatione nepotem suam ex cicatrice vulneris a se ipsa inflicti et ex nutrice pone stante agnoscit Athalia. Apparet interior pars templi tota, prorumpunt ex omni parte armati Leviate et Athaliam comprehendunt nunciatoque per Ismaelem extra templum quoque omnia secura esse, educitur regina capta ex templo in scena 7ma, ejusque mors accellerata, postquam in scena septima Joad misisset Levitas ad convocandum populum videndi sui regis causa, in scena 8va per Levitarum aliquem nunciatur.

Reflexiones supra modum, quo tractantur passiones ad excitandum amorem virtutis et odium vitii.

Terror excitatur in Actus primi scena 1ma, ubi Josabeth narrat de aedibus factis ab Athalia, 2do in periculis tot, in quibus versatur Ioas, 3tio in Athaliae in templum irruptione, 4to in somnio Athaliae et horrida specie apparentis ei Jezabelis, 5to in morte Athaliae. Commiserationem movet 1mo decursu totius operis fons eo magis, quo tene- rioris adhuc aetatis puer proponitur, 2do Josabethae anxietas de incolumitate Ioae maxime dum a Nathane urgetur ad eum Athaliae tradendum. Praemiatur supra omnia Joa innocentia, Religio, ubi inter tot pericula regnum invenit. Joadis fiducia in Deum et constantia, qua se Athaliae et Nathani opposuit, Josabetae misericordia in Joam | qua eum a morte servavit, et de ejus salute tam 69r sollicita est. Punitur contra Athalia horrificis inprimis somniis, proditione, et morte truculenta, in qua merito quivis horrorem crudelitatis et ambitionis concipit.

Reflexiones considerando actionem principalem, episodia, fictiones rerumque hoc in opere convenientiam et verisimilitudinem.

Actio principalis est Joas agnitus et in thronum locatus, quod tamen tragoediam hanc Athaliam potius, quam Joam inscripserit author, ipse cusam indicat, scilicet quod nullus meminerit Joce, nisi dum de Athalia sit sermo, deinde quod personam primariam haec ipsa sustineat suaque morte actionem termi- net. 274 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Nathan ut persona episodica consideratur, qui ut Apostata opponitur Joadi, Athaliaequea additur ad ejus perversam mentem sustentandam et excitandam. Fingitur feliciter somnium de Jezabele et de puero, quib ensem pectori Atha- liae immersit, alias enim sine miraculo in theatris semper absurdo verosimile non fuisset, ut in irruptione in templum conspectu Joae sibi incogniti ita terre- retur et inquieta redderetur. | 69v Audaciae nimiae arguetur vaticinium Prophetae, sed adhibuit author eam cautionem, ut in os Joadis nullam expressionem insereret, quam non esset invenire in prophetiis scripturae. Et licet S. Litterae Jojadae nullo in loco spiritum prophetiae disserte ad adstruant, sicut filio ejus Zachariae, hac tamen in parte licere sibi id putabat Racinus, ut, quod filio tribuit scriptura, ipse Patri quoque concedat. Supponitur itaque quod videat in spiritu funes tam mutationem Joae, qui post pium et felix regnum triginta annorum, malignas adulatorum voces auscultavit, et se caede Zachariae filii et successoris hujus nostri sacerdotis polluit. In actus 2di scena 2da parvus Zacharias primus nuncium adfert de ingressu Athaliae in templum, quia verosimillimus est, ut puer in periculo primus ad matrem currat, ibique refugium quaerat. Ne in sacri hoc operi etiam minimi mendacii periculum subeatur, Joas ipse ignoratusque ad finem suam originem, eaque nemini constat nisi Joadi et ejus uxori. Hinc dum Athalia de stirpe hujus pueri sciscitatur tum ex Abnero, tum ex eo ipso, ingenue suam hac in parte ignoratam confiteri poterant, dum vero Josabeth urgetur potentius, utpote quae rem noverat, supervenit Joad ejus maritus sermonemque intercidit. Ut verosimilior esset Athaliae metus a Joa, illa non soli credit somnio, sed etiam suspicionem auget stirps pueri incognita, rumor puerum hunc a Joad 70r | ad magna destinari. Ad urgendum affectum commiserationis recurritur ad foeminas, quae variis in periculis Joam deplorant.

