Antifeminism
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Discrimination Against Men Appearance and Causes in the Context of a Modern Welfare State
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Lauda Pasi Malmi Discrimination Against Men Appearance and Causes in the Context of a Modern Welfare State Academic Dissertation to be publicly defended under permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Lapland in the Mauri Hall on Friday 6th of February 2009 at 12 Acta Electronica Universitatis Lapponiensis 39 University of Lapland Faculty of Social Sciences Copyright: Pasi Malmi Distributor: Lapland University Press P.O. Box 8123 FI-96101 Rovaniemi tel. + 358 40-821 4242 , fax + 358 16 341 2933 publication@ulapland.fi www.ulapland.fi /publications Paperback ISBN 978-952-484-279-2 ISSN 0788-7604 PDF ISBN 978-952-484-309-6 ISSN 1796-6310 www.ulapland.fi /unipub/actanet 3 Abstract Malmi Pasi Discrimination against Men: Appearance and Causes in the Context of a Modern Welfare State Rovaniemi: University of Lapland, 2009, 453 pp., Acta Universitatis Lapponinsis 157 Dissertation: University of Lapland ISSN 0788-7604 ISBN 978-952-484-279-2 The purpose of the work is to examine the forms of discrimination against men in Finland in a manner that brings light also to the appearance of this phenomenon in other welfare states. The second goal of the study is to create a model of the causes of discrimination against men. According to the model, which synthesizes administrative sciences, gender studies and memetics, gender discrimination is caused by a mental diff erentiation between men and women. This diff erentiation tends to lead to the segregation of societies into masculine and feminine activities, and to organizations and net- works which are dominated by either men or by women. -
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: a Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov a Thesis
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: A Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov A thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science for honors Duke University Durham, North Carolina 2019 1 Note name change from National Front to National Rally in June 2018 1 Acknowledgements I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to a number of people who were integral to my research and thesis-writing journey. I thank my advisor, Dr. Michael Munger, for his expertise and guidance. I am also very grateful to my two independent study advisors, Dr. Beth Holmgren from the Slavic and Eurasian Studies department and Dr. Michèle Longino from the Romance Studies department, for their continued support and guidance, especially in the first steps of my thesis-writing. In addition, I am grateful to Dr. Heidi Madden for helping me navigate the research process and for spending a great deal of time talking through my thesis with me every step of the way, and to Dr. Richard Salsman, Dr. Genevieve Rousseliere, Dr. Anne Garréta, and Kristen Renberg for all of their advice and suggestions. None of the above, however, are responsible for the interpretations offered here, or any errors that remain. Thank you to the entire Duke Political Science department, including Suzanne Pierce and Liam Hysjulien, as well as the Duke Roman Studies department, including Kim Travlos, for their support and for providing me this opportunity in the first place. Finally, I am especially grateful to my Mom and Dad for inspiring me. Table of Contents 2 Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………4 Part 1 …………………………………………………………………………………………...5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………..5 Purpose ………………………………………………………………………………..13 Methodology and Terms ……………………………………………………………..16 Part 2 …………………………………………………………………………………………..18 The National Rally and Women ……………………………………………………..18 Marine Le Pen ………………………………………………………………………...26 Background ……………………………………………………………………26 Rise to Power and Takeover of National Rally ………………………….. -
The Public Eye, Winter 2017
WINTER 2017 The Public Eye In this issue: Religious Freedom is a Progressive Value • Birth of the Alt Right • Mobilizing Misogyny • Right Moves: Interview with Jason Stahl editor’s letter BY FREDERICK CLARKSON After the November election, the growing concern among progressives about the “Alt THE PUBLIC EYE Right”—an ideology that draws together White supremacism, misogyny, antisemitism, QUARTERLY and authoritarianism in an irony- and meme-fueled movement—became a sense of emer- gency. Followers of the movement were Sieg Heiling in Washington D.C. hotels, and a spate PUBLISHER Tarso Luís Ramos of attacks against minority groups and people of color were reported across the country. It seemed as though the worst elements of President Trump’s base had emerged en masse to EDITOR mark their victory with virulent displays of intolerance. But as with confronting any threat, Kathryn Joyce effective response first requires understanding it. COVER ART Nansi Guevara In this issue, as well as in a rapidly-expanding list of online-exclusive reports, stories, and LAYOUT profiles, PRA is doing what it does best: digging into the fraught subject of the White na- Gabriel Joffe tionalist Alt Right with meticulous research and broad historical context. This edition of PRINTING The Public Eye includes two full-length features concerning the Alt Right. The first of these Red Sun Press is David Neiwert’s “Birth of the Alt Right” (pg. 4). Neiwert, who with journalist Sarah EDITORIAL BOARD Posner investigated the movement over the course of the presidential race, delves into the Frederick Clarkson • Alex DiBranco deep backstory of how the Alt Right came to be. -
