Lessons from the Allocation of Food Vendors in Bangkok, Thailand A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Community Planning in the School of Planning of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning by Lydia Yen B.S. Cal Poly Pomona April 2015 Committee Chair: David Edelman, Ph.D. Abstract: In the city of Bangkok, where food vendors play a large role in tourism and in the livelihoods of residents, the current military coup seeks to eradicate them for the sake of traffic control (Bhowmik 2005). Although this conflict of space is not new to the political discourse of Bangkok, this thesis proposes to suggest urban design recommendations derived from local examples of vending markets through the embedded case study method. Lessons learned from functioning markets serve to strike a favorable solution for the sake of accommodating the rapid growth of Bangkok and its vendors. ii This Page Intentionally Left Blank. iii Table of Contents Chapter 1: Background of Research Abstract 1 Objective of the Research 1 Research Strategy 2 Research Questions: 5 Research Question 1: How do vendors manifest at Soi Ari 7 and Silom Soi 20? Research Question 2: What are the implications of the spatial clusterings witnessed? Research Question 3: What accommodations in urban design can be implemented to incorporate vendors? Structure of Thesis: 8 Chapter 2: A Developing Economy Equals a Shifting Economy Background 9 Major Trends of Urbanization 11 Food Vendors 12 Definition of Food Vendors and the Informal Sector in Thailand 12 Types of Self Employment 13 Mobile Vendors v. Fixed Vendors 14 Early Studies Conducted on Vendors 15 Duality of Food Vendors 17 Under Governor Major General Chamlong Srimuang 17 Under Governor Pichit Rattakul 18 Under Governor Samak Suntaravej 18 Chapter 3: Methodology The Case Study Method 21 Type of Case Study: Embedded Multiple Case Study Design 22 Justification for Case Study Choice of Soi Ari 7 and Silom Soi 20 23 Data Collection: Interviews and Surveys 24 Interview with Dr. Narumol Nirathron 25 iv Interview with Dr. Paisarn Tepwonsirirat 25 Interview with Dr. Witchaya Preuksamars 27 Surveys (Refer to Appendix 2) 28 Chapter 4: Analysis Introduction to Analysis 30 Spatial Conflicts 32 Space, Location and Typologies 34 Social Dimension 35 Cultural Dimension 36 Comparisons between Typologies & Contemporary Settlement Patterns 38 Visual Analysis 44 Chapter 5: Findings Soi Ari 7 46 Silom Soi 20 49 Shared Attributes of a vending market 53 Chapter 6: Recommendations and Conclusions Recommendations 57 The Singapore Model 57 Integration of Spatial Understandings in the Plan Making Process 60 An Update on the Current Situation of Vendors 62 Conclusion 63 Bibliography 64-68 Appendix 1: Laws Enacted in 1992, Enforced by City Police 69 Appendix 2: Survey Data 70 v List of Tables & Figures Figure 1: The Vendor, “Where do they go from here?” 3 Figure 2: Dr. Tepwongsirirat’s Matrix 3 Figure 3: Governors of Bangkok & Political Attitudes toward Vendors 20 Figure 4: Guide for the Public to Government Procedure 30 Figure 4B: “Don’t do these things!” 31 Figure 5: A Comparison of Monthly Food Expenditures 38 Figure 6: A Comparison of Similar and Different Typologies 39 Figure 7: Typologies That Appear in Both Sites, Defined 40 Figure 8: Free Land: Not Free, but Negotiable 41 Figure 9: Free Land: Anything Goes 41 Figure 10: Free Land: Sharing 41 Figure 11: Stability Comfort, Defined 42 Figure 12: Stability Protected, Tucked In 42 Figure 13: Security From not Being Bold 42 Figure 14: Wealth: Node of People 43 Figure 15: Wealth: Node of Activities 43 Figure 16: Wealth: Accessibility 43 Figure 17: Soi Ari 7 Non-Mobile Vendors’ Preferences 48 Figure 18: Soi Ari 7 Consumers’ Preferences 48 Figure 19: Silom Soi 20 Non-Mobile Vendors’ Preferences 50 Figure 20: Silom Soi 20 Consumer’s Suggestions 51 Figure 21: Vendor Counts 51 Figure 22: Density of Vendors on Soi Ari 7 with Major Points of Interest. 52 Figure 23: Density of Vendors on Silom Soi 20 with Major Points of Interest 52 Figure 24: Identifying the Primary and Secondary Uses in Conjunction to Nodes 55 Figure 25: Identifying the Primary and Secondary Uses in Conjunction to Nodes 56 Figure 26: Pricing of Singaporean Hawker Stalls 60 vi Chapter 1: Background of Research Objective of the Research: The rapid urbanization of cities has resulted in the emergence of the informal sector as a viable yet under recognized economic generator for disenfranchised populations. Although beneficial to the life blood of Asian Cities, urban planning bureaus often view informal street markets as a nuisance and have been eradicated as western ideals of planning infiltrate the use of public spaces. Food stalls, being micro units of informal markets, play an imperative role throughout the developing world; this is especially so in the case in Thailand, where food is an important part of the culture. In this regard, the location of food stalls in relation to their urban setting, which determines their success, is critical. (Bhowmik 2005) Moreover, the