Lessons from the Allocation of Food Vendors in Bangkok, Thailand

A thesis submitted to the

Graduate School

of the University of Cincinnati

in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

Master of Community Planning

in the School of Planning of the

College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning

by

Lydia Yen

B.S. Cal Poly Pomona

April 2015

Committee Chair: David Edelman, Ph.D. Abstract:

In the city of Bangkok, where food vendors play a large role in tourism and in the livelihoods of residents, the current military coup seeks to eradicate them for the sake of traffic control (Bhowmik 2005). Although this conflict of space is not new to the political discourse of

Bangkok, this thesis proposes to suggest urban design recommendations derived from local examples of vending markets through the embedded case study method. Lessons learned from functioning markets serve to strike a favorable solution for the sake of accommodating the rapid growth of Bangkok and its vendors.

ii This Page Intentionally Left Blank.

iii Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Background of Research

Abstract 1 Objective of the Research 1 Research Strategy 2 Research Questions: 5 Research Question 1: How do vendors manifest at Soi Ari 7 and Silom Soi 20? Research Question 2: What are the implications of the spatial clusterings witnessed? Research Question 3: What accommodations in urban design can be implemented to incorporate vendors? Structure of Thesis: 8

Chapter 2: A Developing Economy Equals a Shifting Economy

Background 9 Major Trends of Urbanization 11 Food Vendors 12 Definition of Food Vendors and the Informal Sector in Thailand 12 Types of Self Employment 13 Mobile Vendors v. Fixed Vendors 14 Early Studies Conducted on Vendors 15 Duality of Food Vendors 17 Under Governor Major General Chamlong Srimuang 17 Under Governor Pichit Rattakul 18 Under Governor Samak Suntaravej 18

Chapter 3: Methodology

The Case Study Method 21 Type of Case Study: Embedded Multiple Case Study Design 22 Justification for Case Study Choice of Soi Ari 7 and Silom Soi 20 23 Data Collection: Interviews and Surveys 24 Interview with Dr. Narumol Nirathron 25

iv Interview with Dr. Paisarn Tepwonsirirat 25 Interview with Dr. Witchaya Preuksamars 27 Surveys (Refer to Appendix 2) 28

Chapter 4: Analysis

Introduction to Analysis 30 Spatial Conflicts 32 Space, Location and Typologies 34 Social Dimension 35 Cultural Dimension 36 Comparisons between Typologies & Contemporary Settlement Patterns 38 Visual Analysis 44

Chapter 5: Findings

Soi Ari 7 46 Silom Soi 20 49 Shared Attributes of a vending market 53

Chapter 6: Recommendations and Conclusions

Recommendations 57 The Singapore Model 57 Integration of Spatial Understandings in the Plan Making Process 60 An Update on the Current Situation of Vendors 62 Conclusion 63

Bibliography 64-68 Appendix 1: Laws Enacted in 1992, Enforced by City Police 69 Appendix 2: Survey Data 70

v List of Tables & Figures

Figure 1: The Vendor, “Where do they go from here?” 3 Figure 2: Dr. Tepwongsirirat’s Matrix 3 Figure 3: Governors of Bangkok & Political Attitudes toward Vendors 20 Figure 4: Guide for the Public to Government Procedure 30 Figure 4B: “Don’t do these things!” 31 Figure 5: A Comparison of Monthly Food Expenditures 38 Figure 6: A Comparison of Similar and Different Typologies 39 Figure 7: Typologies That Appear in Both Sites, Defined 40 Figure 8: Free Land: Not Free, but Negotiable 41 Figure 9: Free Land: Anything Goes 41 Figure 10: Free Land: Sharing 41 Figure 11: Stability Comfort, Defined 42 Figure 12: Stability Protected, Tucked In 42 Figure 13: Security From not Being Bold 42 Figure 14: Wealth: Node of People 43 Figure 15: Wealth: Node of Activities 43 Figure 16: Wealth: Accessibility 43 Figure 17: Soi Ari 7 Non-Mobile Vendors’ Preferences 48 Figure 18: Soi Ari 7 Consumers’ Preferences 48 Figure 19: Silom Soi 20 Non-Mobile Vendors’ Preferences 50 Figure 20: Silom Soi 20 Consumer’s Suggestions 51 Figure 21: Vendor Counts 51 Figure 22: Density of Vendors on Soi Ari 7 with Major Points of Interest. 52 Figure 23: Density of Vendors on Silom Soi 20 with Major Points of Interest 52 Figure 24: Identifying the Primary and Secondary Uses in Conjunction to Nodes 55 Figure 25: Identifying the Primary and Secondary Uses in Conjunction to Nodes 56 Figure 26: Pricing of Singaporean Hawker Stalls 60

vi Chapter 1: Background of Research

Objective of the Research:

The rapid urbanization of cities has resulted in the emergence of the informal sector

as a viable yet under recognized economic generator for disenfranchised populations. Although

beneficial to the life blood of Asian Cities, urban planning bureaus often view informal street

markets as a nuisance and have been eradicated as western ideals of planning infiltrate the use of

public spaces.

Food stalls, being micro units of informal markets, play an imperative role throughout

the developing world; this is especially so in the case in Thailand, where food is an important

part of the culture. In this regard, the location of food stalls in relation to their urban setting,

which determines their success, is critical. (Bhowmik 2005) Moreover, the street as a free commercial space for micro enterprises is a highly contested area due to multiple interests and

stakeholders. This research will look at how food vendors are spatially allocated within

Bangkok, the largest city in Thailand, to determine how urban areas can accommodate food stalls

while minimizing spatial conflicts.

As developing countries continue to urbanize, the informal sector and the activities

burgeoning from the needs of mobile pedestrians will continue to become more prominent in the

urban landscape. Food vendors and hawker stalls are mostly informal, are mostly unregulated,

and are often times illegal and unregistered, (Bhowmik 2005).

However, these activities continue to be characteristic features of the urban landscape in

developing countries - because of the adaptability, affordability, and accessibility of the market.

1 In the context of Bangkok, these informal activities subsequently offer alternative forms of

income and employment to the growing number of people migrating to cities in developing

countries, and many of these food stall establishments cater to the less educated workers.

(Kusakabe 2006)

This research looks into how the local district offices of Bangkok can find effective ways of organizing spaces for food vendors. In trying to frame urban design solutions, the author will interview local researchers who have previously looked into this topic, interview vendors from two local food markets, look into the spatial layout of these existing markets, and then define possible urban design solutions. In previous efforts to work with vendors, common issues included the lack of trust; therefore, the goal is to find transparent design solutions that reflect the needs of the vendors and pedestrians in the setting of a rapidly growing city.

Research Strategy

The researcher came upon this topic while reading about conflicting views of street life.

During her studies in urban planning, urban acupuncture by means of guerilla urbanism, pop-up

shops, and test trial park-lets were in vogue; it was clear that planners acknowledged street life as veins of the city. Often times the best examples of street life aiding the return of the inner city were from international examples, and one of the most notable is what Enrique Penalosa has done for the City of Bogota.

Enrique Penalosa, a school administrator with no previous ambitions to become a social figure, first captured the attention of the media by literally pulling down his pants in an effort to show his students that he was human while apologizing to a group of rowdy student protestors.

In a turn of events, the residents of Bogota felt his sincerity could change the messy politics of

2 the upcoming mayoral elections, and pressured for

him to run. During his mayoral reign in 1998-2001,

he implemented radical changes by simply realizing

the potential of rediscovering street life. Along the

Porvenir Promenade, a street that runs through the

poorest neighborhoods, he turned the 24 km road into

a pedestrian and bicycle only street, and along the

Juan Amarillo Greenway which stretches from the

poorest neighborhoods to the richest neighborhoods,

he also created a pedestrian way. (“Enrique

Peñalosa,” Planetizen) He also changed the culture of

driving by employing traffic police mimes to educate

Figure 1 The Vendor. “Where do they go from the public on better driving habits. From small here?” Translated from Matichon Weekly, May 21, 2001 Source: Tepwongsirirat 2004, P. 42 behavioral changes to large infrastructure projects, he

was able to establish a level of trust that the public

needed.

During the author’s investigation of issues

within Bangkok, she came across many studies

looking at the traffic, the congestion, and the vending

issues within the city. She knew that vendors were

central to many Asian cities' street life, but it was not

until she came across an article on the Rockefeller Figure 2 Dr. Tepwongsirirat's Matrix, 2004 P. 118 Center's Informal City Dialogues when she realized

3 there were conflicting views on the validity of vendors as part of the street life. Within the dialogue, Enrique Penalosa, being an advocate of street life, presented a surprising opinion piece titled "Vendors Decay Public Space, Which Hurts the Poor the Most." (Penalosa 2013) In the article, he calls out vendors as representing a step backwards in development as they take up valuable pedestrian activity space, the main source of accessible recreational space for the poor, and, while using the space illegally, they introduce increased crime. His biggest gripe against vendors is perhaps how unsightly they are. Taking as an example Times Square, he calls vendors an illness that take over the more dynamic and prosperous nodes of the city, thereby debilitating city centers rendering "New York sidewalks [to] look more and more like a third world city."

(Penalosa 2013) His article merely suggests another view, although understandable, but at the same time, very ignorant of the potential values of vendors and the informal sector.

In trying to frame this research, the author focused specifically on food vendors because of

the level of previous demographic data available, the abundance of food vendors in Bangkok

(Almost half (40-45%) of all vendors in Bangkok are food vendors) (Bacani 1997; Bangkok Post

1998) and because of the potential lessons that can be learned. Penalosa's view, as the researcher

discovered, is not an extreme, but a popular view with Bangkok city officials who view vendors

as more of an eyesore rather than a cultural asset. Within developing Asian cities, there is a push

for informal vendors to become formalized and sorted into hawker centers similar to what

Singapore has accomplished -- the idea being that this is the natural progression of development.

However, as the author will further explain, this logic goes against the very nature of the

informal sector, which by its very nature is not controlled.

In conducting this research, the author wanted to observe the current spatial allocations for vendors within Bangkok to understand the delicate and ephemeral qualities of food vendors as

4 part of the informal economy. In order to do so, she used a set of typologies illustrating varying

vending stalls and settlements, which has previously been outlined in Dr. Paisarn Tepwonsirirat's

2004 doctoral dissertation, The Vendor and The Street: The Use of Public Space in Bangkok.

(Tepwonsirirat 2004) His research focused on the place of the vendor in society, literally and figuratively, throughout the history of Bangkok. In his dissertation, he presents a matrix (Figure

2) illustratively demonstrating the relationship between the Vendor, the State, and Society, thus creating the pillars of analysis for his study.

Much of the research is based upon his observations and utilizes his analysis of the different components of vending settings, which were selected from throughout Thailand. To localize the typologies set out by Dr. Paisarn to the city of Bangkok, the researcher selected two market areas to study that are drastically different. In doing so, she also bridged the ten year gap between Dr. Paisarn's study and her own to show that these typologies are still relevant and, therefore, so are his findings.

The two case studies that were looked at were chosen based upon interviewing Dr. Paisarn for likely research locations, in which he suggested Soi Ari 7 and Silom Soi 20, the differences are outlined in later chapters. The type of data collected will serve to answer the first two research questions, which follow, while the analysis will serve to answer the last.

Research Questions:

Research Question 1: How do vendors manifest at Ari Soi 7 and Silom Soi 20?

Visual investigations into differing types of vending businesses that occupy the streets of

Ari Soi 7 and Silom Soi 20 were documented and classified into typologies. The typologies

identified within these two market areas are further sorted based on subject (nodes of land use

5 and observations settlement patterns). Surveys previously conducted in these market areas by

professors and students of Mahasarakham University are used to support visual observations.