The Two Women's Movements
The Two Women’s Movements Feminism has been on the march since the 1970s, but so has the conservative backlash. By Kim Phillips-Fein June 1, 2017 Phyllis Schlafly at a rally at the Illinois State Capitol in 1977. (AP) Not even death could stop Phyllis Schlafly. Her final broadside, The Conservative Case for Trump, was released the day after she died at the age of 92 last September. It was a fitting bookend to her first, A Choice Not an Echo, her self-published endorsement of Barry Goldwater for president in 1964. Unlike many other Christian conservatives who backed Texas Senator Ted Cruz in the GOP’s 2016 primaries, Schlafly supported Trump from the outset. Early in the year, she gave an hour-long interview to Breitbart News, making the case that Trump represented the only chance to overturn the “kingmakers” (her word for the Republican establishment). Like Trump, Schlafly’s politics were often focused on a muscular concept of national security. She wanted to see a “fence” protecting the country’s southern border, and she argued that Democrats were recruiting “illegals” in order to bolster their electoral chances. Despite his three marriages, she saw Trump as an “old-fashioned” man whose priorities were hard work and family. After Schlafly died, Trump returned the love. He gave a eulogy at her funeral in the Cathedral Basilica of St. Louis, raising a finger to deliver a promise: “We will never, ever let you down.” Schlafly emerged on the national scene in the early 1970s, when she led the campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment through her Eagle Forum. -
The Politics of Women's Wrongs and the Bill of 'Rights': a Bicentennial Perspective
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1992 The Politics of Women's Wrongs and the Bill of 'Rights': A Bicentennial Perspective Mary E. Becker Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mary E. Becker, "The Politics of Women's Wrongs and the Bill of 'Rights': A Bicentennial Perspective," 59 University of Chicago Law Review 453 (1992). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Politics of Women's Wrongs and the Bill of "Rights": A Bicentennial Perspective Mary E. Beckert The language of the Bill of Rights is almost entirely gender neutral and its provisions have always applied to some women.' But free white men of property designed the Bill of Rights in a political process from which they excluded most Americans and all women. Not surprisingly, the Bill of Rights served and serves the interests of such men better than the interests of others. Legal constitutional literature, whether from the right or the left, tends to be celebratory rather than critical. But in looking back on the Bill of Rights during this bicentennial year, women and many men outside the propertied white male class should be ambivalent. In this Article, I assess the Bill of Rights from the per- t Professor of Law, The University of Chicago Law School. -
Antifeminism Online MGTOW (Men Going Their Own Way)
Antifeminism Online MGTOW (Men Going Their Own Way) Jie Liang Lin INTRODUCTION Reactionary politics encompass various ideological strands within the online antifeminist community. In the mass media, events such as the 2014 Isla Vista killings1 or #gamergate,2 have brought more visibility to the phenomenon. Although antifeminism online is most commonly associated with middle- class white males, the community extends as far as female students and professionals. It is associated with terms such as: “Men’s Rights Movement” (MRM),3 “Meninism,”4 the “Red Pill,”5 the “Pick-Up Artist” (PUA),6 #gamergate, and “Men Going Their Own Way” (MGTOW)—the group on which I focused my study. I was interested in how MGTOW, an exclusively male, antifeminist group related to past feminist movements in theory, activism and community structure. I sought to understand how the internet affects “antifeminist” identity formation and articulation of views. Like many other antifeminist 1 | On May 23, 2014 Elliot Rodger, a 22-year old, killed six and injured 14 people in Isla Vista—near the University of California, Santa Barbara campus—as an act of retribution toward women who didn’t give him attention, and men who took those women away from him. Rodger kept a diary for three years in anticipation of his “endgame,” and subscribed to antifeminist “Pick-Up Artist” videos. http://edition.cnn.com/2014/05/26/justice/ california-elliot-rodger-timeline/ Accessed: March 28, 2016. 2 | #gamergate refers to a campaign of intimidation of female game programmers: Zoë Quinn, Brianna Wu and feminist critic Anita Sarkeesian, from 2014 to 2015. -
Narrative Warfare: the 'Careless' Reinterpretation of Literary Canon