street as a free commercial space for micro enterprises is a highly contested area due to multiple interests and stakeholders. This research will look at how food vendors are spatially allocated within Bangkok, the largest city in Thailand, to determine how urban areas can accommodate food stalls while minimizing spatial conflicts. As developing countries continue to urbanize, the informal sector and the activities burgeoning from the needs of mobile pedestrians will continue to become more prominent in the urban landscape. Food vendors and hawker stalls are mostly informal, are mostly unregulated, and are often times illegal and unregistered, (Bhowmik 2005). However, these activities continue to be characteristic features of the urban landscape in developing countries - because of the adaptability, affordability, and accessibility of the market. 1 In the context of Bangkok, these informal activities subsequently offer alternative forms of income and employment to the growing number of people migrating to cities in developing countries, and many of these food stall establishments cater to the less educated workers. (Kusakabe 2006) This research looks into how the local district offices of Bangkok can find effective ways of organizing spaces for food vendors. In trying to frame urban design solutions, the author will interview local researchers who have previously looked into this topic, interview vendors from two local food markets, look into the spatial layout of these existing markets, and then define possible urban design solutions. In previous efforts to work with vendors, common issues included the lack of trust; therefore, the goal is to find transparent design solutions that reflect the needs of the vendors and pedestrians in the setting of a rapidly growing city. Research Strategy The researcher came upon this topic while reading about conflicting views of street life. During her studies in urban planning, urban acupuncture by means of guerilla urbanism, pop-up shops, and test trial park-lets were in vogue; it was clear that planners acknowledged street life as veins of the city. Often times the best examples of street life aiding the return of the inner city were from international examples, and one of the most notable is what Enrique Penalosa has done for the City of Bogota. Enrique Penalosa, a school administrator with no previous ambitions to become a social figure, first captured the attention of the media by literally pulling down his pants in an effort to show his students that he was human while apologizing to a group of rowdy student protestors. In a turn of events, the residents of Bogota felt his sincerity could change the messy politics of 2 the upcoming mayoral elections, and pressured for him to run. During his mayoral reign in 1998-2001, he implemented radical changes by simply realizing the potential of rediscovering street life. Along the Porvenir Promenade, a street that runs through the poorest neighborhoods, he turned the 24 km road into a pedestrian and bicycle only street, and along the Juan Amarillo Greenway which stretches from the poorest neighborhoods to the richest neighborhoods, he also created a pedestrian way. (“Enrique Peñalosa,” Planetizen) He also changed the culture of driving by employing traffic police mimes to educate Figure 1 The Vendor. “Where do they go from the public on better driving habits. From small here?” Translated from Matichon Weekly, May 21, 2001 Source: Tepwongsirirat 2004, P. 42 behavioral changes to large infrastructure projects, he was able to establish a level of trust that the public needed. During the author’s investigation of issues within Bangkok, she came across many studies looking at the traffic, the congestion, and the vending issues within the city. She knew that vendors were central to many Asian cities' street life, but it was not until she came across an article on the Rockefeller Figure 2 Dr. Tepwongsirirat's Matrix, 2004 P. 118 Center's Informal City Dialogues when she realized 3 there were conflicting views on the validity of vendors as part of the street life. Within the dialogue, Enrique Penalosa, being an advocate of street life, presented a surprising opinion piece titled "Vendors Decay Public Space, Which Hurts the Poor the Most." (Penalosa 2013) In the article, he calls out vendors as representing a step backwards in development as they take up valuable pedestrian activity space, the main source of accessible recreational space for the poor, and, while using the space illegally, they introduce increased crime. His biggest gripe against vendors is perhaps how unsightly they are. Taking as an example Times Square, he calls vendors an illness that take over the more dynamic and prosperous nodes of the city, thereby debilitating city centers rendering "New York sidewalks [to] look more and more like a third world city." (Penalosa 2013) His article merely suggests another view, although understandable, but at the same time, very ignorant of the potential values of vendors and the informal sector.