DOCSLIB.ORG

RUSSIA's STORMY PATH to REFORM Edited and Introduced by Robert Skidelsky

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
RUSSIA's STORMY PATH to REFORM Edited and Introduced by Robert Skidelsky RUSSIA'S STORMY PATH TO REFORM Edited and Introduced by Robert Skidelsky Will Russia s latests t izatton programme succeed? Why did previo~'efjfdr;ts:'fail? Why did Communtsm collapse? What is 'Ma:fi,a,fJapitalism '? Will Russia break up? How can#te ~st help? These and other issues of key importance in Russia's Election Year are debated by leading Western experts and Russian politicans including Richard Layard, Mancur Olson, Jeffrey Sachs, Robert Skidelsky, Boris Fedorov, Yegor Gaidar, Sergei Glaziev and Grigori Yavlinsky. ~ CENTRE FQR l1ANSITION ECONOMIES lTlS THE SOCIAL MARKET FOUNDATION The Foundation's main activity is to commission and publish original papers by independent academic and other experts on key topics in the economic and social fields, with a view to stimulating public discussion on the performance of markets and the social framework within which they operate. The Foundation is a registered charity and a company limited by guarantee. It is independent of any political party or group and is financed by the sales of publications and by voluntary donations from individuals, organisations and companies. The views expressed in its publications are those of the authors and do not represent a corporate opinion of the Foundation. Patrons Viscount Chandos Lord Flowers FRS Rt Hon Lord Owen CH David Sainsbury Chairman Professor Lord Skidelsky FBA Members of the Advisory Council Professor Nick Bosanquet Professor John Kay Sir Samuel Brittan Alex de Mont Evan Davis Andrew Tyrie Michael Fallon John Willman David Willetts MP Members of the Board Nick Alexander Alex de Mont Christopher Stone Acting Director Roderick Nye Editorial Consultant Lord Kilmarnock RUSSIA'S STORMY PATH TO REFORM edited by Robert Skidelsky ©The Social Market Foundation 1995 First published in November 1995 by The Social Market Foundation 20, Queen Anne's Gate London SWlH 9AA Tel: 0171-222 7060 Fax: 0171-222 0310 ©The Social Market Foundation 1995 All Rights Reserved CTE Paper No. 1 ISBN 1 874097 85 2 Cover design by Adrian Taylor Printed in Great Britain by Xenogamy plc Suite 2, Westcombe House 7-9 Stafford Road, Wallington, Surrey SM6 9AN Typesetting by Wimyk Enterprises D Contents iii CONTENTS Participants 1v Preface and Acknowledgments vn Editor's Introduction 1 Greetings by James Norris 7 Chapter One. 'The Devolution of Power in 9 Post~Communist Societies' by Mancur Olson Chapter Two. Speeches: Gaidar, Sachs, Glaziev 43 Panel Comment: Yavlinsky, Polishchuk General Discussion Chapter Three. Speeches: Yavlinsky, Umov, Mau 61 Panel Comment: Fedorov, Ouliukaev General Discussion Chapter Four. Speeches: Fedorov, Vasiliev 85 Panel Comment: Gaidar, Glaziev General Discussion Chapter Five. Speeches: Chubais, Livshits, Skidelsky 101 Panel Comment: Layard General Discussion Chapter Six. 'On the Future Cohesion of the 119 Russian State' by Peter Murrell Chapter Seven. 'The Collapse of Communism: 129 the Political Economy Context' by Robert Skidelsky Participants iv Conference Participants ANATOLY CHUBAIS is the First Deputy Prime Minister (in charge of the economy) and former Minister of Privatisation. He is the chairman of the Federal Commission on Securities and the Capital Market. He is also Russia's representative to the IMF and the World Bank. BORIS FEDOROV was the Minister of Finance in 1990 and from 1993- 4. He was the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of economic reform from December 1992 to January 1994. Since February 1994 he has been Chair of the Duma sub-committee on money and credit policy. He leads his own political bloc, Forward Russia. YEGOR GAIDAR was the Minister of Economics from 1991-92, acting Prime Minister of Russia from June to December 1992 and First Deputy Prime Minister in 1993. He resigned from government in January 1994 and now leads Russia's Democratic Choice, the successor to Russia's Choice. He is head of the Institute of the Economies in Transition. SERGEI GLAZIEV is the leader of the Democratic Party. He was formerly the Minister for Foreign Economic Relations before resigning in September 1993. He is currently Chairman of the State Duma's Committee on Economic Policy. JAMES NORRIS is mission director of the Agency on International Development (USA). CHARLES CADWELL is the Director of the IRIS Center and an attorney with an extensive record of involvement in economic policy making and antitrust law, both with the US government and in the private sector. RICHARD LAYARD is the Director of