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE This is the accepted manuscript of the article, which has been published in Narrativeprovided by Trepo Inquiry - Institutional. 2019,Repository of Tampere University 29(2), 313-332. https://doi.org/10.1075/ni.19019.nur Narrative Warfare: The ‘Careless’ Reinterpretation of Literary Canon in Online Antifeminism Matias Nurminen, Tampere University This article studies the use of literature and narrative strategies of online antifeminist movements. These movements classified under the umbrella term the manosphere, wage ideological narrative warfare to endorse a misogynistic worldview. The case at hand concentrates on the radical faction of neomasculinity and its attempts to reinterpret the Western canon of literature. I propose that neomasculine readings of novels such as Vladimir Nabokov’s Lolita are careless interpretations that ground themselves on specific traits of the texts while ignoring others. These readings attempt to evoke a sense of recognition in the community that believes in an alleged feminist conspiracy against men. Careless interpretations borrow from post-truth rhetoric and the feminist literary theory tradition of reading against the grain. When confronted over their controversial views, neomasculine figures renarrativize readings to benefit the promotion of neomasculine perspectives. This strategic use of literature is part of the narrative warfare discussed in detail. Keywords: manosphere, resistant reading, post-truth, instrumental narratives, antifeminism, literary canon 1 Introduction This article analyses how online antifeminist movements, often classified under the umbrella term the manosphere, wage ideological narrative warfare to endorse a misogynistic worldview. The case at hand concentrates on neomasculinity, a particularly radical faction that has also been studied in classicist Donna Zuckerberg’s recent book Not All Dead White Men: Classics and Misogyny in the Digital Age (2018). -
2017-Year-In-Review-Peakprosperity
2017 Year in Review Markets Fiddle While Rome Burns David B. Collum Betty R. Miller Professor of Chemistry and Chemical Biology Cornell University Email: [email protected] Twitter: @DavidBCollum Introduction “He is funnier than you are.” ~David Einhorn, Greenlight Capital, on Dave Barry’s Year in Review Every December, I write a survey trying to capture the year’s prevailing themes. I appear to have stiff competition—the likes of Dave Barry on one extreme1 and on the other, Pornhub’s marvelous annual climax that probes deeply personal preferences in the world’s favorite pastime.2 (I know when I’m licked.) My efforts began as a few paragraphs discussing the markets on Doug Noland’s bear chat board and monotonically expanded to a tome covering the orb we call Earth. It posts at Peak Prosperity, reposts at ZeroHedge, and then fans out from there. Bearishness and right-leaning libertarianism shine through as I spelunk the Internet for human folly to couch in snarky prose while trying to avoid the “expensive laugh” (too much setup).3 I rely on quotes to let others do the intellectual heavy lifting. PeakProsperity.com 1 “Consider adding more of your own thinking and judgment to the mix . most folks are familiar with general facts but are unable to process them into a coherent and actionable framework.” ~Tony Deden, founder of Edelweiss Holdings, on his second read through my 2016 Year in Review “Just the facts, ma’am.” ~Joe Friday By October, I have usually accrued 500 single-spaced pages of notes, quotes, and anecdotes. -
Patriarchal Legitimization and Women in Latin America Shannon C
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Honors Scholar Theses Honors Scholar Program Spring 5-4-2015 Analyzing Reproductive Policy: Patriarchal Legitimization and Women in Latin America Shannon C. Magni University of Connecticut - Storrs, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/srhonors_theses Part of the Health Policy Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Magni, Shannon C., "Analyzing Reproductive Policy: Patriarchal Legitimization and Women in Latin America" (2015). Honors Scholar Theses. 447. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/srhonors_theses/447 Analyzing Reproductive Policy: Patriarchal Legitimization and Women in Latin America 1 Analyzing Reproductive Policy: Patriarchal Legitimization and Women in Latin America Shannon Claire Magni University of Connecticut 4 May 2015 Analyzing Reproductive Policy: Patriarchal Legitimization and Women in Latin America 2 I. Introduction An 8-year-old Nicaraguan girl was raped in Costa Rica. Shortly after her 9 th birthday, upon returning to Nicaragua, her Church and government together denied her an abortion that would save her life (Kampwirth 2006). In Argentina after being abducted, tortured and interrogated, a woman was paraded naked down the halls of a clandestine torture facility, and repeatedly raped by soldiers of the Argentine Government (Argentina Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas 1986; 49). In Peru María Mamérita Mestanza, a mother of seven died from substandard medical care just eight days after being coerced into a tubal ligation surgery (Godenzi, & Galleno 2011). Aside from heart wrenching tragedy, what do all three women have in common? All three women were victims of violence as the institutions of the Church and state exerted control over these capacities. -
Violence Against Women