Reflexiones supra caracteres et varias elegantias operis.

Joas consideratur ut puer extra communem conditionem positus, educatus in templo a summo pontifice, qui illum respiciens tanquam unicam spem suae nationis instruxit opportunis temporibus in officiis religionis et regni: pueri Judaeorum aliter ac nostrorum potior pars, non solum sub initium rationis, sed ut loquar cum Apostolo ab uberibus discebant S. Litteras. Adeoque mirae videri non debent dextrae responsiones, quas puer hic reponit.

aAthaliaeque su bqui illiq latin text 275

Athalia crudelis, ambitiosae, suspicionibus deditae foeminae speciem gerit, quae Israelis sacris perfida legem omnem et ceremonias ut superstitiones repu- tat, id quod apparet in audaci ingressu templi parataque ejus dirutione. Joad Prophetae personam feliciter exprimit per suam animi magnitudinem et constantiam, qua se Athaliae opponit, transgresso limites Levitarum et pavimentum ejus vestigiis prosonatum sanguine imolatorum lavari curavit. Indignatur, dum loquentem cum Athalia uxorem invenit, in omnibus periculis recurrit ad promissiones factas a Deo. Spiritum vero propheticum egregie | cum primis exhibet, nam miscet consolationes minis, toto corpore alteratur. 70v Scena illa est species episodii, in quam naturaliter influit musica more plurium prophetarum enim advertens se spiritu Dei elevari attemperari sibi symphoniam curati hujus consuetudinis testes sunt prophetae illi, qui venerunt ante cospectum Saulis cum cytharis et lyris et Elisaeus ipsemet requisitus de futuris a regibus Judae et Israel illud dixit, quod Joad hac in actione: “Adducite mihi Psaltem.” Prophetiae haec multum facit ad augendam turbationem per con- sternationem et diversas motiones, ad quas redigit chorus et principes actores, quin vel legisse eam sufficit, et sacro quis se horrore sensibiliter perfundi sen- tiet. Mores et consuetudines Judaicae graphice depinguntur, non inveniuntur in templo nisi uqi sunt de familia sacerdotum, quia illis solis licuit sacra exercere. Levitae habent curam ut praeparent pro sacrificiis victimas, custodiant portas templi contra furorem Athaliae et ideo ad profana ut ad adferendos ornatus regios et ad erigendum Joae thronum ordinatur chorus. Cum debuerit Joas in sanctis sanctorum recondi, illuc vero semel in anno ipsi sacerdoti ingrediendi sit facultas, bene actio haec ponitur ad festa Pentecostes, quo probabiliter ingressus hic Joadae licuerit. | Praeter eundem, qui in Esthere fuit, chororum successum et jam laudatam 71r prophetiam sequentes praecipuas tragoedia haec obtinet elegantias. Primo in actus 1mi, scen. 2da descriptio illa facta a Josabeth, et ad omnem teneritudinem composita. Occurrunt ibi infantes regii jugulati, camera tota plena sanguine, Athalia armata pugione animat sicarios, Joas inter vulnusa pro mortuo relictus, nutrix ejus ejulans et dolore amens, seque ne quidquam se opponens siccariis, qui puerum ex ejus sinu rapuerunt. Videtur hic ipse puer sanguine plenus in ulnis Josabethae, quae lachrimis illum humectat, Joas quasi sensibilis ad pias lachrymas brachiolis eam premit etc. 2do Descriptio somnii Athaliae: Mater ejus comparet in eo ornatu, pio comp- ta erat die mortis suae, inter ipsas suas miserias sua sibi constans ferocia, fucato tinctam colore faciem prae se ferens, audiuntur ejus minae ad filiam, quibus avultus vulnus 276 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

finitis umbra versus ejus se lectum inclinat, quam cum Athalia amplecti volebat, nihil invenit nisi tristem struem ossium sanguino lentorum membrorum- que semiessorum, de quibus adhuc canes altercantur. 3tio ad tenerum animi motum valet actionis 4ti, scen. 1, 2. Ubi insignia regia adferuntur ad coronandum Joam, qui ignarum rei se pro victima destinari suspicatur. |

71v Affectus.

