4.4 Cultural Resources

SECTION 4.4 Cultural Resources 4.4 CULTURAL RESOURCES This section of the PEIR analyzes the potential environmental effects on cultural resources from implementation of the proposed Specific Plan. Cultural resources are defined as buildings, sites, districts, structures, or objects having historical, architectural, archaeological, or cultural importance. The potential for impacts on archaeological resources and human burials, as well as potential project effects on paleontological resources are also considered. This section briefly describes the prehistoric and historic setting of the Specific Plan project area and discusses known cultural resources within the project area and adjacent lands; provides the geologic setting of the project area; and identifies the cultural and paleontological resource sensitivity of the project area. Applicable federal, state, and local regulations are identified, followed by impact analysis and mitigation measures, where applicable, to reduce impacts on cultural and paleontological resources. No comment letters addressing cultural resources were received in response to the Notice of Preparation (NOP) circulated for the proposed project. Data for this section were taken from various sources, including a records search of the of the California Historical Resources Information System (CHRIS) South Central Coastal Information Center (SCCIC 2010); a search of the Native American Heritage Commission Sacred Lands File (NAHC 2010); a search of on line listings for the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP 2011); California State Historic Landmarks, California Register of Historical Resources, and California Points of Historical Interest (OHP 2011); The County of Orange General Plan Resources Element (2008); The City of Laguna Niguel General Plan Open Space/Parks/Conservation Element (1992); and resources to inform the environmental setting: Fulton (2009); Harper et al. (2009); Byrd and Raab (2007); Gust et al. (2007); and Bean and Shipek (1978). Full reference-list entries for all cited materials are provided in Section 4.4.5 (References). 4.4.1 Environmental Setting The Gateway area has been highly disturbed by urban development, including the construction of Interstate 5 (I-5) in the 1960s and the completion of State Route 73 (SR-73), the San Joaquin Hills Transportation Corridor toll road in 1996. The Specific Plan area includes commercial, manufacturing light industrial, personal service, office, and open space areas. Laguna Niguel was developed starting in the 1960‘s as one of the first master planned communities in California (Gust et al. 2007, 12). The City of Laguna was incorporated in 1989. Oso Creek runs through the project area, and Sulphur Creek is found just outside and to the west of the project area. Aliso Canyon is located over Niguel Hill, and to the west of the project area. The eastern boundary is comprised of the Amtrak/Metrolink Railway (formerly the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad) and I-5. San Juan Capistrano is located to the south. Topographically, the Specific Plan area is located in a narrow valley surrounded by low mountain ridges of the Peninsular Range, which trend northeast to southwest. Vegetation in the project area is primarily ornamental, street landscaping with several mature trees and shrubs, and ruderal vegetation (Gust et al. 2007; Harper et al. 2009). Laguna Niguel Gateway Specific Plan PEIR 4.4-1 CHAPTER 4 Environmental Analysis Prehistoric Setting The Specific Plan area is located in the Southern Bight of California, a geographical locale extending from Point Conception to the Mexican border. The Southern Bight of California encompasses the counties of Orange and San Diego, western Riverside County, and the offshore islands of Santa Catalina, San Clemente, and San Nicolas (the Southern Channel Islands) (Byrd and Raab 2007, 215). This area has a human occupation record primarily dating to over 6,000 years ago. The cultural chronology developed for the Specific Plan area primarily follows that presented in Gust et al. 2007 and Harper et al. 2009. Milling Stone Period The Milling Stone Period dates between 8,000 to 3,000 radiocarbon years before present (RYBP) (6,000 to 1,000 BC). It refers to a time period where the local archaeological record is dominated by the remains of milling equipment called manos and metates. The predominance of such stone tools indicates a generalized plant collecting economy supplemented by hunting and fishing. Gorges are used for fishing. Sites from this period appear to be part of an expansion of settlement of groups from the interior taking advantage of the new habitats and resources that became available once seal levels stabilized along the California coast between 6,000 to 5,000 years ago. Most sites in the Southern Bight dating to this time period are located along the coast. Intermediate Period The Intermediate Period dates from roughly 3,000 to 1,350 RYBP (1,000 BC to AD 1,000). Sites attributed to this time period indicate an increased reliance on coastal resources supplemented by the hunting and collecting of inland