the Centre for Economic Performance at the London School of Economics. He is also the founder of the Employment Institute. ALEXANDER LIVSHITS is a Professor of Economics and chief economic advisor to the Russian President. f v Participants VLADIMIR MAU is a Deputy Chairman of the Institute of Economies in Transition and a Professor of Economics at Moscow's Higher School of Economics. A long-standing adviser to Yegor Gaidar, he is the author of many publications on the history of economic reform in Russia. PETER MURRELL is a Professor of Economics at the University of Maryland, and a member of the Executive Committee of the Council of Soviet and East European Research. He has written extensively on economic transition. MANCUR OLSON is the chairman of IRIS and a Professor of Economics at the University of Maryland. The author of The Logic of Collective Action and The Rise and Decline of Nations, he is also a former Vice-President of the American Association of Economists. ALEXEI OULIUKAEV is a Deputy Director of the Institute for Economies in Transition. A former adviser to Yegor Gaidar, he holds a doctorate in economics from Moscow State University. LEONID POLISHCHUK is a Professor of Economics and a Project Director and Research Associate with the IRIS Centre. He specialises in studies of institutional reform and economic behaviour of formerly communist nations. JEFFREY SACHS is the Professor of International Trade at the University of Harvard. He has contributed to the design of economic reforms in Bolvia, Poland and the former Soviet Union. He has also served as a consultant to the IMF, the World Bank and the OECD. ROBERT SKIDELSKY is Professor of Political Economy at the University of Warwick. He is Chairman of the Social Market Foundation and of its Centre for Transition Economies. He is the author of The World After Communism and a biographer of John Maynard Keynes. MARK URNOV is the Head of the Analytical Administration of the Russian President. SERGEI V ASILIEV is Deputy Minister for the Economy and Deputy co­ chair of the Chubais Committee. GRIGORI YAVLINSKY is leader and co-founder of Yabloko. Formerly a Soviet Deputy Prime Minister and aide to Mikhail Gorbachev, he currently chairs the Centre for Economic and Political Research in Moscow. Preface vii Preface and Acknowledgments The conference 'Russian Reforms: Established Interests and Practical Alternatives' was held at the Aerostar Hotel, Moscow from 13-15 April 1995. It was organised by the Center on Institutional Reform and the Informal Sector (IRIS) of the University of Maryland at College Park, the Institute of Economies in Transition, Moscow, and the Anaytical Centre with the President of the Russian Federation. This edited edition of the proceedings has broadly followed the conference format, with the four sessions (divided into opening speeches, panel comments and general discussion) forming the central chapters, framed by Mancur Olson's introduction (chapter one) and the papers by Murrell and Skidelsky (chapters six and seven). The conference proceedings, held in both Russian and English, were recorded, and transcripts made, which were translated as appropriate for the English and Russian editions. The translations were done by Nathalie Shelotchkova of the Social Market Foundation's Centre for Transition Economies. The conference organisers would like to thank the US Agency for International Development for its generous financial assistance. Given the failing telephones, faxes and administrative chaos of post-communist Russia, organising the conference was an extraordinarily difficult task. The credit for doing so with such aplomb goes to Charles Cadwell, the Director of the IRIS Center and his associates Leonid Polishchuk and Sergei Tagor. Without these financial and administrative contributions, the conference would not have been possible - nor this volume of its proceedings. Editor's Introduction 1 Editor's Introduction This is the first major paper from the Social Market Foundation's Centre for Transition Economies. It has been made possible by the generosity of IRIS, which provided a grant towards its publication. What follows is an edited version of a conference on Russian Reforms held in Moscow on 13- 15 April 1995, and attended by leading Russian politicians and Western experts. Framed by a magisterial introduction by Mancur Olson and comparative perspectives offered by Peter Murrell and Robert Skidelsky, it offers a Western readership a unique insight into what Russia's own leaders are thinking and arguing about in the run-up to the critical parliamentary elections to be held on 1 7 December. Professor Olson is best known for his two