Moreover, a second layer of data, the location of "magnet" land uses and surrounding elements

as described in “Responsive Environments: A Manuel for Designers” (Bentley et al. 1985) is

collected and analyzed in conjunction with pedestrian surveys and vendor counts to visualize the

intensity of activities temporally. Each site is observed, but analyzed separately. The gathering

locations are presented visually and serve to create maps of activities. Overall, these observations

serve to answer the later research questions and look into the "How" and "Where" of why

vendors locate within these markets.

Research Question 2: What are the implications of the spatial clusterings witnessed?

The observations conducted in the first question are further analyzed to answer the second.

Within the surveys that Mahasarakham University students and faculty conducted, there were

questions related to the community of vendors. The community component of a vending location

is important as vendors often work together for a level of protection, and this mentality has been

documented ever since the migration of urban slum dwellers, who were also vendors, that

migrated into Bangkok. (Tepwonsirirat 2004, 33)

The surveys collected are different from those of mobile vendors and those of non-mobile

vendors, who tend to be illegal and have the ability to change to other nodes. Although not too

many of these surveys were collected, since mobile vendors were hesitant to answer questions

regarding their locations, the data collected serve to show how mobile vendors react as outliers to

the ordinances issued by the city. These surveys help to answer social questions on why vendors gather in their particular locations in specific clusters as observed in these two study areas.

6 Additional insights to the social and cultural relationships of vendors are taken from

interviews of researchers in the field, including Dr. Narumol Nirathron, Dr. Paisarn

Tepwongsirirat and Dr. Witchaya Prueksamars, conducted by Professor Jenjira Namuangruk

from Mahasarakham University. The goal of looking into the community component of the

market is to break down the inner workings of why the market works and how it affects the daily

lives of the vendors and consumers.

Research Question 3: What accommodations in urban design can be implemented to incorporate

vendors?

The last research question looks at implementing the lessons learned from looking at locational factors from research question one and the social and cultural factors from research question two. The analysis of the two previous questions ultimately seeks to provide urban design solutions that fill in the gaps of the current processes the district offices use to define spaces, including the regulations for vendors and the needs of the vendors and the consumers.

Hired translators and research assistants have helped with guidance around Bangkok.

Research studies, that has formed the basis of this thesis, is found online and at the host institution of the researcher, the Faculty of Architecture, Urban Design and Creative Arts of

Mahasarakham University (MSU), which has a formal agreement to work with two exchange students every year from the School of Planning at the University of Cincinnati (UC)’s School of

Planning within its College of Design, Architecture, Art and Planning. The research is carried out in collaboration with Dr. Tarawut Boonlua of MSU and Dr. David J. Edelman of UC, who also serves as the advisor for this thesis. Within this framework, the researcher conducted field research in Thailand from May 1 until August 1, 2014.

7 Lastly, the gathered data and variables is analyzed and applied in the Bangkok

Metropolitan area to develop policy and design suggestions to formulate recommendations on

how Bangkok can accommodate these microenterprises in public spaces.

Structure of Thesis:

This thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 lays out the scope and aim of the thesis,

showing the synopsis of the study in its whole. The successive chapters of this research begin

with a review of the relevant literature and the background in Chapter 2, followed by a detailed

presentation of the study methodology in Chapter 3, where the information gathered will also be

presented. Chapter 4 provides an analysis of the information against the variables presented in

Dr. Tepwongsirirat's dissertation, while Chapter 5 presents the findings. In Chapter 6 the conclusions and design recommendations of the thesis are detailed and proposed based upon the findings in Chapter 5.

8 Chapter 2: A Developing Economy Equals a Shifting Economy

Background:

Thailand, like many developing countries, is experiencing symptoms of urbanization. The

2012 Informal Employment Survey conducted by the National Statistical Office tallies the number of informal workers to be 24.8 million, or 62.6% of all employed persons in Thailand.

Moreover, since 2001, the informal sector has consistently contributed at least 33.3% to the nation's GDP, and, in 2010 according to the NSO, the informal sector contributed close to half of the nation's GDP. (Thanachaisethavut et al. 2008, 7) The country’s rapid urbanization has

exacerbated the issues of accommodating the influx of migrant workers, and the effects of two

state guided projects in the latter half of the 20th century, namely the National Development

Project (1930's-1960's) and the Globalization Project (1970's-1990's), have resulted in major

shifts in Thailand's economy (Christophe, Stefanie & Shoko)

In 1932, when absolute monarchy ended, the succeeding military coups sought to

industrialize Thailand, by pushing the National Development Projects. The Prime Minister, Field

Marshal P. Pibulsongkram, pushed for nationalism and the reform of societal behaviors by

establishing the Ministry of Culture, which was only open from 1938-1944 and 1946-1977,

during the years that he was in office. (Srisak 2001)

An extension of the idea to “modernize society”, it was pertinent to form business

groupings, which would be attractive for foreign investors, mainly from the United States. (Goss

and Burch 2001, 974) These efforts catapulted the modernization of Thailand from an

agricultural economy to an industrial economy. (Goss and Burch 2001, 974) The United States

also had a direct input of $797 million into the Thai economy, due to the Vietnam War. (Goss

9 and Burch 2001, 974) The policies increased domestic and foreign exchange, but the resulting expansion increased the rift between the manufacturing sector's GDP and agricultural sector's

GDP, increasing from 13.1% to 16.4% and declining from 38.1% to 30.5%, respectively. (Goss and Burch 2001, 975) Land ownership condensed dramatically, and the disparity between the poor and the rich climaxed in a 1965 rural rebellion. (Goss and Burch 2001, 977) Due to the income disparities in the shifting focus of the economy, Bangkok grew quickly with the emergence of the Klongtoey slum in the southeast portion of the city. Migration into Bangkok was further facilitated by the construction of Phahonyothin Road, which connected the northeast provinces to the capital city.

By the 1970's, the focus of economic development had shifted towards increasing the country's international presence through the Globalization Project. (Christophe, Stefanie &

Shoko) While intense agribusiness developments were planned for the rural areas in northeast

Thailand, the national economy shifted towards an export economy to satisfy loan requirements under the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. (Christophe, Stefanie & Shoko) The penetration of global funds and economies also meant that the Thai economy would now be vulnerable to outside economic influences. At the end of the 1970's, around 30 conglomerates existed, thereby influencing the pattern of urban growth in Bangkok. (Pasuk et al. 1998)

Despite the intent of growth, Thailand's national economy fluctuated dramatically. In addition to repaying foreign debt, structural adjustments including the removal of price controls and the reduction of tariffs, devalued the Baht by 15%. (Goss and Burch 2001, 980, 982) The collapse of the Baht catalyzed the 1997 Asian financial crisis, even though the country experienced the highest growth rate in the world between 1985 and 1996 and was about to become Asia's Fifth Tiger. (Christophe, Stefanie & Shoko) (Tepwonsirirat 2005, 31) The effects

10 of the Asian Financial Crisis were deeply felt in the agricultural sector, sparking migrations of

the poor and uneducated populations from the northeast to larger cities like Bangkok, further securing the capital city as a primate city.

Major Trends of Urbanization

According to Bhowmik (2005), the increase of the informal sector in the last two decades

can be attributed to two main factors: the "rural to urban pull" or urbanization and reduced

employment in the formal sector. In Asian countries like the Philippines, South Korea, Malaysia,

Indonesia and Thailand, where there were large industrial sectors, the outsourcing of jobs,

mergers between large companies, and the downsizing of companies have caused a major shift in

the labor force. (Bhowmik 2005) The 1997 Asian Financial Crisis affected many of these

countries, as their export based economies shifted from exporting basic materials to exporting

complex materials like textiles and high technology products.

Due to the job loss facilitated by the downsizing economy, the informal sector was an easy

route, as it took minimal start-up costs and skills, and the success of operations wholly depended

upon the proprietors, who were mainly families. (Sarkar 2002, 78) As contraction spread

throughout Southeast Asian Tiger Economies, the informal sector increased, thus creating

competition and lower profit margins. (Sarkar 2002, 78) Due to the transgressive nature of street

vending, it is vital that the informal sectors are a social safety net during economic downturns.

11 Food Vendors

Street vending itself, can be considered an industry itself, however there isn’t a clear definition of who is a street vendor. Due to their transgressive and temporal nature, vending is not succinctly documented.

Definition of Food Vendors and the Informal Sector in Thailand

The informal sector refers to the part of the economy that does not fall under the umbrella of organized economic activities. (Sarkar 2002) It is the sector of the economy that has often been deemed illegal and unwanted as societies moved further up the chain of development. Other characteristics include any economic activities that occur outside of formal administrative jurisdictions that have a low level of organization, uncertain wages, and no social welfare and security. (Sarkar 2002) Modernization and development to Thais have come to mean the same thing, and those that did not follow the model of modernization were branded as "undeveloped".

(Tepwonsirirat 2005, 27)

According to the Thailand’s National Statistical Office (NSO), an "informal worker" is a person who is at least 15 years old, whose employment is not protected or regulated by the social security system, and thus not protected by the country’s labor laws. The three major sectors that hire informal workers include the agricultural sector, the manufacturing sector, and the service sector, with the latter consisting of street food vendors.

A street vendor is broadly defined as a person who offers goods for sale to the public at large, without having a permanent built-up structure to sell from. (Bhowmik 2005) Sometimes in statistical calculations according to the International Labor Office (ILO), these street vendors are categorized under the "self-employed" category. (Bhowmik 2005) In Article 3 of the 1941

12 Municipal Act of the Bangkok Municipality, a hawker is defined as someone who is "selling food, beverages or other kinds of goods, either by street or canal, by means of loading, carrying on the shoulder by means of a rod, carrying on the hip, holding over the head, or putting on a public location." (McGee 1970, 12) The later government definitions define vendors as persons who either are phu re kai, those that wonder about selling food or ice, either on land or on water, or paeng-loi, those that are in arranged public streets or public spaces including buildings, raised bamboo beds, stands, tables, mats, the ground, boats, or rafts for selling food, ice or other merchandise. Informal vendors can be classified as mobile or fixed under the Regulation of

Bangkok Metropolis on Hawkers B.E. 2519 (1976). (Further distinction will be outlined in the next section.)

Types of Self Employment

The linkage of these micro-units of the economy can be gauged at differing levels of

autonomy. Self-employed persons can be defined as those who run their own businesses, alone,

or in association with other owners. (Scott 1979, 107) According to Bromley and Gerry's

classification of self-employment, there are three levels of free agency:

1. Disguised Wage Work: The vendor is commissioned as a seller and is provided with

equipment, credit, and raw materials.

2. Dependent Work: The vendor is dependent on a larger enterprise for credit,

merchandise, or rental of equipment, usually from monopolized markets.

3. True Self-Employment: The vendor works autonomously with a range of suppliers.

In the context of Bangkok, according to Narumol Nirathron's 2006 research, food vendors begin from disguised wage work before achieving true-self-employment, while others start from

13 true self-employment to dependent work. (Narumol 2006, 26) For the contemporary vendor with

a college level education, many start from true self-employment and become franchisers of their

own chain of vending units, thereby enabling other disguised wage workers. (Preuksamars 2014)

Mobile Vendors v. Fixed Vendors

The 1976 Bangkok Metropolitan Administration Act defines the mobile vendor as a

hawker who sells food or ice on land or in a canal. The fixed or static vending unit is defined as a

“stall in a public space or building, mat, ground, boat or boathouse for selling food, ice, or other

items.” BMA’s definition implies that food has always been a staple unit of merchandise.