Abneri timor. Actus 1, scena 1. Spes et fiducia Joadae. Actus 1, scena 1; sct. 3, scena 6, 7; actus 4, scena 3, 5. Timor et sollicitudo Josabethae. Actus 1, scena 2; actus 2, scena 7; actus 4, scena 5. Ira Athaliae. Actus 2, scena 7; actus 5, scena 5, 6. Ira Josabethae. Actus 3, scena 4. Ira Joadae. Actus 3, scena 5.

Descriptiones.

Festi pentecostalis. Actus 1, scena 1. Nathanis Apostatae sacerdotis. Actus 1, scena 1. Caedis ab Athalia factae. Actus 1, scena 2. Irruptionis Athaliae in templum. Actus 2, scena 2. Somni occurrentis Athaliae. Actus 2, scena 5. Perturbationis Athaliae. Actus 3, scena 2. Nathanis Apostaseos. Actus 3, scena 3. Coronationis Joae. Actus 5, scena 1. Fugae militum Athaliae. Actus 5, scena 6. Mortis Jezabelis. Actus 1, scena 1; actus 2, scena 2.

Les sentimens les plus élevés.

D’adorateur Zéles à-peine un petit nombre Ose des prémiers tems nous retracer quelque ombre. Actus 1, scena 1. C’est peu que le front ceint d’une mitre étrangére. Ce levite à Baal prête son ministére. Ce temple l’importune, et son impiété Voudroit a néantir le Dieu qu’il a quité. Ibidem. Je affecte pour vous une fausse douceur, latin text 277

Et par-là de son fiel colorant le noirceur. Ibidem. | Voici comme ci Dieu vous repond par ma bouche: 72r Du Zéle de ma loi que sert de vous parer? Par de steriles voeux pensez-vous m’honorer? Quel fuit me revient-il de tous vos sacrifices? Ai-je besoin du sang des boucs, et des genisses? Le sang de vos Rois crie, et n’est point écouté. Ibidem. Près de ce champ fatal Jésabel immolée, sous les piés des chevaux cette Reine foulée; Dans son sang inhumain les chiens desaltérés, Et de son corps hédeux les membres déchirés. Ibidem. Le ciel même peut-il réparer les ruines De cet arbre seché jusques dans ses racines? Ibidem. Tout l’Univers est plein de sa magnificence. Qu’on l’adore de Dieu, qu’on l’invogue à jamais. Son empire a des tems précédé la nayssance. Chantons, publions ses bienfaits. En vain l’injuste violence Au peuple qui le loue imposeroit silence, Son nom ne périra jamais. Le jour annonce au jour sa gloire, et sa puissance Il donne aux fleurs leur aimable peinture Il fait naître et meurir les fruits Il leur dispense avec mesure. Et la chaleur des jours, et la fraîcheur des nuits: Le champ qui les reçut, les rend avec mesure. Il commande au Soleil d’animer la nature, Et la lumiére est un don de ses mains. Mais le loi sainte, sa loi pure, Est le plus riche, don qu’il ait fait aux humains. O mont de Sinaï! Conserve la memoire De ce jour à-jamais auguste, et renommé Quand sur son sommet enflammé, Dans un nuage épais le Seigneur enfermé, Fit luire aux yeux mortels un rayon de sa gloire | Dis-nous, pourquoi ces feux, et ces éclairs, 72v Ces torrens de fumée, et ce bruit dans les airs, Ces trompettes, et ce tonnere? Venoit-il renverser l’ordre des élémens? Sur ses antiques fondemens, 278 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Vénoit-il ébranler la terre? Il venoit révéler aux enfans des Hébreux De ses préceptes saints la lumiére immortelle. Il venoit à ce peuple heureux Ordonner de l’aimer d’une amour éternelle. O Divine, o charmante Loi! O justice, o Bonté suprême! Que de raisons, quelle douceur extrême, D’engager à ce Dieu son amour et sa foi! D’un joug cruel il sauva nos aieux. Les nourrit au desert d’un pain délicieux. Il nous donne ses loix, il se donne lui-même. Pour tant de biens il commande qu’on l’aime. Des mers pour eux il entr’ouvrit les eaux, D’un aride rocher fit sortit des ruisseaux. Il nous donne ses loix, il se donne lui-même. Pour tant de biens il commande qu’on l’aime Vous qui ne connoissez qu’une crainte servile, Ingrats! Un Dieu si bon ne peut-il vous charmer? Est-il donc à vos coeurs, est-il si difficile, Et si pénible de l’aimer? L’esclave craint le tiran qui l’outrage, Mais des enfans l’amour est le partage. Actus 1, scena 4. Pour blasphemer sans-doute ouvroit deja la bouche. Signore si de Dieu l’Ange se dévoilant, Est venu lui montrer un glaive étincelant. Mais sa sangue en sa bouche à l’instant s’est glacée. Actus 2, scena 2. | 73r Un enfant courageux publie Et parte comme un autre Elie Devant cette autre Jézabel Ainsi l’on vit l’aimablea Samuel Croître à l’ombre du tabernacle Loin du Monde élevé de tous les dons des Cieux Il est orné dès sa naissance; Et du Méchant l’abord contagieux N’altére point son innocence. Tel en un secret vallon Sur le bord d’une onde pure,