books, The Logic of Collective Action (1965) and The Rise and Decline of Nations (1982). These are searching enquiries into the causes of collective organisation and the consequences for economic and political health of the existence of different types of organised group. Using standard economic theory, Olson argued that members of a group who seek to maximise their personal welfare will not, in the absence of coercion, organise to achieve a good common to the group unless the organisation can offer them some benefit additional to the achievement of the group's goal. The reason is suggested by public goods theory: individuals will not buy goods whose benefits are collective since in that case they get the benefit irrespective of whether they pay the cost. Collective goods will therefore be undersupplied relative to demand unless people can be coerced to contribute, by the state through the tax system or by an organization able to impose or offer 'selective incentives' for joining - ranging all the way from intimidation to membership privileges.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • REGISTER of MEMBERS' INTERESTS As at 26 March 2007
    March 2007 Edition REGISTER OF MEMBERS’ INTERESTS as at 26 March 2007 Presented pursuant to the Resolutions of 22nd May 1974, 28th June 1993, 6th November 1995 and 14th May 2002 Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 28 March 2007 PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS LONDON – THE STATIONERY OFFICE LIMITED 436 REGISTER OF MEMBERS’ INTERESTS INTRODUCTION TO THE MARCH 2007 EDITION This edition of the Register of Members’ Interests is the second to be published for the parliament elected in May 2005, and is up to date as at 26 March 2007. The Register was set up following a Resolution of the House of 22 May 1974. The maintenance of the Register is one of the principal duties laid on the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards by House of Commons Standing Order No. 150. The purpose of the Register is to encourage transparency, and through transparency, accountability. It is “to provide information of any pecuniary interest or other material benefit which a Member receives which might reasonably be thought by others to influence his or her actions, speeches or votes in Parliament, or actions taken in the capacity of a Member of Parliament”1. The Register is not intended to be an indicator of a Member’s personal wealth; nor is registration of an interest in any way an indication that a Member is at fault. Transparency is also promoted by the obligation on Members to declare in debates or proceedings of the House and dealings with other Members, Ministers or Crown servants, all pecuniary interests or benefits of whatever nature, including indirect, past and future interests, which are relevant to the business in hand2.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Parties Ideas Transfer and Ideological Positioning: Australia and Britain Compared B.M
    Labour parties ideas transfer and ideological positioning: Australia and Britain compared B.M. Edwards & Matt Beech School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The University of New South Wales, Canberra School of Politics, Philosophy and International Studies, University of Hull, UK As part of this special issue examining policy transfer between the Labour Parties in Australia and Britain, this paper seeks to explore the relationship between the two on ideological positioning. In the 1990s there was substantial ideas transfer from the Australian Hawke‐ Keating government to Blair ‘New Labour’ in Britain, as both parties made a lunge towards the economic centre. This paper analyses how the inheritors of that shift, the Rudd/Gillard government in Australia and the Milliband and Corbyn leaderships in Britain, are seeking to define the role and purpose of labour parties in its wake. It examines the extent to which they are learning and borrowing from one another, and finds that a combination of divergent economic and political contexts have led to strikingly limited contemporary policy transfer. Keywords: Australian Labor Party; British Labour Party; Kevin Rudd; Julia Gillard; Ed Miliband; crisis In the 1990s there was substantial policy transfer between the Australian Labor Party and the Labour Party in Britain as they confronted the rise of neoliberalism. The ALP was in power from 1983‐1996 and introduced far reaching market liberalisation reforms complemented by a strengthened safety net. Due to the economic reforms of Thatcherism, Labour in Britain also remade itself to be more pro‐market, drawing considerably on policies of the ALP (Pierson and Castles, 2002).