Mobile vendors or Hab-Re (Hab is a person carrying merchandise to sell from place to

place and Re is the act of wandering about.) are characterized by their ability to change locations

varying upon proximity to consumers, whereas fixed vendors have permanent locations and

greater stability with higher volumes of sales. According to previous studies, 20% of vendors are

mobile (McGee 1970), and fixed vendors, which account for the rest, can be divided into two

groups: those using permanent structures or those using semi-permanent structures, with 40% of the fixed vendors in both. (Napat and Szanton 1986; Tinker 1997)

The differences are far wider when comparing the socioeconomic implications of different

types of vendors as surveyed by Narumol in her 2006 study of vendors from Dindaeng and

Klong Toey districts. The majority of mobile vendors, 88%, are from rural areas, while thirty-

five percent moved to Bangkok due to the 1997 financial crisis. (Nirathron 2006) Fixed vendors,

on the other hand, are mainly from Bangkok (70%) and list their previous occupation as mobile

vendors. (Nirathron 2006) Many of the fixed vendors are both husband and wife; thus, it can be

asserted that the food stall is the main source of family income.

14 Early Studies Conducted on Vendors:

According to Dr. Tepwonsirirat, almost all previous studies conducted were under the scope of sociology, economics or anthropology. The main discourses of research detailed who the vendors were, how they became vendors, and how they lived and worked, thereby painting the overall picture of the urban vending environment. Dr. Tepwonsirirat's research was a departure from these studies since he analyzed the relationship between the vendors and their settings from a design and planning point of view.

Early perception of vending as a marginal occupation for the lower class is supported by a survey of demographic data in 1980 that shows important characteristics: there were just as many vendors born in Bangkok as were from other provinces, there were more female vendors than male vendors, most vendors were not educated past primary school, and most vendors were between 16 and 40 years old and were married. (Suvatti et al., 1980)

A comprehensive study carried out in Chonburi, Thailand in 1986 shows that vendors earned an average income of 90 Baht a day, with the middle bracket making an average net income of 206 Baht, and the upper bracket making 504 Baht average per day. (Sirisamphand and

Szanton, 1986) This study also revealed that the two income groups that consumed street food on a regular basis made about 2,000 to 8,000 Baht per month. (Sirisamphand and Szanton, 1986)

Subsequent research executed after 1980, between the years of 1983 and 2002, found similar trends, which confirmed the sector as marginal and an entry market for rural farmers who migrated to Bangkok. Later research also confirmed other reasons besides economic factors regarding the ease of entry. These were low investment and flexible schedules for working mothers. (Pasuk, Sirisamphand and Szanton, 1986; Pongpaichit and Chasombat, 1988;

Sirisamphand, 1994; Nirathron, 1996)

15 According to Narumol Nirathron's study in 2005, the increasing number of street vendors in Bangkok is confirmed by national statistics. In 1996, 265.7 thousand vendors were counted.

Only four years later in the year 2000, the National Statistical Office census counted 384.3 thousand vendors (National Statistical Office, various years). However, according to a 1970 study by McGee, estimates of hawkers were unreliable due to the recounting of mobile vendors.

(McGee 1970) For example, the number of hawkers in Greater Bangkok was cited as 27,000 by the municipal authorities, while the National Statistics Office counted 61,500. (Tepwongsirirat,

2004)

McGee's 1970 study on hawkers in Hong Kong identified 3 integral types of vending locations, including focused agglomeration (concentrated around markets), street hawkers

(vendors lined up against streets) and bazaar (concentration of hawkers on public or private land typically away from the street.) (McGee 1970) Moreover, much like the two study areas chosen for this thesis, markets would develop along these agglomerations as they become characteristic of the environment by the selling of certain goods. The policies that follow the enforcement of these markets tended towards limitation (i.e., limiting the overall population of vendors), stabilization of mobile vendors, and the removal or relocation of vendors. (Tepwongsirirat 2004)

Although, the current government’s attitudes are now shifting as selling food on the streets of Bangkok is no longer limited to the less-privileged. (Yasmeen 2001) Dr. Narumol Nirathron credits this to the shifting paradigms of neoliberalism and globalization as Thai society shifts its views on "employment". (Nirathron 2005)

16 Duality of Food Vendors

Food vendors are a vital component of Thai culture as it is a tradition to eat out; therefore, many meals are eaten out of the house regardless of class standing. The food vendors in Bangkok have catered to this culture by providing cheap but nutritious meals with local authenticity, thus

keeping freshly prepared meals accessible to the poor and middle class. (Bhowmik 2005)

Hawker stalls are a major source of contemporary life in Bangkok, but are often seen by

authorities to be a nuisance and a cause of traffic problems. (Kusakabe 2006) Moreover, under

different Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) policies, street vending has been

condoned during recessions, but abhorred in economic booms. (Kusakabe 2006)

Despite the prevalence of street vendors, the Thai government’s first attempt in trying to

clear sidewalks and to control street food vending occurred in 1973. (Nirathron 2010) This was

later repealed by the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration in 1973, and street food vending

restoration has been on the Bangkok governor's priority list ever since. (Nirathron 2010) This

was not reflected in the Metropolitan Development Plan until later.

Under Governor Major General Chamlong Srimuang

During the era of the Globalization Project, Bangkok, as the capital city of Thailand,

instituted the Fourth and Fifth Bangkok Metropolitan Development Plans (1987-1996).

(Nirathron 2010) These plans limited the increase of street vendors and prohibited preparation of

food on the street. In a cosmopolitan city changing to adhere to rationalist planning ideals, street

vending was seen as "underdevelopment." Nevertheless, the National Statistical Office under

both plans indicated that the number of street vendors in Bangkok grew. It is not so much that food vending is not recognized as a vital component to Bangkok, but it is that these informal

17 activities are highly unregulated and are often blamed for societal issues, and are even sometimes

run by powerful gangsters. (Tepwongsirirat 2004)

Under Governor Pichit Rattakul

A correlation between Thailand's shifting economy and the informal sector is evidenced in

the increased purchasing of street food. In 1997, during the depths of the Asian Financial Crisis,

50.4% of monthly food expenditures were spent on prepared meals, as compared to only 30% in

1967 in the Greater Bangkok Metropolitan Area. (Yasmeen 1997, 10) It was during the

economic recession in which seed money in the amount of 4,000 Baht grants originating from

World Bank funds were issued to promote street vending as a device for combating poverty.

Moreover, franchising came into vogue as educated populations utilized their creativity in

starting small or microenterprises. (See Classifications of Enterprises chart above.) The National

Government rallied in support of franchising as part of their Small or Medium Enterprises

policy. (Tepwongsirirat 2005, 38)

Under Governor Samak Suntaravej

Regulation efforts have varied under the authority of individual governors. Modernization

of Bangkok has increased the reliance upon food stalls, and informal activity in 2001 is estimated

to have generated about 45.6% of Bangkok's GDP, despite Mr. Samak Suntaravej's administration, in which he put into action intensive law enforcement against unlicensed food

vendors. (Kusakabe 2006) As of 2000, the Thailand National Statistics Office has tallied a 20%

increase in workers within the "hawkers, peddlers, and newsboys" category from 310,000 to

390,600. (The total count of food vendors, if it existed, would be a subcategory in this count.)

18 According to the Former Bangkok Deputy Governor Dr. Vallop Suwandee, "We the

[Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA)] have always wanted to eradicate them (the vendors), but this problem has been neglected for such a long time that many people in Bangkok feel that they are a part of Bangkok life, making it virtually impossible to abolish. What's more, the BMA lacks manpower and attentiveness to really enforce our policy." (Suselo Frances, The

Asian Eye, blog posted May 26, 2006) Plans dictate differing regulations to vendors, but are poorly enforced, with vendors having the ability to pay off police officers for use of public spaces. Because the issue of street food vending touches upon multiple sensitive issues, the BMA has never put forth a permanent policy. Despite this, there is a set of general spatial guidelines passed out to vendors in a form of a pamphlet. These guidelines exist to bring minimal order, as laws are not strictly enforced in Thailand. A violator would be fined up to 2,000 Baht.

Informal vendors today are perceived as sources of entrepreneurship and culture.

(Nirathron 2014) The Thailand Creative & Design Center, created under Prime Minister Thaksin

Shinawatra's administration, looks to promote the country's creative economy through the cultivation of cultural assets by supporting entrepreneurs. In 2009, the cultural center held an exhibition focusing on the ingenuity of street food vendors. ("About TCDC,”) (Brian 2009)

Moreover, in 2001, the Thai Government established the Bank of the People Project which promotes small scale self-employment with low interest loans to petty traders. (Nirathron 2005)

19 Figure 3: Governors of Bangkok & Political Attitudes toward Vendors

Governor Active Years Attitude towards Vendors Governor Major 1985-1989, Focused on convenient and safe co-existence between General 1989-1992 pedestrians and street vendors. (e.g., no vending on Chamlong Srimuang pavement less than 2 meters wide. No vending on Wednesdays to allow for street cleaning.) Krisda Arunwongse 1992-1996 More rigid measures towards vendors; it was during a na Ayuhya time of good escalating economic conditions. Pichit Rattakul 1996-2000 Focused on food hygiene and creating walking streets out of vending locations to focus on communities and to raise consciousness on urban dwelling issues. Samak Suntaravej 2000-2004 Vendors were allowed to sell on Wednesdays and the need to pay fees was eradicated. Instead vendors paid cleaning fees. He also introduced mobile dishwashers. Apirak Kosayothin 2004-2008 Vendors were not allowed to sell on Mondays as it was the cleaning day. Sukhumbhand 2009-Current Sought to balance the needs of everyone who uses the Paribatra walkways by restricting vending times. (Not allowed to vend in busy intersections between 5-7pm) Source: Nirathron 2006

20 Chapter 3: Methodology

There are only patterns, patterns on top of patterns, patterns that affect other patterns, patterns hidden by patterns, patterns within patterns. If you watch close, history does nothing but repeat itself. What we call chaos is just patterns we haven’t recognized. What we call random is just patterns we can’t decipher. What we can’t understand we call nonsense. What we can’t read we call gibberish. -Chuck Palahniuk, Survivor

The Case Study Method:

The methodology used in this thesis is the Case Study Method, which is immersed in

complex real world phenomena: the use of multiple sources and is used when there is an inherent

need to analyze social processes comprising activities, entities, and forces of the

interrelationship. (Yin 2003, 13) Yin states that the case study approach is useful when trying to

investigate a phenomenon, particularly to "(a) define research topics broadly and not narrowly,

(b) cover contextual or complex multivariate conditions and no just isolated variables, and (c)

rely on multiple and not singular sources of evidence." (Yin 2003, 6) Utilizing this approach, the

researcher defines the "who, what, when, where, and why" of food vendors and their urban spatiality in order to contextually define design solutions.

In constructing the study, it was important to allow the research questions to guide the

type of method chosen. In framing the research, the most important factors for food vendors

required understanding of their preferences when choosing markets (Refer to research question

1), which is followed by the analysis of their spatiality (Refer to research question 2), and then

by the proposed solutions (Refer to research question 3). The logic of the research questions

validates the use of the surveying method. However, this method is not as flexible. When

attempting to describe the multi-variable realms informal food vending touches upon, the Case

Study Method provides a better framework for study.

21 The Case Study Method is a pragmatic choice as it does not require the control of

behavioral events and focuses on contemporary events, which is fitting because the challenges

food vendors face are constantly changing. With the flexibility of this method, qualitative and

quantitative methods of research could both be used.