aaimable] aimabl emend. latin text 279

Croît à l’abri de l’Aquilon Un jeune Lys, l’amour de la nature. O Palais de Davide, et sa chére cité! Mont fameux que Dieu même a longtems habité Comment as-tu du ciel attiré la colére? Sion, chére Sion, que dis-tu, quand tu vois Une impié étrangére Assise, helas! Au trône de tes Rois. Au lieu des cantiques charmans, Où David s’exprimoit ses saints ravissemens, Et benissoit son Dieu, son seigneur, et son Pére: Sion, chére Sion, que dis-tu, quand tu vois Louer le Dieu de l’impie étragére, Et blasphemer le nom qu’ont adoré des Rois? Que vaus sert, disent-ils cette vertu sauvage? De tant de plaisirs si doux Pourquoi fugez-vous l’usage? Votre Dieu ne fait rien pour vous. Rions, chantons, dit cette troupe impie, De fleurs en fleurs, de plaisirs en plaisirs, Promenons nos desirs Sur l’avenir, insensé qui se fie. De nos ans passagers le nombre est incertain | Hatons-nous aujourd’hui de jouir de la vie. 73v Qui sait si nous serons de main? De tous ces vains plaisirs où leur ame se plonge, Que leur restera-t-il? Ce qui reste d’un songe Dont on a reconnu l’erreur A leur réveil, o reveil plain d’horreur! Pendant que le Pauvre à la table Goûtera de la paix la douceur ineffable, Ils boiront dans la coupe affreuse, inépuisable, Que tu présenteras au jour de ta fureur A toute la Race coupable. Actus 2, scena 9.

Prophetia.

Mais d’où vient que mon coeur frémit d’un saint effroi? Est ce l’esprit divin qui s’empare de moi C’est lui-même. Il m’échauste. Il parle. Mes yeux s’ouvrent. 280 friz’s analyses of racine’s plays

Et les siécles obscurs devant moi se découvrent. Lévites, de vos sons, prêtez-moi les accords, Et de ses mouvemens secondez les transports. Que du Seigneur la voix se fasse entendre Et qu’à nos coeurs son soracle Divin Soit ce qu’à l’herbe tendre Est au printemps la fraîcheur du matin. ∵

Cieux écoutez ma voix! Terre, prête l’oreille, Ne dis plus, ô Jacob, que ton Seigneur sommeille! Pecheurs disparoissez! Le Seigneur se réveille Comment en un plomb vil l’or pur s’est il changé? Quel est dans le Lieu saint ce Pontifea égorgé? Pleure, Jérusalem, pleure, cité perfide! Des Prophétes Divins malheureuse homicide 74r De son amour, pou toi ton Dieu s’est dapouillé. | Ton encens à ses yeux est un encens souillé. Où menez-vous ces enfans et ces femmes? Le Seigneur a déstruit la Reine des Cités. Ses Prêtres sont captifs, ses Rois sont rejettés. Dieu ne veut plus qu’on vienne à ses solemnités. Temple, renverse-toi! Cedres, jettez des flammes! Jérusalem object de ma douleur, Quelle main en ce jour t’a ravi tous tes charmes? Qui changera mes yeux en deux sources de larmes, Pour pleurer ton malheur? Quelle Jerusalem nouvelle Sort du font du désert brillante declartés Et porte sur le front une marque immortelle? Peuples de la terre, chantez. Jérusalem renaît plus charmante et plus belle. D’où lui viennent de tous côtes Ces enfans qu’en son sein elle n’a point portéz? Léve, Jérusalem, léve ta tête altiére, Regarde tous ces Rois de ta gloire étonnés! Les Rois des nations devant toi prosternés,