Violence Against Women Karen F. Balkin, Book Editor Daniel Leone,President Bonnie Szumski, Publisher Scott Barbour, Managing Editor Helen Cothran, Senior Editor CURRENT CONTROVERSIES San Diego • Detroit • New York • San Francisco • Cleveland New Haven, Conn. • Waterville, Maine • London • Munich © 2004 by Greenhaven Press. Greenhaven Press is an imprint of The Gale Group, Inc., a division of Thomson Learning, Inc. Greenhaven® and Thomson Learning™ are trademarks used herein under license. For more information, contact Greenhaven Press 27500 Drake Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535 Or you can visit our Internet site at http://www.gale.com ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means—graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, Web distribution or information storage retrieval systems—without the written permission of the publisher. Every effort has been made to trace the owners of copyrighted material. Cover credit: © Najlah Feanny/CORBIS SABA LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Violence against women / Karen F. Balkin, book editor. p. cm. — (Current controversies) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7377-2042-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-7377-2041-7 (lib. bdg. : alk. paper) 1. Women—Violence against. 2. Women—Violence against—United States. I. Balkin, Karen F., 1949– . II. Series. HV6250.4.W65V536 2004 362.88'082—dc21 2003048328 Printed in the United States of America Contents Foreword 8 Introduction 10 Chapter 1: Is Violence Against Women in the United States a Serious Problem? Chapter Preface 15 Yes: Violence Against Women in the United States Is a Serious Problem Violence Against Women Is a Serious Problem by Patricia Tjaden and Nancy Thoennes 17 Physical violence against women in America is widespread, injurious, and sometimes deadly. -
Antifeminism
The European man, a hegemonic masculinity (19th-21st centuries) Antifeminism Christine BARD ABSTRACT Antifeminism is the countermovement of thought and action that is opposed to feminism. Its thematic range is as extensive as the fields of feminism’s intervention, and has evolved over time to oppose the rights gradually won by women. The ramblings of tortured minds? Isolated voices bringing age-old misogyny into modernity? Political discourse rooted in counterrevolutionary thought? An on the whole logical reaction by the “class of men” mobilized to conserve power? The scope of the subject calls for a periodization that logically follows the history of feminism, whose “first wave” extended across Europe from the late nineteenth century to the early 1960s. Poster for the National League for Opposing Woman Suffrage, circa 1910, United Kingdom.Source : wikimedia commons “Antifeminism”: the word dates from the late nineteenth century, at a time when “feminism” entered common usage. On the political level, antifeminism was well integrated within the body of European rights, although it also attracted other families of thought. For example, in the mid-nineteenth century, the Frenchman Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865), the “father of anarchism,” revealed himself to be simultaneously misogynistic, antifeminist, and a supporter of male domination. While as a whole antifeminism found its justification in the defense of tradition, it was flexible enough to also become an aspect of modernity: the Italian futurists from the early twentieth century wanted to “glorify war—the only cure for the world—militarism, patriotism [...] and contempt for women” (Manifesto of Futurism, 1912). What brought the antifeminists together was a fiercely differentialist discourse regarding the sexes, whose hierarchical and complementary social functions were, according to them, prescribed by nature and/or divine will. -
Inviolable Motherhood: the Far-Right and the Battle Against the Conscription of Women During the Second World War
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO INVIOLABLE MOTHERHOOD: THE FAR-RIGHT AND THE BATTLE AGAINST THE CONSCRIPTION OF WOMEN DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE HISTORY DEPARTMENT IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS IN HISTORY 1 BY DAVID PHILLIP DAWSON ADVISOR: REBECCA JO PLANT, PHD. APRIL 2018 1 Caption Reads: “Crusading Mothers of Pennsylvania, fanatically [unreadable] prepare to trample on a “World Federation” flag [unreadable] is proposed in England. 9-17-43. Jacob H. Gomborow Papers, Temple University Special Collections Research Center. Collection ID: SCRC 246. Series 1: Police Work, 1909-195. Box 1, Folder 69, “Crusading Mothers of Pennsylvania, 1942- 1943.” Dawson 1 Abstract This paper examines the responses of far-right American mothers to proposed efforts to conscript, draft, or otherwise “regiment” women into the labor force via the Austin-Wadsworth Bill during World War II. In particular, this essay explores the fierce anxieties pertaining to gender and motherhood, how they manifested, and how they reveal a profound and broad sense of vulnerability on the part of the women speaking out against the bill. Ultimately, I demonstrate that the mothers opposing this draft reacted so fiercely because they perceived a threat to their citizenship: namely, the assumption that their citizenship inhered in their maternal roles and in their general distance or separation from state or public control. Establishing the existence of a “gendered” status anxiety that informs the mothers’ opposition to the bill, I then explore the importance of their reactions in any scholarly understanding of conservatism and gender in the 20th and even 21st century U.S.