Type of Case Study: Embedded Multiple Case Study Design

The Case Study Method has four basic frameworks including: single case holistic designs

(Type 1), single case embedded designs (Type 2), multiple case holistic designs (Type 3), and

multiple case embedded designs (Type 4).

The Embedded Multiple Case Study Design is chosen on the basis that this research study requires (a) a holistic case study which in this study is Dr. Tepwonsirirat's research on selected vending areas within Bangkok, (b) involves more than one bounded/case and (c) relies upon multiple sources of evidence. (Yin 2003, xi) In order to outline these variables, the researcher based her study upon the variables of spatiality Dr. Tepwonsirirat uncovered. Since that research

was conducted ten years ago, it needed to be updated, and the variables he outlined needed to be sifted through contemporary examples; hence the case studies of Silom Soi 20 and Soi Ari 7.

The sources utilized to triangulate potential urban design solutions include previously conducted guided conversation interviews, observations from surveyors and participants, which were carried out by students at Mahasarakham University, a literature review of previous theories from relevant researchers, and documents from local governmental sources. The governmental sources are used very carefully as the administration of statistical data in Thailand varies year to year. Therefore, even numbers from previous studies are not relevant in the course of constructing knowledge, but simply serve as a contextual point. It is important to remember

22 the informal sector's transitory nature, even with temporal data, the momentary data points are at best a partial observation. However, in utilizing multiple sources of data, the researcher hopes to corroborate a more compelling and descriptive study.

Justification for Case Study Choice of Soi Ari 7 and Silom Soi 20:

According to Yin, "Every case study should serve a specific purpose within the overall scope of inquiry. Here, a major insight is to consider multiple cases as one would consider multiple experiments - that is, to follow a 'replication' logic" (Yin 1994, P 45) The bounded case studies, which were recommended by Dr. Tepwongsirirat, are chosen due to their differences in design, history, and surrounding land uses. To identify the current typology of vendors, these two cases would bridge Dr. Tepwongsirirat's typologies into today's context. The Silom area has always been known as a business district with landmarks like the Dusit Thani Hotel, major shopping malls like Robinson Silom, and a major park, Lumphini Park, nearby. The area the author concentrated on was a historic neighborhood, a well-known site for its traditional food market. Although the little market has been overshadowed by big corporations and hotels, Silom

Soi 20 runs on a symbiotic relationship between the small businesses and nearby residential neighborhoods. The market itself is a mixture of a linear street market and a government organized market. The demographics of the area include Muslims, local Thais, tourists, and

Chinese Thais. The area is one of the most concentrated sites for pedestrians despite its traffic and holds a large number of food vendors particularly from early morning to noon. Regardless of the recent influx of tourists, Silom Soi 20 is still very close to its roots as an organically settled market.

23 Ari (Phahonyothin) Soi 7, on the other hand, is a newer market with clearly marked

allotments for vendors, and it feeds on the consumer base provided by the Ari BTS station and a

concentration of governmental offices. Similar to Silom Soi 20, Ari Soi 7's demographics is

predominantly Thai, but with a younger crowd taking over the nightlife. The market has been

touted by the New York Times as the hip place to be with its crumbling 1970's architecture,

which all the more increases its indie credibility. (Gross) It is an area full of new life at each

moment's notice - in the mornings, the commotion surrounds the government workers hopping

onto song-taews and motorcycle taxis, while at night the food vendors switch shifts and work in

tandem as low-brow eateries situated between high-brow restaurants. This linearly lined market

is a testament to how vending markets can work despite heavily trafficked roads and

contemporary restaurants.

Data Collection: Interviews and Surveys

Interviews were chosen as the main source of data as previous researchers who have studied food vendors tended to have objective well rounded opinions. Moreover, they were conducive to providing details into the intricacies of municipal decisions and other little known references. The three researchers with whom the interviews are referenced are Dr. Paisarn

Tepwongsirirat, a landscape architecture professor at Kasetsart University, Dr. Narumol

Nirathron, a public administration professor at Thammasat University, and Dr. Witchaya

Preuksamars, a consultant for the World Bank. The interviews were conducted as guided conversations where questions were thought out before hand, but the order was defined during the interviews.

24 Interview with Dr. Narumol Nirathron, conducted June 20th, 2014:

Since her dissertation published in 2004, the changes have been remarkable, and the BMA

has come to accept street vending as a source of livelihood. Policies before tended to be

unfriendly, but now the national and local frameworks of law support microenterprises,

especially as a means to alleviate poverty amongst the poor. For three consecutive years, a travel

magazine has named the city as the best city for tourism because of food vendors - therefore the

change in attitude. The Director of the City Police Department is even seeking to zone areas for

street vendors.

Since 1992, the law has allowed the BMA to allocate space for vendors by keeping lists of

formal and informal vendors. In early 2013, the BMA worked in with the local Traffic Police to

allocate spaces for vendors. But, afterwards in the latter half of 2013, a committee was created

and vendors themselves now decide on the issues concerning them in each district, which is a

more participatory process. (Nirathron 2014)

Interview with Dr. Paisarn Tepwongsirirat, conducted June 24th, 2014:

Before his own dissertation was written, a series of events contributed to the increased tensions between the vendors and the BMA. The first was a vending location belonging to the

National Housing Authority, in which vendors had unofficially taken over for about a decade prior. The BMA had "invited" the vendors to move to a vacated area nearby which had smaller

lots and higher rental rates. (Post Today and The Nation, Tuesday August 3, 2004.) They were

asked to move before May 3rd, but they did not, and on August 2, about 200 men arrived to

destroy vending stalls and to pour sand over the vending area. (Tepwonsirirat 2004)

25 Another event, which was a television broadcast, “Breaking the Code”, aired July 21,

2003 that depicted vendors complaining of police corruption and bribery. The police would take away vending stalls and equipment if the vendors did not pay off the police. Moreover, these clashes often created chaotic scenes causing distrust from passersby and the vendors. The police responded in saying that the vendors were being detained because they were vending past the dedicated times. However, during the hidden camera footage, the police were shown asking for bribes so that vendors could sell after hours, all the while explaining that arresting them once in a while showed that the police were "doing their work." (Tepwongsirirat 2004) After the airing of the program, the same vendors claimed that they received death threats from the policeman and that they could no longer run their stalls as their consumers were too afraid to be involved. These events inspired the bulk of the post-Asian Financial Crisis research theses and dissertations from

Thai and foreign scholars. (Tepwongsirirat 2014) The incident also inspired actions from the

National Human Rights Commission to defend the vendors' rights.

For his dissertation, he focused on the major intersection of Rama IV Rd and Silom Rd, near one of this study’s sites. The visual survey from which the typologies are references, which

Dr. Tepwongsirirat confirms is still relevant, were found throughout Thailand. According to his experiences researching the subject for two years (2002-2004), he realized that official registered numbers of vendors were difficult to pinpoint due to the fluid nature of vendors. (Tepwongsirirat

2014) He mentioned that vendors could go from selling food to electronics in one day if one were more profitable than the other. (Tepwongsirirat 2014) Moreover, there is no consistency between the way each district deals with the street vendors in space and time. Adding to the increased confusion is the way that the Thai society functions as there are always two versions of

26 the law: reality and the written law. Perhaps the only consistency, when it comes to vendors' behavior, is that they follow the people.

In the overall chain of events, the law eventually follows the vendors, as the city will make an area for vending only after vendors have decided to locate there. This is effective only until the vendors are seen as a nuisance to the governmental officials, hence creating spatial conflicts. Dr. Tepwongsirirat was skeptical with what can be done to reverse this process.

Interview with Dr. Witchaya Preuksamars, conducted June 30th, 2014:

Elaborating upon the duality of policies in the Thai context, Dr. Preuksamars, admitted that the BMA simply doesn't have the "muscle to defend their regulations and rules", citing the use of planning buzz words to create momentum in the planning process to cover for their lack of evaluation and monitoring. (Preuksamars 2014)

Dr. Preuksamar has written articles for the Informal City Dialogues specifically on the dynamics of the relationship between the city and the vendors. In the interview he refers to Siam

Soi 6 as an example of this relationship, stating that the government has been trying to move them to the pedestrian only street, only to fail due to the vendors' distrust of their motives.

(Preuksamars 2014) Moreover, the vendors do not want ownership because of the potential risks.

Vendors located in a local shophouse, Bonanza, were paying about 55,000 Baht per month only to lose their connection to the people and their consumers. Therefore, the more entrepreneurial vendors have stayed on the streets. (Preuksamars 2014)

For vendors, staying on the streets means better business, but also more uncertainty as demonstrated from the vendors in front of Chulalongkorn University in 2011. In response to the clash between vendors and city inspectors, numerous governmental institutions and city vendors

27 worked together to negotiate nearby venues only to have spent tens of millions of baht on anti-

encroachment equipment and have boiling oil tossed at the officials. It is notable to state that

vendors in Thailand are not unionized, but they do come together whenever threatened.

Eventually at the end of eight months, after creatively utilizing potted plants to ward off vendors,

the vendors persisted and are still there today. ("Pathum Wan District Office to Control Siam

Square Vendors." The Nation, June 1, 2011.) (Tangmeesang, Ornravee, and Montien Intaket.

"Siam Square Vendors Fight Chula's Plant Pot Project." The Nation, March 8, 2011) The vendors have agreed to compromise by not selling before six pm, while not selling on Mondays.

To Dr. Preuksamars, the incident has only revealed the vendor's tenacity, while showing their willingness to work with the BMA.

The policies that the BMA should push in turn should be flexible and specific to each market. Moreover, policies should balance the needs of the formal market and the informal market as they work in tandem. For example in Thailand many food stalls surround 7-11 shops because they provide complimentary goods and the relationship is sustainable. The government should work with vendors to create balanced policies that retain the functions of the street, as the city need to have the informal as it supports our modern lifestyles and fill in the gaps the formal markets cannot fill.

Surveys (Refer to Appendix 2):

The surveys are a result of visual observations and questionnaires, in which mobile, non-

mobile vendors and consumers were asked a series of predefined questions. The surveys were

held from July 15th to July 20th in 2014 by students at Mahasarakham University and the visual

surveys were carried out by the author. Both of these components are integral in framing the

28 qualitative and quantitative data for food stall vendors throughout Bangkok. In total, 46 vendors

(mobile and non-mobile) and 60 consumers were surveyed in both market roads. (Sample

VXUYH\VZLOOEHDSSHQGHGÕQIXUWKHUYHUVLRQV 7KHVXUYH\VZHUHWDLORUHGIRUQRQ-mobile vendors, mobile vendors and consumers. The questions for vendors were geared towards finding relevance between spatiality and their consumer base, whereas surveys for consumers were geared towards spatiality and their opinions on the quality of the respective markets they patronized.

Further analysis of pedestrian magnets and anchors affecting the respective markets’ spatiality will be discussed in Chapter 4 where the findings will be sorted against Dr.

Tepwongsirirat’s typologies of vendors.

29 Chapter 4: Analysis

Introduction to Analysis:

The analysis section will firstly look at where vendors’ settlement patterns, and later the research will focus on less commonly noted dimensions that could also influence the spatial locations of vendors. In the second section of the analysis, the author will compare the typology of vendors to

Dr. Tepwongsirirat’s variables to find those that are still presently observable in Bangkok.

Figure 4: Guide for the Public to Government Procedures:

Source: (Boonchoke 2003)

1. No vending in an area within 10 meters of a bus stop shelter, or 5

meters of a pedestrian crossover.