    [Show full text]
  • Plutocracy: the Marketising of ‘Equality’ Within Neoliberalism
    City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Littler, J. (2013). Meritocracy as plutocracy: the marketising of ‘equality’ within neoliberalism. New Formations: a journal of culture/theory/politics, 80-81, pp. 52-72. doi: 10.3898/NewF.80/81.03.2013 This is the published version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/4167/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/NewF.80/81.03.2013 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] MERITOCRACY AS PLUTOCRACY: THE MARKETISING OF ‘EQUALITY’ UNDER NEOLIBERALISM Jo Littler Abstract Meritocracy, in contemporary parlance, refers to the idea that whatever our social position at birth, society ought to facilitate the means for ‘talent’ to ‘rise to the top’. This article argues that the ideology of ‘meritocracy’ has become a key means through which plutocracy is endorsed by stealth within contemporary neoliberal culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Hitchens on Whether the European Argues That Great Britain the Union Has Changed Britain Is a Nation in Decline Progressive Conscience
    DAMIAN GREEN MP PETER HITCHENS on whether the European argues that Great Britain The Union has changed Britain is a nation in decline Progressive Conscience From Global Empire to the Global Race: modern Britishness john redwood mp | professor tim bale | daniel hannan mep | stephen crabb mp Contents 03 Editor’s introduction 18 Daniel Hannan: To define Contributors James Brenton Britain, look to its institutions PROF TIM BALE holds the Chair James Brenton politics in Politics at Queen Mary 20 Is Britain still Great? University of London 04 Director’s note JAMES BRENTON is the editor of Peter Hitchens and Ryan Shorthouse Ryan Shorthouse The Progressive Conscience 23 Painting a picture of Britain NICK CATER is Director of 05 Why I’m a Bright Blue MP the Menzies Research Centre Alan Davey George Freeman MP in Australia 24 What’s the problem with STEPHEN CRABB MP is Secretary 06 Replastering the cracks in the North of State for Wales promoting British values? Professor Tim Bale ROSS CYPHER-BURLEY was Michael Hand Spokesman to the British 07 Time for an English parliament Embassy in Tel Aviv 25 Multiple loyalties are easy John Redwood MP ALAN DAVEY is the departing Damian Green MP Arts Council Chief Executive 08 Britain after the referendum WILL EMKES is a writer 26 Influence in the Middle East Rupert Myers GEORGE FREEMAN MP is the Ross Cypher-Burley Minister for Life Sciences 09 Patriotism and Wales DR ROBERT FORD lectures at 27 Winning friends in India Stephen Crabb MP the University of Manchester Emran Mian DAMIAN GREEN MP is the 10 Unionism
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Johnson
    Pointmaker COSTLY AND INEFFECTIVE WHY PENSION TAX RELIEFS SHOULD BE REFORMED MICHAEL JOHNSON SUMMARY Today’s incentives to save for retirement are These tax incentives are clearly flawed: essentially financial. They comprise: they are crude and mis-directed tax relief on contributions (cost: £26.1 (primarily towards the wealthy) billion in 2010-11) they lack any emotional resonance and a tax-exempt 25% lump sum at they do little to encourage a savings retirement (£2.5 bn) culture amongst younger workers. NICs relief on employer contributions The savings incentives framework should (£13 bn) and be radically realigned. This paper’s nine tax relief on investment income (£6.8 bn). proposals are listed overleaf, and include: combining the annual contribution limits Over the last decade, relief on income tax for ISAs and tax-relieved pension saving and NICs has totalled £358.6 billion, into a single limit of between £30,000 and (excluding tax foregone on the tax-exempt £40,000 (saving between £1.8 bn and 25% lump sum). £600 mn annually, respectively). The full Over the same decade, the Treasury’s cost of limit should be available for ISA saving; funding tax relief (i.e. the yield on gilts) shelving higher rate tax relief, thereby averaged a real 3.9% per annum, yet the saving £7 billion annually but, as a partial average real annual return on all UK pension quid pro quo, reinstating the 10p tax funds was a paltry 2.9%, i.e. 1% per annum rebate on pension assets’ dividends and less. Thus, the return on the Treasury’s co- interest income, at a cost of roughly £4 investment with people saving for retirement, billion per year; and through the medium of tax relief, has been replacing the 25% tax-free lump sum negative £17.5 billion.
    [Show full text]
  • Give and Take: How Conservatives Think About Welfare
    How conservatives think about w elfare Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby GIVE AND TAKE How conservatives think about welfare Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent think tank and pressure group for liberal conservatism. Bright Blue takes complete responsibility for the views expressed in this publication, and these do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsors. Director: Ryan Shorthouse Chair: Matthew d’Ancona Members of the board: Diane Banks, Philip Clarke, Alexandra Jezeph, Rachel Johnson First published in Great Britain in 2014 by Bright Blue Campaign ISBN: 978-1-911128-02-1 www.brightblue.org.uk Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2014 Contents About the authors 4 Acknowledgements 5 Executive summary 6 1 Introduction 19 2 Methodology 29 3 How conservatives think about benefit claimants 34 4 How conservatives think about the purpose of welfare 53 5 How conservatives think about the sources of welfare 66 6 Variation amongst conservatives 81 7 Policies to improve the welfare system 96 Annex one: Roundtable attendee list 112 Annex two: Polling questions 113 Annex three: Questions and metrics used for social and economic conservative classification 121 About the authors Ryan Shorthouse Ryan is the Founder and Director of Bright Blue.