aPonfi Pontife latin text 281

De tes piés baissent la poussiére. Les peuples à l’envie marchant à ta lumiére, Heureux! Qui pour Sion d’une sainte ferveur Sentira son ame embrasée Cieux, répandez votre rosée, Et que la terre enfante son sauveur. Actus 3, scena 7. Ou sont les traits que tu lances, Grand Dieu dans ton juste couvroux, N’es-tu plus le Dieu des vengeances? | C’est à toi que dans cette guerre, 74v Les fléches des Méchans prétendent s’adresser. Faisons, disent-ils, cesser Les fêtes de Dieu sur la terre. De son joug importun délivrons les Mortels. Massacrans tous ses saints, reversons ses Autels. Que de son nom, que de sa gloire, Il ne reste plus de mémoire. Que ni lui, ni son Christ, ne régnent plus sur nous. Triste reste de nos Rois, Chére, et derniére fleur d’une tige si belle, Helas! Sous le couteau d’une mére cruelle Te verrons-nous tomber une seconde fois? Prince aimable, dis-nous, si quelque Ange au berceau Contre tes assassins prit soin de te défendre; Ou si dans la nuit du tombeau, La voix du Dieu vivant a ranimé ta centre? Actus 4, scena 6. Lui, parmi ces transports affable, et sans orgueil A l’un tendoit la main, flatoit l’autre de l’oeil, Juroit de se régler par leurs avis sincéres. Actus 5, scena 1. Qu’il regne donc ce fils, ton soin, et ton ouvrage! Et que pour signaler son Empire nouveau, on lui fasse en mon sein enfoncer le couteau! Voici ce qu’en mourant lui souhaite sa mére. Que dis-je souhaiter! Je me flate, j’espére. Actus 5, scena 6. | 75r

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Adolph, Johann Baptist sj (1657–1708) 17 Friz, Andreas Karl Josef Stanislaus sj Aler, Paul sj (1656–1727) 17 (1711–1790) Albrecht v, Duke (1528–1579) 17 Friz, Adrian von 19 Aristophanes (446–386bc) 90–91 Aristotle (384–322bc) 29–31, 34–37, 45, 56, Gachet, Franz-Xaver sj (1710–1774) 12 58, 60–61, 64, 83n12 Gottsched, Johann Christoph (1700–1766) Arouet, François-Marie see Voltaire 48–50, 63–64, 83n10, 83n12–84n13, 87n17, Auctor ad Herennium 95n26 194n19 Avancini, Nicolaus sj (1611–1686) 17, 51 Gottsched, Luise Adelgunde Victoria (1713–1762) 48 Bartakovics, József sj (1722–1763) 20 Granelli, Giovanni sj (1703–1770) 6, 24, 38, Bidermann, Jacob sj (1578–1639) 7 52, 54–55, 69, 90–91, 136–137 Boccaccio, Giovanni (1313–1375) 177 Brecht, Levin (1515–1560) 5 Horatius Flaccus, Quintus (65–8bc) 28, Bettinelli, Saverio sj (1718–1808) 6, 54 31–32, 34, 45, 66–68, 144–145, 160–161 Brumoy, Pierre, sj (1688–1742) 194 Brunner, Andreas (1589–1650) 11 Joseph ii (1741–1790) 20 Jouvancy, Joseph de (Juventius), sj (1643–1719) Carpani, Giuseppe sj (1683–1762) 6, 13 30–31, 41, 56–57, 59, 69, 79n6, 85n14, Caussin, Nicolas (1583–1651) 95n26 125n42, 141n Cervantes, Miguel de (1547–1616) 31 Justinus, Marcus Junianus (2nd c. ad) 46, Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106–43bc) 34 203 Christina, Queen of Sweden (1626–1689) Juventius see Jouvancy 53 Claudian Claudianus (c. 370-after 404) Kerll, Johann Kaspar (1627–1693) 17 112–113 Kolczawa, Karol (1656–1717) 13 Claus, Anton sj (1691–1754) 12, 13, 15–17, 42, 46, 63 Lang, Franz (1654–1725) 10, 12, 18, 57–60, Corneille, Pierre (1606–1684) 18, 29, 38–43, 83n11, 85n15, 87n17, 89n20, 95n23–25, 46–48, 52, 61, 63–64, 68–69, 83n10, 99n29, 101n31–32, 155n, 159n, 163n 89n19–20, 90–91, 126–127 Le Jay, Gabriel François sj (1657–1754) 10, 13, 60–62, 69, 125n42 De Gaspari, Giovanni Battista (1702–1768) Loyola, Ignatius of, sj (1491–1556) 12 21–22 Lucian of Samosata (ca. 125–180ad) 31, De la Rue, Charles sj (Carolus Ruaeus) 108–111 (1643–1725) 13, 45–46, 52, 63, 90–91, Lysimachus (361–281bc) 46 124–125 Donati, Alessandro sj (Alexander Donatus) Mambrun, Pierre sj (1601–1661) 57 (1584–1640) 35–36, 83n12 Maria Theresa (1717–1780) 10, 21 Donatus, Aelius ( fl. mid-4th c. ad) 33– Masen, Jakob sj (1606–1681) 24, 30, 33n98, 34 36–38, 58, 60, 83n12, 113n, 125n42, 139n, Donatus, Alexander see Donati 159n Du Cygne, Martin (1619–1669) 79n6, 139n Maurisperg, Anton sj (1678–1748) 51–52, 135n Erasmus, Desiderius (1466?-1536) 31 Metastasio, Pietro (1698–1782) 24, 38, 52–56, Euripides (480–406bc) 90–91, 112–113 63, 69, 87n18, 90–91, 116–117, 136–137 index of personal names 295