2. No vendors on the sidewalks narrower than 2 meters.

3. No vending near 'important' places, 'important' streets, government

buildings, or on the sidewalks near government buildings.

4. Stall cannot exceed 1x1.5 sq. meters.

5. Food stalls can have a maximum of 2 tables.

6. The area must be cleaned after the business closes for the day.

7. Leaving stalls or pushcarts after business is not allowed.

8. Nailing or tying something to a tree, or using a tree as a fence, hanger,

or for supporting wires is not allowed.

9. Food stalls with smell or smoke must not be a public nuisance.

30 Figure 4B: Refer to corresponding numbered images to see how vendors break these laws.

Source: Personal Photos Taken July 18-20, 2014

31 Spatial Conflicts

The location of food stalls, especially mobile vendors, directly affects their profitability, and often higher profitability locations are also well trafficked locations near market entrances, transportation hubs, and major pedestrian agglomerations. Proximity is key, as heavily trafficked locations, in addition to the humidity, make Bangkok not especially walkable.

A 1975 PhD thesis by Akin Rabibhadana found that groups of vendors congregated in streets, sidewalks and unused plots of lands, thereby using "Pak Sois," or the mouth of the alley that meets the street to reach the mobilized pedestrians. Often these vendors would stay and become a community and be a common sight in urban scenes.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, numerous measures were put into place to prohibit mobile vendors from obstructing pedestrian ways. (Christophe, Stefanie & Shoko),and, in 1992, the Public Health Act B.E. 2535 prohibited all vending along footpaths, public roads and public pathways, with the exception of where permission from authorities was granted, but these regulations were susceptible to corruption. (Christophe, Stefanie & Shoko) By this time, the vendors also demonstrated their ability to push back by simply relocating to other areas in the city. (Askew 2004, 75) These regulations have not in any way deterred their numbers.

The fight for turf rights in a bustling city like Bangkok needs to be extinguished by putting in place better site allocations and market management. The former deputy governor, Dr. Vallop, has stated that vendors do contribute economically; however, "their benefit is paid by sacrificing order and street convenience." (Suselo Frances, The Asian Eye, blog posted May 26, 2006)

(Bhowmik 2005) These traffic ridden streets can be attributed to the increased number of private vehicles, although the completion of the Skytrain system on December 5, 1999 has led to less congestion. (Sarkar 2002)

32 According to Dr. Vallop, in July 2006, the BMA invited vendors to open their stalls in government sanctioned markets and fairs. However, less than one third were interested. More than 680 of these markets have been allocated within the 50 districts of Bangkok, but in contrast to more than 400 unofficial areas for food vending sprinkled throughout the city, these demarcated sites are insufficient. (Bhowmik 2005) (Nirathron 2006) According to an interview of Dr. Nirathron with the City Law Enforcement Department in May 2005, the current number of vendors is estimated to be around 25,000. (Nirathron 2014) The greatest resistance to these markets, despite their public health amenities, is official taxation. Moreover, the loss of mobility would interfere with one's established consumer base. (John 2010, 185) Furthermore, in a study by Chira et al. in 1986, stalls located outside of the market were preferred overall by hawkers as the rent was either lower or free, and the locations were more convenient, helping to bring the price down. (Chira et al. 1986)

According to an interview conducted by Professor Jenjira Namuangruk and Dr. Narumol

Nirathron at Thammasat University on July 2014, the current administration views the vendors as part of the creative economy and an important part of the tourism industry. Dr. Nirathron later stated that it has been a remarkable attitude change from 1992 when the law allowed the BMA to allocate market locations to 2013 where the planning of market locations was given to committees within each district. [She is referring to the 1992 Public Health Act B.E. 2535 which gave the BMA power to prohibit vendors from certain locations and other acts passed that year which strictly prohibits vendors. (Refer to Appendix 1)] The process of allocating space today is based upon a cooperative effort between the District Office and the Bureau of Traffic Police

Division, in which they decide whether or not there is enough space for vendors according to

33 their lists of formal and informal vendors and current locations of markets. So far, this process

has worked well, but still lacks a certain transparency.

Alternatively in working towards a sustainable solution, in Kusakabe (Kusakabe 2006,

32), the regularization of existing uses in Bangkok is coupled with a responsive manager

resulting in a win-win solution. Thus, there needs to be a two pronged framework for creating

harmonious uses. According to Kusakabe, the BMA is ignorant of the rural migrants who move to Bangkok, asserting that the administration is limiting their perspectives on the linkages between the main city and the nation's development, which shows a lack of understanding of developmental discourse and, unfortunately, the link between the "creative economy" and national development, fueling the attitude that initiating change today will not relegate different

results. (Suselo Frances, The Asian Eye, blog posted May 26, 2006)

Streets offer the infrastructure for the flow of goods, and street vendors are a vital part of

the economy’s social capital. Street vendors themselves are a unit of microeconomics that

concentrates around nodes, thereby marking social territory, and creating economic transactions

and pluralistic perceptions of public spaces.

Space, Location and Typologies

In the fast pace streets of Bangkok, it is not only the people that move fast, more

specifically it is the fluidity of uses that occupy the thanons. According to Dr. Polakit, a visiting

assistant professor at Florida Atlantic University, urbanization in Bangkok has eroded social

spaces. (Kasama 2003) Social factors that exacerbated this issue include rising household

mobility, increased affluence amongst the general population, and their increased preoccupation

with personal possessions. In her research of Thonburi, a more traditional settlement, she also

34 noted the existence of “time economies” in which spaces will change its functions and character with the passage of the day or on special occasions. This type of fluidity between activities taking place has also been termed by Deleuze and Guattari to be “smooth”. Smooth spaces, as opposed to striated spaces (those governed by an entity), are defined by the nomadic entities that move through a space not based on points or objects, but through sets of relations. (Deleuze and

Guattari 2004, 421)

In Bangkok, these smooth and striated spaces come together, often working in conjunction with each other in varying degrees and ways. (Franck and Quentin 2007, 118) Unwanted uses of these streets become the “slippage” or “looseness” of a space as the social and cultural uses meld and bend. The juxtaposition of the public/private, sacred/secular, temporary/permanent, and legal/illegal all exist depending on the “flow of desire.” (Franck and Quentin 2007, 116) These contrasts are important to set the background for analyzing the two study areas, the author will specifically be looking at how the social and cultural slippage mutually affect the settlement of food vendors.

Social Dimension:

It is important to note that in Thai culture, the slippages that permeate social dimensions are influenced by multiple authorities. At the top of the hierarchy is the King (also known as the father of the state), Buddhism, and the authority of state and the military that has been known to take control of the country whenever the state is in crisis. (Franck and Quentin 2007, 114)

Maintaining a high level of social order places great value upon rigid authoritarianism and social structure.

35 However as is natural with highly regimented social structures, the need for slippage is

greater. Social dimensions play into the spatiality of vendors as a series of socially determined

rules of vending conduct that dictate acceptable behavior. Thai vendors often develop “order”

through claiming their vending territories through placing potted plants to designate their spots or by leaving their vending wares until the next business day.

In achieving this order, there is a negotiation of what is public and private, legal and illegal. Space serves as a framework for working out the “flows of desire” in which each social

nuance is carefully considered. Similarly, it can be noted that the “slippage” can be seen as

blurring of authority and power. (Franck and Quentin 2007, 116)

Social networks are often why these informal markets and uses thrive. In the slums of the

Klongtoey area, it was found that housing is an important factor for the success of vendors as

social networks and resources fueled their occupation, which also explains why vendors are

reluctant to relocate to government provided housing. (Askew 2004, 143) Social relationships

between vendors and their consumer base are symbiotic: the consumer relies upon the vendors

for consistency and reasonable prices, while vendors rely upon consumers' trust and loyalty.

(Murray 1992, 49) Thus proving the importance of considering the tactile and untactile facets the social fabric plays in a vending colony, and vice versa.

Cultural Dimension:

Food distribution in Thailand is still a simple chain: from farm to table within one day often without the need for refrigeration. In the early days, vendors who sold fresh and semi- processed foods would be the main consumers for cooked food as they themselves would need to rush to early morning markets. (Plainoi 2001, 59) Out of the kitchen and into the streets, the act

36 of "public eating" became more acceptable as Chinese migrants moved into Bangkok. These

migrants brought with them the culture of “public eating”. Moreover, small living spaces in

addition to the amount of time, skill, and materials needed for home cooked meals, contributed to

the culture of "public eating". (Yasmeen 1997) Additionally, the changing roles of women and

the flexibility of owning a vending station further perpetuated the trend. (Komin, 1995)

The culture of public eating is also perpetuated through rituals and religious activities that

call for a variety of foods that cannot be prepared immediately or is not readily available in the

area. A notable node on Silom Soi 20 is a samosa cart that caters predominately to the local attendees of the mosque before and after prayer times. Because of the historical diversity of

Bangkok and the ability of the Thais to absorb differing cultures there is a wide variety of preferences and cooking methods. (Nirathron 2006, 18) In this way, the need for diversity of foods catering to specific tastes and cultures has spawned the need for vendors.

Spatially, the need for vendors has played out in a way where conflicts in uses tend to be absorbed and avoided rather than resolute. (Franck and Quentin 2007, 116) As the demand grew higher for vendors to be conveniently located, this meant locating at pak sois where the mouth of the secondary street meets the thanon, the main road. It is at this point where the public and the private slippages are most obvious. Historically many sois started as troks, alleys that measure roughly between half a meter to three meters, and in the contemporary context, many of these alleys have been widened to become sois to accommodate vehicular traffic. (Franck and Quentin

2007, 118) Often times troks are considered neighborhood streets lined with shop houses and apartments, therefore are often blocked by domestic furniture, potted plants, and clothes lines.

Even nowadays one may be asked of their activities in a trok if the neighbors were curious. In this context, the transformation of troks to sois, may have been purely physical, but not

37 culturally. As vending colonies are often social networks of associated vendors, these behaviors are still visible. It is precisely this transition of physical space that exemplifies the relationship between a “striated space” and a “smooth space”. It is not always clear, but always interrelated.

Figure 5: A Comparison of Monthly Food Expenditures

Comparisons between Typologies & Contemporary Settlement Patterns

In Chapter 4 of Dr. Paisarn’s dissertation, he attempts to archetype the vendor typologies he observed throughout Thailand. Most of his observations were conducted in the vending colonies of Bangkok and Changmai. In an effort to evidence these vending nodes and settlement patterns’ relevancy to how today’s vendors spatialize themselves, the author seeks to show a correlation of patterns between Dr. Paisarn’s Visual Essay and her own observations.