    [Show full text]
  • Think Tanks, Television News and Impartiality
    Journalism Studies ISSN: 1461-670X (Print) 1469-9699 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjos20 Think Tanks, Television News and Impartiality Justin Lewis & Stephen Cushion To cite this article: Justin Lewis & Stephen Cushion (2017): Think Tanks, Television News and Impartiality, Journalism Studies, DOI: 10.1080/1461670X.2017.1389295 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2017.1389295 © 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 26 Oct 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 605 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjos20 THINK TANKS, TELEVISION NEWS AND IMPARTIALITY The ideological balance of sources in BBC programming Justin Lewis and Stephen Cushion Is the use of think tanks ideologically balanced in BBC news and current affairs programming? This study answers this question empirically by establishing which think tanks are referenced in different BBC programming in 2009 and 2015, and then classifying them according to their ideological aims (either left, right, centrist or non-partisan). We draw on a sample size of over 30,000 BBC news and current affairs programmes in 2009 and 2015 to measure how often these think tanks were men- tioned or quoted. Overall, BBC news reveals a clear preference for non-partisan or centrist think tanks. However, when the Labour Party was in power in 2009, left and right-leaning think tanks received similar levels of coverage, but in 2015, when the Conservative Party was in government, right-leaning think tanks outnumbered left-leaning think tanks by around two to one.
    [Show full text]
  • Strengthening Employee Share Ownership in the UK
    Strengthening employee share ownership in the UK Scott Corfe James Kirkup SOCIAL MARKET FOUNDATION FIRST PUBLISHED BY The Social Market Foundation, February 2020 11 Tufton Street, London SW1P 3QB Copyright © The Social Market Foundation, 2020 ISBN: 978-1-910683-83-5 The moral right of the author(s) has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. THE SOCIAL MARKET FOUNDATION The Foundation’s main activity is to commission and publish original papers by independent academic and other experts on key topics in the economic and social fields, with a view to stimulating public discussion on the performance of markets and the social framework within which they operate. The Foundation is a registered charity and a company limited by guarantee. It is independent of any political party or group and is funded predominantly through sponsorship of research and public policy debates. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author, and these do not necessarily reflect the views of the Social Market Foundation. CHAIR DIRECTOR Mary Ann Sieghart James Kirkup TRUSTEES Baroness Grender MBE Nicola Horlick Tom Ebbutt Rt Hon Dame Margaret Hodge MP Peter Readman Melville Rodrigues Trevor Phillips OBE Professor Tim Bale KINDLY SUPPORTED BY This report was funded by the Investment Association. 2 STRENGTHENING EMPLOYEE SHARE OWNERSHIP IN THE UK ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The SMF is grateful to the Investment Association for sponsoring this research project.
    [Show full text]
  • June 1999 European Elections Part II the Fundamental Problem with The
    Chapter Five Nationhood and Strategy, June 1997 - June 1999 European Elections Part II The fundamental problem with the Conservative Party is that it doesn't have a strategy - and hasn't had one for at least four years and arguably for the best part of a decade (Cooper and Finkelstein, 1998, p.1). 5.1 Introduction This chapter will continue to examine the first half of Hague's tenure as Leader of the Conservative Party but focuses on the development of the party's European policy and the creation and implementation of its first formal strategy initiative, 'Kitchen Table Conservativism' (KTC).2o It will analyse Hague's goals, his approach towards the politics of nationhood and whether the leadership were united in support for that approach and the strategy. Hague used the issue of Europe to demonstrate that the party had moved on from the Major years by apologising for the ERM debacle and he also halted the domination of the issue by imposing a clear policy which was consolidated by the support of the membership, demonstrated by an internal ballot. Hague appealed to the Britishness of the electorate, claiming that the Conservatives were the only party seeking to protect British identity, nationhood and prosperity in the face of European integration. Hague adopted KTC simply because the party required a strategy. Neither the Shadow Cabinet nor Hague engaged with the strategy and it was abandoned when it failed to yield positive results. 20 The paper 'Kitchen Table Conservatives' which led to the KTC strategy was quickly supplemented with 'Conceding and Moving On' (CMO) and both papers together will be taken to constitute the basis of KTC.
