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Dalhousie University Haiif Ax, Nova Scotia December, 1996 "~oughtwere we sparedv: British Women Poets of the Great War Amy Helen Bell Submitted in partial fulfillrnent of the requirements for a degree of Master of Arts Dalhousie University Haiif ax, Nova Scotia December, 1996 @ Copyright by Amy Helen Bell, 1996 NationaI Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliogaphic Services senrices bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington ûttawaON K1A ON4 OttawaON KIAON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seli reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or elecîronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïh, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Table of Contents Abstract Introduction Chapter One: The Social History Chapter Two: Images of Wornen Chapter Three: Images of War Conclus ion Primary Bibliography Secondary Bibliography Abs tract This thesis adresses the exclusion of British womenfs poetry from the literary and cultural canon of war literature. The introduction focuses on the historical ommission of women writers from literary anthologies and critical works, and the construction of a masculinist vision of war experience and representation. The first chapter describes the social history of women in war tirne, both in terms of their war work and conditions at home. The second chapter looks at women poetst literary representation of their wartime experiences. These poems show the tension between traditional stereotypes of femininity and the new tasks wornen were asked to perform in war. They also reveal the guilt, shame and anger that women felt as ttnon-combatants't,and the losses they faced through bereavement and privation. The third chapter examines the various metaphors and images women poets used to characterize war itself. British Womenfs Great War poetry reveals the various literary and ideological strategies these writers used to explore a femininity problematized by the experiences and rhetoric of war. It is only by looking critically at the works of women poets and the historical circumstances in which they were written that the exclusion of these writers £rom the cultural canon can be redreçsed. Introduction The experience and associated literature of the Firçt World War and their impact on postwar British culture have been a popular focus of historical enquiry in recent years, as in such works as Paul Fussell's The Great War and Modern Memory and Samuel Hynesl A War Imaained. These studies have focused mainly on the masculine experience of the war and its generated myths and writings, whose cultural influence on postwar consciousness is considered definitive and unparallelled. The few studies focusing on the contribution of British women to the war, for instance Martin Pugh's Women and the Woments Movement in Britain 1914-1959, have concentrated either on empirical examples of wartime ernployment and volunteerisrn, or have approached the body of womentswar literature in the guise of a celebratory feminist aesthetic, as in Claire Tyleets The Great War and Womenls Consciousness. By considering both the accounts of British women's experiences of war and the literature written by women published in Britain during this period, I will attempt to examine the ways in which these women defined themselves in relation to war, 1 and the ways the experience and rhetoric of the war defined them. The perceptions of war illustrated by woments wartime writings will be considered in light of the social, political and cultural implications of such definitions. In this way the warls impact on, for example, female emancipation and women's literary inclusion in modernism, whether positive or negative, can be assessed. The First World War and its attendant effects had an enormous impact on postwar British society, politics and culture. The war fundamentally changed Britain's role in global affairs as well as its situation at home. Nowhere was this more clear than in the sphere of economics. While Britain's position in the world of international finance was weakened by the war, the demands of war production stirnulated the domestic economy, encouraging rnodernization and increased industrial output. The resulting boom in heavy industry created the need for wartime employment of women. With the end of the war, however, demand in Britainls traditional industries slackened, creating recession and unemployment. The foremost effect of the war on British society and culture was the change in the role of the state. Whereas before 1914, the prevailing view had been one of a minimalist state spending as little money and interfering as lightly in the lives of its citizens as possible, this changed with the outbreak of war. The war challenged the classical political economy of laissez-faire, as the government was forced by the demands of total war to intervene in the economy at virtually al1 levels. This not only effectively elirninated the Liberals £rom the prevalent political discourse, but also made credible an expanded role for the state within society, about which debate continued until 1945. To complement its additional responsiblities, the British government in 1914 created new powers for itself with the enacting of the Defense of the Reah Act (DORA), effectively suspending al1 civil liberties for the duration of the war. This intrusion into private life was heightened by conscription in 1916 and rationing in 1917. Trevor Wilson calls such increased control the '5nspection effectn (Wilson, 800), brought about not as a direct consequence of war, but springing rather from the critical gaze occasioned by the demands of war on the economy and on society. Whatever the cause of the governmentlsinterest in al1 facets of the lives of its citizens, the war changed the role of the state dramatically. This was recognized by the government itself, as this 1917 Report of the War Cabinet suggests: wWar has brought a transformation of the social and administrative structure of the state, much of which is bound to be permanent . (Marwick, 254) In addition to enforcing changes in the social sphere, the state also irnposed itself on the consciousness of the British populace during the war in ways that would have far- reaching ef fects on wartime and postwar culture. Rn increasingly literate population and the growth in media and communication technology had created the possibility of propanganda on a greater scale than previously imaginable. With DORA effectively prohibiting any expression of dissent, the British government was able to control and edit information through the secret Bureau of Propaganda, later the Ministry of Information. The government used endorsements of the war by prominent artists and authors along with posters, films, heavily censored newspaper accounts and the circulation of atrocity stories to generate support for the war and steadfastness among the population. To ensure that no contradictions £rom the official accounts emerged from the soldiers at the front , personal cameras were prohibited, mail was censored and soldiers were discouraged from keeping journals. That the distorted and jingoistic official account of the war contrasted with the soldiers' actual experiences would be a major factor both in the gap in understanding between the home and the fighting fronts, and the postwar disaffection of veterans with those at home whose apparent support of the war had sent a million young men to their deaths. It is in precisely this gap of understanding, created by the official I1euphemism as rigorous and impenetrable as language and literature skillfully used could make itn (Fussell, 75) that Paul Fussell sees the ultimate importance of the war. The actual experience of trench warfare was so horrible that to men who had been raised to believe in an Edwardian historical tradition of humanityls progressive evolution and a literary ideal of chivalry, it proved both incomprehensible and incommunicable. An insurmountable split emerged between those who had experienced the front lines and those who had not. This led to a dichotornizing tendency, with oppositions created between the young men who fought the war and the old men who did not, between the British and the mostly unseen and therefore monstrous enemy, and between the male soldiers and the female civilians: "...even if those at home had wanted to know the realities of war, they couldn't have without experiencing them: its conditions were too novel, its industrialized ghastliness too unprecedented.I1 (Fussell, 87) Thus, according to Fussell, the war created not only a divided society but an ironic, satiric and contradictory mode of thinking which has become the condition of modern consciousness, surviving up to the present in literature and daily life. According to most cultural historians, the First World War was the most important imaginative event of the twentieth century. Marwick calls it the "mobilisation of mindsv (Marwick, 289)
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