38 Prevalent in Prevalent Typologies Silom Soi 20 in Soi Ari 7 Nodes Free Land: Abandoned - - Free Land: Not Free, but Negotiable x x Free Land: Anything Goes x x Free Land: Sharing x x Stability Comfort, Defined x x Stability Protected, Tucked In x x Security From not Being Bold x x Wealth: Node of People x x Wealth: Node of Activities x x Wealth: Accessibility x x Wealth: Attraction x - Settlement Patterns Natural x x Conceptual Lines x x Crossing the Line - - Controlled Line - x Arranged Market x - Niche Between Buildings - x Claiming the Territory: Linear Settlement - x Open Space in the Colony - - Figure 6: A Comparison of Similar and Different Typologies. Source: Personal Observation

June 18-20, 2014

In order to further sort the vending typologies, only those that pertained to vendors’ place and settlement patterns were chosen from Dr. Paisarn’s study. The resulting vending typologies that are prevalent in both study areas include:

39 Prevalent Typologies Nodes Definitions Free Land: Not Free, Often located at the side of stores that do not mind vendors, Image 1: but Negotiable this space is negotiable. Crowded environments allow the vendors to disappear Free Land: Anything amongst the density of pedestrians. This gives a sense of Goes Image 2: protection against authorities, and a greater consumer base. Often times the land in front of stores is an ideal location to cater to the store's consumers and pedestrians. For example, Free Land: Sharing this was witnessed in front of many 7-11s where fresh fruit Image 3: vendors would sell items that the convenient store doesn't. The unutilized setback in front of houses is ideal for vendors Stability Comfort, as there is more secure ownership. This is usually more Defined Image 4: comfortable for the vendors and the consumers. The sidewall of the buildings and fences are great alcoves for Stability Protected, customers to pull in their vehicles without being obliquely Tucked In Image 5: obvious. Blending in with the surroundings is important as this Security From not decreases the amount of exposure to breaking the law. Since Being Bold these vendors do not actually occupy streets, but parking Image 6: space they can avoid paying rent. Wealth: Node of A large number of potential customers and is commonly Image 7: People located near bus stops, shopping areas, and train stations. Locations that attract a certain group of people which can Wealth: Node of include: Places of work, schools, entertainment, religious Activities Image 8: centers, and markets. Wealth: Sidewalks that is busy with pedestrians or differing modes of Image 9: Accessibility transportation. This can also include parking lots. Settlement Patterns This refers to an unpolished way of locating their stalls. Often Natural times, this recalls memories of older markets and traditional vendors. The claiming of sidewalks by a line in which there is clearly a maximum allowable area. This can literally be a painted line, a Conceptual Lines gate, or a form of social control. Those that stand out, draw attention to themselves by authorities.

Figure 7 Typologies That Appear in Both Sites, Defined. Source: (Tepwongsirirat, 2004)

40

Figure 8

Figure 9

Figure 10

41

Figure 11

Figure 12

Figure 13

42 Figure 14

Figure 15

Figure 16

43 Visual Analysis:

The visual survey gives insight into the traits of the markets and commercial attributes anchoring it. The physical boundaries established through these observations reveal how the city’s guidelines play into spatial locations. The anchors or nodes of activity define the pedestrian flow and in turn directs where vendors chose to locate. For instance, Silom Soi 20 is known as a morning market with the bulk of vendors concentrating at the mouth of the road at the intersection of Silom Road (Thanon Silom), as it is a major arterial in a historic business district. (Refer to Figure 5) Towards midday the market dies down as housewives and morning commuters have finished their grocery shopping for the day and the produce market, organized by the BMA, located next to the mosque, closes. The mosque also supplies a regular flow of pedestrians as the vendors must cater to differing tastes, therefore there is a large variety of prepared foods and desserts from different regions of Thailand. Inadvertently, this selection of delicacies has attracted a population of tourists that come through the market at the end of a long day to temple hopping. Proximity and density is key for the informal vendors as it is harder for them to be targeted by the district police in a crowd. Though, even if detected by the district police, there is little penalty, as witnessed by the author, since the market is already chaotic with or without the mobile vendors. In this way, Silom Soi 20 is more of a traditional market than Soi

Ari 7 as the vendors are organized in loosely enforced clusters.

This contrasts the main pedestrian life of Soi Ari 7, where during the mornings and evenings, the vendor count remains fairly consistent. Another component to consider is that the specified vending spaces have time limits, therefore each space is rented twice a day creating double shifts, hence consistent changes in variety and hence consistent pedestrians. During the mornings, most brick and mortar restaurants along Soi Ari 7 are not opened as consumers are

44 better served by the convenience of vending stalls. The market is spatially similar to Silom Soi

20 as the vendors are clustered towards the mouth of the road. However, it is because the song taew zips office workers from the Chong Nonsi BTS Station directly to the corporate offices creating less pedestrian activity towards the end of the street where the governmental offices sit.

Although Soi Ari 7 has three 7-11 stores along its stretch, they do not serve as the epicenters of vending activity, like in Silom Soi 20, and since the vendors are highly regulated, there are less visible informal vendors. A potential reason for this is that the market is situated near governemental buildings. Lastly, it is interesting to observe that almost all vendors in the mornings are located on the southwest side of the road as this is where office workers board the songtaews to their places of work and also the side where the BTS station is located.

45 Chapter 5: Findings

In describing the activities of vendors in their realm through multiple sources including

personal observations, other researchers’ opinions and experiences, and quantitative data, the

author seeks to show the intertwining connections between vendor, place, and time. The

quantitative data in particular is a precursor to reveal the nodes of activities, security and people.

Soi Ari 7:

At Soi Ari 7, only the non-mobile vendors were surveyed due to the lack of visible mobile

surveys. Vendors were highly regulated and even had shifts and designated spaces which were either bought through other vendors or from the city. The first shift lasts from 6am to 1pm and then the second shift takes over from 3pm to 8pm (Refer to Figure 19), although it was observed

that some vendors still open later than these specified times. Each vending space held two shifts

per day. The surveys were carried out during both shifts of the day. When asked why they

preferred locating at Soi Ari 7, the vendors’ responses ranged from the proximity to main roads

(19%), the proximity to customers (19%), to the relationships with other vendors (19%), to

having agreements with other shophouses (19%), and lastly to the proximity of the market to

their accommodations (16.7%). (Refer to Figure 15) Since vendors share the costs of

transportation by hiring trucks to carry their carts, the relationships between vendors is

particularly important at this market, as vendors constantly work in partnership with one another.

All vendors surveyed lived within 40 minutes to the market. Another component to their

agreements with one another is the price of the vending space, as all vendors surveyed paid less

than 100 baht per day. The price is often negotiated after-market between vendors who legally

own the space and prospective vendors, many of who are relatives or friends. It was also reported

46 from surveyors that some vendors would rent shared apartments in order to live nearby to the market on working days. Therefore, it can be postulated that vendors in this area have higher levels of social organization. Vendors here report half of their consumers as tourists (53% mean) and the second largest consumer base to be students (24% mean) and professionals (17% mean) as the least frequent consumers, which is interesting as the area is located amongst many governmental offices. The vendors report their busiest hours to be between 9-10 am, 1-2pm, and

5 pm, noting a consistent stream of pedestrian activity. When asked regarding what can be improved, the majority reported (78.6%) “No answer”.

The consumers (n=29) of Soi Ari 7 reported visiting the market 2-4.5 times per week

(range accounts for 75.9% of consumers), and many of these visitors live within 30 minutes to the market (90%). They enjoy that the market has good prices (21%), has great food (19%), is near their homes (19%) and is near their places of work (15.8%). (Refer to Figure 16) Although many of the surveyed pedestrians report consuming their three meals at the market (Breakfast

24%, Lunch 31%, and Dinner 33%), 90% of consumers wished the market would have cleaner food.

47 SOI ARI 7 NON-MOBILE VENDORS' PREFERENCES

Near Main Roads 8 7 6 Other 5 Near Customers 4 3 2 1 0 This stall is owned by a I know other vendors in Shophouse this area

I have an agreement with Near Home the Shophouse

Figure 17 Source: Mahasarakham University. 2015. Surveys of Street Vendors in Bangkok.

SOI ARI 7 CONSUMERS' PREFERENCES

Near Main Roads 20 18 16 Other 14 Near Home 12 10 8 6 4 Near Shopping/Other 2 0 Near place of Work Markets

Great Food Good Prices

I am friends with vendors

Figure 18 Source: Mahasarakham University. 2015. Surveys of Street Vendors in Bangkok.

48 Silom Soi 20:

For Silom Soi 20, the majority of vendors opened between 5:00 am and 1:00 pm, as the market is a morning mainstay for consumers. (Refer to Figure 19) For non-mobile vendors, the variables that informed their decision to locate in Silom Soi 20 are, respectively: 1) near main roads (23%), 2) it is near consumers (21.8%), 3) near their own homes (17.9%). Whereas on the other hand, for mobile vendors, locating near consumers (56.2%) and then near their homes

(43.8%) were the only two considerations. (Refer to Figure 17) It is perhaps due to the physical exertion of manually moving their stands to the market. The mobile vendors all lived within 40 minutes to the market and the non-mobile vendors lived up to an hour away with the majority of them commuting 31-40 minutes (47.8%). When asked about the vendors’ consumers, the opinions drastically differs as non-mobile vendors report half of their consumers as tourists at

54% (mean), while mobile vendors report professionals as more than half, at 75% (mean) of their consumer base. This could lead to multiple interpretations. It could be that these vendors target different populations, or that consumers view mobile and non-mobile vendors differently, or it could be that the vendors mis-identify their consumers. (The latter is possible since the surveyors mention that the mobile vendors tend to be from Laos or Cambodia since they have a hard time speaking Thai.) It is also notable to state that the mobile vendors were unlikely to answer the surveyors’ questions regarding fee payments for their space. Many of the mobile vendors were wary as it was perceived that the surveyors were not who they represented. Half of them (45.5%) reported paying their fees to the city, but refuse to report the amount, thus leaving the answer ambiguous. Non-mobile vendors were more likely to answer the question. Half of the non- mobile vendors reported paying about 101-200 baht per day (43.5%), with the range of vendors paying between less than 100 baht to 401-500 baht per day. Lastly, when asked about the biggest improvement the vendors would suggest for Silom Soi 20, half of the non-mobile vendors were

49 content (42.3%), which contrasts with the mobile vendors’ majority opinion, as half felt the market was too crowded (50%).

The consumers surveyed (n=30), ranges from tourists, students and office workers. The majority (76.7%) of consumers visited the market 2-5 times per week and report enjoying the market’s good prices (35.1%), proximity to main roads (22.1%), proximity to their place of work

(18.2%), and proximity to their homes (15.6%). The majority of these consumers (76.7%) lives within 10 minutes to the market and enjoy eating their breakfasts and lunches there. When asked about what could improve the market, the consumers’ opinions vary from making the market cleaner (15.8%), to reducing traffic (15.8%), and to creating parking areas (13.2%) and wider footpaths (10.6%).

SILOM SOI 20 NON-MOBILE VENDORS' PREFERENCES

Near Main Roads 18 16 14 Other 12 Near Customers 10 8 6 4 2 0

This stall is owned by a I know other vendors in this Shophouse area

I have an agreement with the Near Home Shophouse

Figure 19 Source: Mahasarakham University. 2015. Surveys of Street Vendors in Bangkok.

50 SILOM SOI 20 CONSUMER'S SUGGESTIONS

Group food stalls in order 9 8 No Answer 7 Create Parking Areas 6 5 4 3 Do Nothing 2 Too much traffic 1 0

Separate Car Way Make cleaner

Make into ped. st. Wider footpaths

Figure 20 Source: Mahasarakham University. 2015. Surveys of Street Vendors in Bangkok.

Vending Location Ari Silom Weekday Weekend Weekday Weekend 7:01-8:00am 156 168 8:01-9:00am Morning 63 48 80 9:01-10:00am 10:01-11:00am 11:01-12:00pm Noon 86 47 30 58 12:01-1:00pm 4:01-5:00pm 5:01-6:00pm 31 Evening 6:01-7:00pm 51 30 7:01-8:00pm 39 23 17

*Time between 2:00pm to 4:00pm hidden on chart for purpose of graphs in Appendix 2. Figure 21 Vendor Counts Source: Mahasarakham University. 2015. Surveys of Street Vendors in Bangkok.

51 *TheThe darker and heavier the line, the more vendors located there throughout the day.

Figure 22 Density of Vendors on Soi Ari 7 with Major Points of Interest. Source: Personal

*The darker and heavier the line, the more vendors located there throughout the day.