    [Show full text]
  • Adam Smith and the Modern Left Introduction
    Adam Smith and the modern Left Lecture delivered at MZES/Facultät Kolloquium University of Mannheim, 15.06.2005 Iain McLean, Oxford University [email protected] Introduction This lecture is in seven parts. Section 1 explains why I regard the question of Adam Smith and the modern Left as interesting and topical. Sections 2 and 3 provide background on Adam Smith and the Scotland of his time. I argue that most Smith commentators have ignored the huge cultural and political differences between 18th- century Scotland and England; those who are aware of them tend not to draw out the implications for Adam Smith and his social science. Section 3 explores the consequences for Smith and David Hume of living under a weak state and a weak church. Section 4 explains why I regard Smith’s The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759; substantially revised 6th edition 1790) as one of the most radically egalitarian works of philosophy up to that date. Section 5, likewise, draws attention to the egalitarian assumptions and implications of Smith’s Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776). Among other things, I argue that we need to pay attention to the full title of the book, not merely to its conventional abbreviation. Section 6 introduces the famous ‘Adam Smith-Problem’, so named because of the work of various 19th-century German writers who believed they had found a fundamental inconsistency between TMS and WN.1 Like both Gordon Brown and Smith’s Glasgow editors, I believe that the Adam Smith-Problem is a pseudo-problem and a distraction; but as some scholars continue to argue the contrary, I must make my case.
    [Show full text]
  • The Social Market Twenty Years On
    THE SOCIAL MARKET TWENTY YEARS ON by Philip Collins THE SOCIAL MARKET TWENTY YEARS ON by Philip Collins FIRST PUBLISHED BY The Social Market Foundation, December 2010 11 Tufton Street, London SW1P 3QB Copyright © The Social Market Foundation, 2010 The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. THE SOCIAL MARKET FOUNDATION The Foundation’s main activity is to commission and publish original papers by independent academic and other experts on key topics in the economic and social fields, with a view to stimulating public discussion on the performance of markets and the social framework within which they operate. The Foundation is a registered charity and a company limited by guarantee. It is independent of any political party or group and is financed by the sale of publications and by voluntary donations from individuals, organisations and companies. The views expressed in publications are those of the authors and do not represent a corporate opinion of the Foundation. CHAIR Mary Ann Sieghart MEMBERS OF THE BOARD Viscount (Tom) Chandos Gavyn Davies Daniel Franklin Martin Ivens Graham Mather Brian Pomeroy DIRECTOR Ian Mulheirn CONTENTS ABOUT THE AUTHOR 7 WHAT IS THE SOCIAL MARKET? 8 THE POLITICAL JOURNEY OF THE SOCIAL MARKET 11 THE SOCIAL MARKET PARTY 15 SOCIAL MARKET FOUNDATION ABOUT THE AUTHOR PHILIP COLLINS Philip Collins is a writer on The Times and a Senior Visiting Fellow in the Department of Government at the London School of Economics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Conservatives in Crisis
    garnett&l 8/8/03 12:14 PM Page 1 The Conservatives in crisis provides a timely and important analysis incrisis Conservatives The of the Conservative Party’s spell in Opposition following the 1997 general election. It includes chapters by leading academic experts The on the party and commentaries by three senior Conservative politicians: Lord Parkinson, Andrew Lansley MP and Ian Taylor MP. Having been the dominant force in British politics in the twentieth century, the Conservative Party suffered its heaviest general Conservatives election defeats in 1997 and 2001. This book explores the party’s current crisis and assesses the Conservatives’ failure to mount a political recovery under the leadership of William Hague. The Conservatives in crisis includes a detailed examination of the reform of the Conservative Party organisation, changes in ideology in crisis and policy, the party’s electoral fortunes, and Hague’s record as party leader. It also offers an innovative historical perspective on previous Conservative recoveries and a comparison with the revival of the US Republican Party. In the conclusions, the editors assess edited by Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch the failures of the Hague period and examine the party’s performance under Iain Duncan Smith. The Conservatives in crisis will be essential reading for students of contemporary British politics. Mark Garnett is a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Politics at the University of Leicester. Philip Lynch is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Leicester. Lynch Garnett eds and In memory of Martin Lynch THE CONSERVATIVES IN CRISIS The Tories after 1997 edited by Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Copyright © Manchester University Press 2003 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their respective authors.
    [Show full text]