Molière (Jean-Baptiste Poquelin) (1622–1673) Ruaeus, Carolus see De la Rue 31–32, 38, 43, 45, 52, 68, 90–91 Muratori, Lodovico Antonio (1672–1750) 21, Scaliger, Julius Caesar (1540–1609) 35 44 Seccard, Ludwig sj (1736–1806) 46 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus (ca. 4bc–65ad) 46, Neuber, Caroline (1697–1760) 48 51, 57, 62, 112–113, 135n, 140–141, 188n9 Neumayr, Franz sj (1697–1765) 10, 12, 13, 18, Sophocles (496–406bc) 74–75, 75n2, 76–77, 19, 42, 50n183, 59, 63–65, 69–70, 85n14 77n3, 90–91, 110–111 Noël, François sj (1651–1729) 41–42 Stancari, Domenico (1708–1769) 44 Statius, Publius Papinius (c. 45–c. 96ad) Paullin, Johannes (1604–1671) 11 112–113 Pausanias (115–180ad) 46 Plautus, Titus Maccius (ca. 254–ca. 184bc) Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) (195/185– 24, 32–33, 45, 90–91, 112–115, 131, 133, 263 159bc) 32–34, 45, 56, 90–91, 112–113, Pollux (2nd c. ad) 31 128–133 Pontanus, Jacobus sj (1542–1626) 24, 31, Tritonius, Petrus (ca. 1465–1525) 17 34–35 Poquelin, Jean-Baptiste (1622–1673), see Vergil (Publius Vergilius Maro) (70–19bc) Molière 46, 112–113 Porée, Charles, sj (1675–1741) 43, 63 Voltaire (François-Marie Arouet) (1694–1778) Possevino, Antonio sj (1533–1611) 34 49, 60, 69

Quintilian, Marcus Fabius (ca. 35ad–ca. 96) Weitenauer, Ignaz sj (1709–1783) 11, 13, 19, 42, 34, 59, 95n26 59, 66–70 Winsemius, Vitus (16th c.) 77n2 Rabelais, François (1494–1553) 31 Racine, Jean (1639–1699) 18, 38, 43–44, Zeno, Apostolo (1688–1750) 53 47–52, 54, 61, 63, 68–70, 90–91, 173–281 Zrínyi, Miklós (1508–1566) 19