Figure 23 Density of Vendors on Silom Soi 20 with Major Points of Interest. Source: Personal

52 Shared attributes of a vending market

Through these sources of information gathered, it is possible to see the importance having

a variety of uses, a community of vendors and consumers, and proximity to transportation hubs

and business centers. These factors combine with the availability of safe and comfortable locations are key to a successful vending colony.

It can be seen through the literature review that the Thai planning policies in the past have absorbed the western ideal of monumental streets, and therefore this meant the clearing of transgressive uses such as vending. The attitude has now changed, but there is still significant work to be done. Despite the increased participation of vendors in deciding where and when they can vend, Bangkok’s officials are still not understanding the attributes of an important vending colony.

Responsive Environments, an urban designer’s manual, boils down the key factors of what makes for a successful public space, which is an extension of what is important in a vending colony. Variety, one of the key components of a public space is one of those factors.

The authors call for a maximization of variety through increasing the range of activities (thus creating demand), the possibility of supplying affordable locations, and the extent at which these activities culminate into positive interactions. (Bently et. al. 1987)

The focus of positive interactions is mutual support through defined magnets of land use.

These magnets or primary uses such as places of work and living attract pedestrian activity to the site, and therefore vendors, as secondary uses which lack the pulling power to attract a large amount of consumers benefit from their proximity.

Another form of mutual support is the support of time. Primary uses also define the temporality of the vending locations, as these vendors base their opening hours not just on when

53 it is legal, but also on when there is the most business to be made. Often times this is during the early morning before work and the evenings after work when most pedestrians gather to buy breakfast or fresh foods to carry home and cook.

Luckily, with these elements defined it is easy for future planners to identify these trends when planning in a specified location. In the last chapter, the author will look at how planners integrate these lessons learned from the spatiality of vendors into their planning process.

54 Figure 24: Identifying the Primary and Secondary Uses in Conjunction to Nodes Source:Personal

55 Figure 25: Identifying the Primary and Secondary Uses in Conjunction to Nodes. Source:Personal

56 Chapter 6: Recommendations and Conclusions

Recommendations:

Siam Square Soi 6, an idyllic location for street vendors, located between all the major malls and BTS exits; the street has been empty since it had been dedicated as a vending location for street vendors to relocate to. Originally a pedestrian street, it is now used as a parking lot.

Vendors have refused relocating here simply because then they would lose their connection to the pedestrians.

According to Dr. Preuksamars, design solutions must look towards a well-balanced and sensible approach, treating each site specifically, and weighing the whole spectrum of stakeholders. He foresees that one day, Bangkok will follow in the footsteps of Singapore’s model of creating soft and hard policies to convince vendors that organizing into government supported hawker centers was in their best interest. (Preuksamars 2014) The process was not easy as it took the small city-state 20-30 years to finally organize their 40,000 vendors, however it is a model that is widely referred to in attempts at organizing vendors in the cities of the Global

South. (Ghani 2011, 5)

Therefore, to begin the process of looking into potential recommendations, and utilizing the spatial lessons previously established, the author proposes to firstly recap on the Singapore

Model and then discuss the process of incorporating vending sites in future area plans.

The Singapore Model:

In the 1950s and 1960s, Singapore, a new nation at the time, was suffering from high unemployment and hawking came to be birthed out a necessity to supply the country with quick

57 and cheap services while supplying a means of living. Despite the advantages, the disadvantage was that vendors were tossing much of the waste into the Singapore River and were creating congestion – this quickly escalated into a public health nightmare. To prevent the spread of diseases like cholera and typhoid and to modernize Singapore, the officials were determined to regulate the vendors even if it meant handing out licenses for free on a temporary basis.

In issuing the permits and conducting raids, the government created another problem as these vendors were seen as honest people trying to make a living. (Johari 2014) The vendors were relocated from the main roads to the side and back streets, thus losing their connection to the streets. Many vendors turned to the gangs to protect them, while the public sentiment grew for the hawkers. Confiscating their wares was not the solution.

This initiated a massive island-wide registration of around 18,000 to 24,000 vendors in

1968. The registration exercise was utilized to gather data and to note their operating hours, locations, and the goods they sold. (Ghani 2011, 5) From there the government looked to developing a viable solution, as previous half-hearted solutions did not work. Additionally many stands were a family affair.

Lee Kuan Yew wrote in his memoir, From Third World to First – The Singapore Story:

1955-2000:

“In the 1960s long queues would form at our ‘Meet the People’ session, clinics

where minsters and MPs helped solve the problems of their constituents. The

unemployed, many accompanied by wives and children, would plea for jobs, taxi

or hawker licenses, or permission to sell food in school tuckshops. These were the

human faces behind the unemployment statistics.” (Lee 2000)

58 It was also in the early 1970s that after Singapore had created more jobs, they were able to enforce these rules, and it was feasible by 1980 to relocate all vendors. Relocations were not a simple matter as each case was dealt with individually. (Ghani 2011, 7) Each was haggled and bargained for since they realized that it was a politically challenging task. The officials consulted as many stakeholders and community groups as possible. (Ghani 2011, 7) They staunchly believed that it was their job to persuade and educate the vendors that the markets were created with their best interests. In order to do this, the government invested millions of dollars into creating markets that were well integrated spatially.

The National Environment Agency (NEA) was tasked with regulating and managing hawker centers. Each hawker center has their own association and the NEA maintains their regular dialogue with these associations. (“Hawker Policy in Singapore” 2014, 3) In conjunction with the NEA, the Housing and Development Board was instrumental in relocating the vendors as from 1971-1986 they required public housing centers to include infrastructure for hawker centers. (“Hawker Policy in Singapore” 2014, 3) They realized that where there was a node of activities or people, there would be a demand for hawkers.

In addition to locating stands near places of living, there was an inclusion of subsidized stalls within the hawker centers. Approximately 42% of the 15,000 stalls managed by the NEA are subsidized. (“Hawker Policy in Singapore” 2014, 4) (Refer to Fig. 23 for pricing.)

59 Pricing of Singaporean Hawker Stalls

Type of Stalls Subsidized Stalls Non-Subsidized Stalls

Market Stalls Cooked Food Stalls Market Stalls Cooked Food Stalls

Monthly Fees S$56-S$184 S$160-S$320 S$85-S$3,600 S$300-S$4,900

$41-$135 US $117-$234 US $62-$2,635 US $220-$3,587 US

Figure 26: Source: (“Hawker Policy in Singapore” 2014, 4) Currency conversion according to March 2015 rates. Market Stalls: Sells sundry goods and market produce.

Integration of Spatial Understandings in the Plan Making Stage:

At present the consideration of vending markets near roads and intersections of nodes of activities is not considered in the process of planning. The current process is a reactive one, and therefore should be changed to a proactive process.

In a study on Vadodara City in India, the author created a model that can be deployed in the development scheme of other cities. (Dalwadi 2010, 104) The first step is to predict the most likely land use and to create a “trend of development”. In this step, the planners should estimate to the best of their knowledge where vendors would like to locate and to approximate the number of vendors depending on the size of the road. To refine the type of space to build, the planners must look at probable typologies of vendors. At this stage, the planners should consult those local vendors to educate their planning decisions and to understand the local vending environment. The planners should also acknowledge potential “spilling” over of food markets’ nodes, therefore allotment of street space for vendors is recommended. And, lastly, the most important point of all is that land marked for “local vendor market” should not be overridden by any other land uses. This model was assigned for undeveloped pieces of land, however the logic

60 of the process is feasible as it considers a proactive approach based upon readily available

research.

However, the process detailed above can only be referenced with a grain of salt in the

context of Bangkok, where land has been mostly developed and is expensive. Moreover, part of

the process should include understanding the relationships between the magnet uses (demand)

and the secondary uses (supply) side of land use. (Ghani 2011, 7) If planners are able to correctly

identify where and when activities occur, then it is a good indicator of when the vendors will

arrive.

The Singapore model aforementioned is a great case study for planners to thoroughly

analyze as a means of creating equilibrium of a “Modern City” and an accessible city. Similarly,

creating accessibility (entry to the market) and low-cost options drives the prices down for the

cost of living. Once politicians acknowledge the importance of the informal sector, they will

understand the importance of planning for vendors.

A potential way for the BMA to incorporate vendors while reducing potential corruption

would be to install meters that dispense short term permits. The prices for these permits could be

varied based upon the level of activity on a particular road, while providing a very accessible

way for vendors to be temporary formal vendors. This would also cut down on potential police

bribery and spatial issues once integrated into the streetscape. To take this a step further, the

streets could include numbered lots that resemble street side parking in the US.

Another necessary but extreme recommendation would be that the BMA should act as a non-political entity. Through the history of Bangkok, the back and forth of where vendors can locate is hugely based upon the politics of the time. Perhaps this is due to the ability of those in

61 power to show their capabilities of keeping Bangkok clam, but this has only cemented vending as an informal activity, and never a formal activity.

It is considerable to note that in the policy framework, lawmakers must also consider the balance between the formal and informal. From the typologies in the analysis chapter and the surveys it was clear that the interrelationships between the formal and informal uses complement each other. If policies were to unequally allow for one and not the other, it would create an imbalance, and thus more bases for contention.

An Update on the Current Situation of Vendors:

Whether through the words of a street food vendor or a food journalist, there is one succinct message that the BMA still hasn’t fully grasped, and that is the importance of the connections between the vendors and their consumers.

In a recent article published March 2, 2015, from South China Morning Post, the Thai junta that has been in charge of the country since May of 2014 has pushed forward with a "Clean

Up" program targeted at relocating thousands of vendors from Bangkok’s main roads including the areas of Nana and Silom. (France 2015) The junta looks to “clean up” Thailand’s image and to reclaim the streets for pedestrians and to restore order. Unfortunately this attitude is a repetitive one that undoes the development of previously established understandings.

In the same article, Dr. Nirathron was interviewed on the likelihood of streets being completely cleared by the junta, to which she replied, “It’s too integral a part of Thai life.”

(France 2015)

62 Conclusion:

Above all else, it has been evidenced over and over the importance of preserving the interconnectedness that is intrinsic in vending colonies. Perhaps what this study has emphasized is not just the issues of spatial contention, but also the full scope of concerns when it comes to balancing the needs of vendors, consumers, and the government.

Regardless of political hand-offs, it is vital to keep in mind when creating a set of resolutions, when pertaining to vendors’ activities, to understand, “Who are we planning for?”

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68 Appendix 1: Laws Enacted in 1992, Enforced by City Police

Source of Translation: Tepwongsirirat, 2005

Public Health Act 1992: states that the Governor has the duty to control and maintain

public places for common use by the general public, and a license is required to display

and sell merchandise in public places.

The City Maintenance and Order Act 1992: prohibits certain activities related to street

activities.

1. The owner of the building or property adjacent to walkway(s) is responsible for keeping

that part of the sidewalk clean.

2. Streets or public ways cannot be used for: taking a bath, or cleaning or washing things,

washing a car, motorcycle, or pushcart, putting potted plants on the sidewalk and placing,

piling, or stocking up things on the street.

3. Cooking or selling merchandise is not permitted on the streets or public ways, nor using

a car or a pushcart for cooking on the public ways, selling merchandise from a car,

motorcycle, or a pushcart in the public ways.

4. People in an automobile (driver or passenger) or on a motorcycle cannot buy

merchandise sold on the public way.

5. Trash is not permitted to be disposed of on the street, public transit, or outside of the

provided containers.