staples. The mortar and pestle replace the mano and metate as the primary milling equipment used for plant materials and circular fishhooks, which first appear during this period, are used for fishing. The bow and arrow also make their first appearance towards the end of this period. As with the Milling Stone Period, most sites dating to this period are located along the coast. Late Prehistoric Period This period dates from 1,350 to 150 RYBP (AD 600 to AD 1769) and is characterized by an increasing level of political-economic-social complexity. The number of sites dating to this period increase in the area and settlement expands into the hills and canyons inland from the coast. There also appears to be more intensive exploitation of local resources and a higher amount of trade is exhibited by exotic items present in grave lots. The use of the bow and arrow, introduced in the previous period, continues, as does a tendency to rely on mortar and pestles over manos and metates. More sites indicating specialized use, such as fishing and hunting camps, are also evident during this time. The period ends with the advent of permanent European occupancy in California, in 1769. Ethnographic Setting Ethnographic records indicate that the Juaneño (Acjachemem) were the most likely Native Americans were associated with the Specific Plan area (Harper et al. 2009). The term ―Niguel,‖ in the City of Laguna Niguel, is derived from the word Nigueli, which was the name of a Juaneño village once located near 4.4-2 Laguna Niguel Gateway Specific Plan PEIR SECTION 4.4 Cultural Resources Aliso Creek. The Juaneño belong to the Takic subfamily of Uto-Aztecan language family and are associated with the San Juan Capistrano Mission. Juaneño territory is documented as extending from south Orange County, along Aliso Creek, into northern coastal San Diego County, along Las Pulgas Canyon (Bean and Shipek 1978, 551). Juaneño villages were politically independent of each other typically consisting of 50 to 250 people headed by a female and male clan chief (Juaneño Band of Mission Indians 2010). These villages were generally located near sources of permanent water, such as creeks, rivers, and estuaries. Each village utilized a specific territory within a diverse ecotone for hunting, collecting, and fishing, which included satellite locations for seasonal food gathering (Bean and Shipek 1978, 551; Harper et al. 2009, 12). Artifacts associated with Juaneño occupation include a diverse array of chipped stone tools; marine shell beads; ear and nose ornaments made of bone; coiled basketry; wooden throwing sticks; elaborate stone bowls; and portable mortars, pestles, metates, and manos. Houses, called ki-chas, were domed shaped, partially subterranean, and constructed of available local vegetation such as willow or tule. Following the onset of European settlement, many of the Juaneño people were integrated into the Spanish mission system at Mission San Juan Capistrano and the subsequent Mexican rancho system. Today many of their descendants continue to live in Orange County practicing their heritage through language, ceremony, traditional songs, and history. The Juaneño Band is recognized by the state of California, but do not have Federal Recognition as an independent tribe. On March 15, 2011, the Department of the Interior issued a Final Determination that the Juaneño did not meet the seven mandatory criteria required for Federal Recognition, and the Department proposed not to acknowledge the group as an independent Indian tribe. Historic Setting The name Laguna Niguel is derived from the Spanish word laguna, which means lagoon, and the word Nigueli, which refers to the name of the Juaneño village once located near Aliso Creek (City of Laguna Niguel 2010). In 1821, California became Mexican territory and many rancheros were formed in Southern California, including Rancho Niguel in this area. During this period, Rancho Niguel was primarily used as a sheep ranch. The first private landowner of the area was Juan Avila, a resident of San Juan Capistrano, who obtained land through a Mexican land grant in 1842. Juan Avila was also successful in re-establishing his title to the land after California became US territory in 1848, and remained the owner of Rancho Niguel until 1865 (City of Laguna Niguel 2010). In 1895, the Rancho Niguel land became part of the Moulton Company, a company that would eventually control over 19,000 acres of local ranch lands in the region. Railroad service through the area was started in the late 1880s by the Atchison Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad (now part of the Burlington Northern Santa Fe Railroad). The area largely remained as ranching and agriculture land until the 1960s. The beginning of modern Laguna Niguel was the establishment of the Laguna Niguel Corporation in 1959 by Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes, making it one of the first master planned communities in California. The firm of Victor Gruen and Associates was retained to develop a detailed community plan for the approximately 7,100-acre site.

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