69 Appendix 2: Survey Data

Silom Mobile Vendors’ Survey: Surveys Held: 8am-4pm on July 17, 2014

Question 1: What are your hours? (When do you open and when do you close at each location? n=10, open response (Responders replied in ranges, averages were taken.)

Hours Tally Hours Tally 3.5 1 9 0 4 0 9.5 0 4.5 1 10 0 5 2 10.5 0 5.5 0 11 1 6 3 11.5 0 6.5 0 12 0 7 0 12.5 0 7.5 0 13 0 8 1 13.5 0 8.5 0 14 1 Sum= 24

Question 2: Where does your business make stops throughout the day? Refer to maps for locational n=11, Multiple response information.

Near Main Roads 0 Near Home 7 Near other vendors 0 Agreement with Shophouse 0 Customers 9 Stall owned by shophouse 0 Other 0 Sum= 16

70 Silom Soi 20, Map of where mobile vendors surveyed locate throughout the day. Numbers refer to case number.

Question 3: How many minutes away is your home? n=11, Multiple response

0-10 min. 2 11-20 min. 5 21-30 min. 3 31-40 min. 1 41-50 min. 0 51-60 min. 0 NA 0 Sum= 11

Question 4: What Percent of your customers are ______? n=11, Multiple response

Customer Typology Mean Median Students 6% 0% Tourist 5% 5%

71 Professionals 75% 80% Others 10% 10%

Question 5: Where and what time of day do you have the best business? n=10 Note: Aggregates = The darker the color, the more activity

Vendor Number & Item Sold Hours of Operation 1, Drink 2, Pork 3, NA 4, Fruit 5, Dessert 6, Fruit 7, Isan Food 8, Snack 9, Isan Food 10, Tea 11, Fruit Aggregate 6:00-7:00am 7:01-8:00am 8:01-9:00am 9:01-10:00am 10:01-11:00am 11:01-12:00pm 12:01-1:00pm 1:01-2:00pm 2:01-3:00pm

Question 6: How much do you pay in fees? (This was a particularly touchy subject. Many refused to answer, it is a possibility that they are illegal. The surveyors mentioned that one-fifth of the vendors n=6 are Cambodian.)

500 Baht/Month to City 5 50 Baht/Day to SH 1 2000 Baht/Mnth to SH 1 N/A 4

Question 7: If you could improve one thing about this market road, what would it be? n=5 Influential Person to manage the market 1 There's too much traffic/Crowded 2 Cleaner 1

72 Silom Non-Mobile Vendors’ Survey: Surveys Held: 8am-4pm on July 17, 2014

Question 1: What are your hours? (When do you open and when do you close at each location? n=23, open Note: Aggregates = The darker the color, the more response activity Hours of Operation of Hours Hours Worked: 85434157 81213712597 6 8 131212136 8 11:01-12:00pm 10:01-11:00am 9:01-10:00pm 12:01-1:00pm 9:01-10:00am 8:01-9:00pm 7:01-8:00pm 6:01-7:00pm 5:01-6:00pm 4:01-5:00pm 2:01-3:00pm 1:01-2:00pm 8:01-9:00am 7:01-8:00am 6:01-7:00am 5:01-6:00am 4:01-5:00am 3:01-4:00am Vendor Number & Item Sold Number & Item Vendor Breakfast Thai Thai 246 91011121314151617181920212223 8 1234567 Fish & Fish ieDsetDsetDsetFutFish Fruit Dessert Dessert Dessert Rice Vegetable sRice Chicken Chicken ieFutDessert Fruit Rice Muslim Muslim Beef Noodle Soup Butcher Sheep uce Salmon Butcher Pork Pork Vegetable s Noodle Isan Food Isan Noodle s Chicken Chicken ieFutDessert Fruit Rice Aggregate 5:01-6:00am 4:01-5:00am 3:01-4:00am Operation of Hours 11:01-12:00pm 10:01-11:00am 9:01-10:00pm 8:01-9:00pm 7:01-8:00pm 6:01-7:00pm 5:01-6:00pm 4:01-5:00pm 2:01-3:00pm 1:01-2:00pm 12:01-1:00pm 9:01-10:00am 8:01-9:00am 7:01-8:00am 6:01-7:00am

73 Question 2: Where does your business make stops throughout the day? n=23, multiple response

Near Main Roads 18 Near Customers 17

I know other vendors in this area 8 Near Home 14

I have an agreement with the Shophouse 10

This stall is owned by a Shophouse 10 Other 1 Sum= 78

Question 3: How many minutes away is your home? n=23 Predominant Mode of Transport: 0-10 min. 7Walk 11-20 min. 1 21-30 min. 0 31-40 min. 11 Motorbike 41-50 min. 1Taxi 51-60 min. 3Car NA 0 Sum= 23

Question 4: What Percent of your customers are ______? n=23, Multiple response

Customer Typology Mean Median Students 1% 0% Tourist 54% 65% Professionals 15% 13% Others 37% 35%

74 Question 5: Where and what time of day do you have the best business? Note: Aggregates = The darker the color, n=23, Open response the more activity Best Time of Day 11:01-12:00pm 10:01-11:00am 12:01-1:00pm 9:01-10:00am 5:01-6:00pm 4:01-5:00pm 3:01-4:00pm 2:01-3:00pm 1:01-2:00pm 8:01-9:00am 7:01-8:00am 6:01-7:00am 5:01-6:00am 4:01-5:00am Afternoon Noon Morning Vendor Number & Item Sold Number & Item Vendor Breakfast Thai Thai 24678910111213141516171819202122 8 7 123456 23 Fish & Fish ieDsetDsetDsetFutFish Fruit Dessert Dessert Dessert Rice Vegetable sRice Chicken Chicken ieFutDessert Fruit Rice Muslim Muslim Beef Noodle Soup Butcher Sheep uce Salmon Butcher Pork Pork Vegetable s Noodle Isan Food Isan Noodle s Chicken Chicken ieFutDessert Fruit Rice Aggregate

75 Question 6: How much do you pay to locate here? n=23, Open response Note: "Per Month" answers were translated to "per day".

The vendor (#8) who only pays 10 baht per day has an Payment per day Tally agreement with the local shophouse. Under 100 Baht 5 101-200 Baht 10 201-300 2 301-400 2 401-500 2 N/A 2 Sum: 23

Question 7: If you could improve one thing about this market road, what would it be? n=23, open response

Too many vendors 1 Create Parking Areas 1 Too much traffic 2 Make cleaner 1 Wider footpaths 3 Lower Price of Rent 4 Clean Toilets 1 Do Nothing 11 No Answer 2

Sum: 26

76 Silom Consumers’ Survey: Surveys Held: 8am-4pm on July 17, 2014

Question 1: How often do you visit this market? n=30, open (Since survey responders replied response in ranges, averages were taken)

Everyday 5 6.5 times 0 6 times 0 5.5 times 0 5 times 5 4.5 times 4 4 times 1 3.5 times 3 3 times 2 2.5 times 2 2 times 7 1.5 times 0 Once/First time 1 Sum= 30

Types of Survey Responders: Tourists Student Office Worker N/A 1 1 14 14

Office Workers' Place of Employment Rangsit University AIA Octopus Creative Club Company SCB Bank Rattana Bandit University Silom Avenue Inn Hotel

77 Question 2: Why do you enjoy coming to this market? n=30, multiple response

Near Main Roads 17 Near Home 12 Near place of Work 14 Good Prices 27

I am friends with the vendors 0 Great Food 4

Near Shopping/Other Markets 2 (Near the Other 1 Temple.) Sum= 77

Question 4: Which meals do you eat at this market? n=30, multiple response Breakfast 17 Lunch 18 Dinner 7 Snack 7 Sum= 49

Question 5: If you could improve one thing about this market road, what would it be? n=30, open response

Group food stalls in order 2 Create Parking Areas 5 Too much traffic 6 Make cleaner 6 Wider footpaths 4 Make into ped. st. 1 Separate Car Way 1 Do Nothing 4 No Answer 9 Sum= 38

78 Ari Consumers’ Survey: Question 1: How often do you visit this market? n=29, open response (Since survey responders replied in ranges, averages were taken)

Everyday 3 6.5 times 0 6 times 0 5.5 times 0 5 times 1 4.5 times 3 4 times 0 3.5 times 6 3 times 2 2.5 times 6 2 times 5 1.5 times 1 Once/First time 2 Sum= 29

Question 2: Why do you enjoy coming to this market? n=29, multiple response

Near Main Roads 8 Near Home 18 Near place of Work 15 Good Prices 20

I am friends with vendors 5 Great Food 18 Near Shopping/Other Markets 11 Other 0 Sum= 95

Question 3: How many minutes away is your home? n=30 Relation to above data: (7 mentioned great food, 6 mentioned good 0-10 min. 10 prices.) 11-20 min. 6 (5 people mentioned that the market was 21-30 min. 8 close to home.)

79 31-40 min. 2 (2 mentioned it was close to other markets.) 41-50 min. 0 51-60 min. 3 (2 Mentioned the good food.) NA 0 Sum= 29

Question 4: Which meals do you eat at this market? n=29, multiple response

Breakfast 14 Lunch 15 Dinner 11 Snack 5 Sum= 45

Question 5: If you could improve one thing about this market road, what would it be? n=29, open response Clean Food 26 No Answer 3 Sum= 29

80 Silom Consumers’ Survey: Surveys Held: 1pm-4pm on July 25, 2014

Question 1: What are your hours? (When do you open and when do you close at each location? n=13, open response (Since survey responders replied in ranges, averages were taken.)

Vendor Number & Item Sold 123456 7 8910111213 Hours Food Food Food Food Fruit Food Vegetables Food Food Food Fruit Food Food 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7 7.5 8 8.5

Question 2: Where does your business make stops throughout the day? n=13, multiple response

Near Main Roads 8 Near Customers 8

I know other vendors in this area 8 Near Home 7

I have an agreement with the Shophouse 8

This stall is owned by a Shophouse 1 Other 2 Sum= 42

Question 3: How many minutes away is your home? n=13

0-10 min. 2 11-20 min. 3 21-30 min. 5 31-40 min. 3 41-50 min. 0 51-60 min. 0 NA 0 Sum= 13

81 Question 4: What Percent of your customers are ______? n=13, Multiple response

Customer Typology Mean Median Students 24% 20% Tourist 53% 55% Professionals 17% 17% Others 2% 0%

Question 5: Where and what time of day do you have the best business? n=13, Open response Note: Aggregates = The darker the color, the more activity Vendor Number & Item Sold 123456 7 8910111213 Best Time of Day Food Food Food Food Fruit Food Vegetables Food Food Food Fruit Food Food Aggregate 8:01-9:00am 9:01-10:00am Morning 10:01-11:00am 11:01-12:00pm 12:01-1:00pm Noon 1:01-2:00pm 2:01-3:00pm 3:01-4:00pm Afternoon 4:01-5:00pm 5:01-6:00pm 6:01-7:00pm 7:01-8:00pm Evening

Question 6: How much do you pay to locate here? n=13, Open response Note: "Per Month" answers were translated to "per day".

Payment per day Tally Under 100 Baht 10 101-200 Baht 0 201-300 0 301-400 0 401-500 0 N/A or Unsure 3 Sum: 13

Breakdown of 100 Baht or Less Less than 1 Baht 6 5 have agreements with Shophouses

82 16 Baht 1 100 Baht 3 Note: Most vendors probably have contracts with SH Sum: 10 because so many have the same payments.

Question 7: If you could improve one thing about this market road, what would it be? n=13, open response Manage the amount of Smokers 2 Should be more organized 1 No Answer 11 Sum: 14

83