TRANSNISTRIA: a BOTTOM-UP SOLUTION Nicu Popescu and Leonid Litra
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Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict Over Transnistria
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Stefan Wolff ECMI WORKING PAPER #51 November 2011 ECMI- Working Paper The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2011 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Any meaningful consideration of guarantee options requires some assumptions about the nature of the underlying settlement. With this in mind, the following discussion draws on comparative experience in two ways. First, it considers the nature of the conflict over Transnistria in a broader context of similar conflicts elsewhere in order to establish the likely dimensions of a settlement. -
The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Popescu, Nico The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 10, enero, 2006, pp. 247-254 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701015 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Nº 10 (Enero / January 2006) THE EU AND TRANSNISTRIA AUTHOR:1 NICO POPESCU Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels Introduction EU thinking, assessments and policies towards the conflict in Transnistria have evolved quickly. The turning point towards a more active role occurred in late 2002. Since then, the EU has stepped up its attention and actions. The EU now raises constantly the Transnistria issue in relations with Russia and Ukraine. The Union has also used an array of CFSP instruments to support the conflict resolution process – these have included appointing a EU Special Representative, introducing a travel ban against the Transnistrian leadership, as well as envisaging common actions under its ENP Action Plans with Moldova and Ukraine on conflict resolution in Transnistria. 1. Why More EU Engagement? First, because of enlargement. A 2002 Commission paper on EU approaches to Moldova stated: ‘Moldova’s stability clearly matters to the EU. Within a few years, Moldova will be on the borders of an enlarged EU. It has been destabilised by weak government, armed conflict and secession, near economic collapse, organised crime and emigration […] The EU needs to help Moldova address these problems’2. -
The Eastern Mission of the Pontifical Commission for Russia, Origins to 1933
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations August 2017 Lux Occidentale: The aE stern Mission of the Pontifical Commission for Russia, Origins to 1933 Michael Anthony Guzik University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Religion Commons, and the Other History Commons Recommended Citation Guzik, Michael Anthony, "Lux Occidentale: The Eastern Mission of the Pontifical ommiC ssion for Russia, Origins to 1933" (2017). Theses and Dissertations. 1632. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/1632 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LUX OCCIDENTALE: THE EASTERN MISSION OF THE PONTIFICAL COMMISSION FOR RUSSIA, ORIGINS TO 1933 by Michael A. Guzik A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee August 2017 ABSTRACT LUX OCCIDENTALE: THE EASTERN MISSION OF THE PONTIFICAL COMMISSION FOR RUSSIA, ORIGINS TO 1933 by Michael A. Guzik The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2017 Under the Supervision of Professor Neal Pease Although it was first a sub-commission within the Congregation for the Eastern Churches (CEO), the Pontifical Commission for Russia (PCpR) emerged as an independent commission under the presidency of the noted Vatican Russian expert, Michel d’Herbigny, S.J. in 1925, and remained so until 1933 when it was re-integrated into CEO. -
Jan Zofka, Postsowjetischer Separatismus. Im Moldauischen
692 Book Reviews Jan micro-level of ethnic entrepreneurs, theirZofka, Postsowjetischer Separatismus. Die pro-russländischen Bewegungen motives, discourses, and strategies. Some- im moldauischen Dnjestr-Tal und auf what misleadingly, Zofka uses the term der Krim 1989-1995, Göttingen: Wall- ‘political opportunity structures’ here, but stein Verlag, 2015 (Moderne europäische his objective is not to make the case studies Geschichte 10), 437 pp., ISBN 978-3-8353- comparable (and to isolate key factors) but 1634-8, 39,90 € rather to underline the impact of the pro- cess itself and contingent factors. The com- What happened to Jan Zofka is the worst parison between Crimea and Pridnestrov’e nightmare of any historian or political sci- proves the futility of a comparative study entist: just as you are about to finish your of root causes. All obvious factors (history, PhD thesis, your object of study suddenly economic crisis, ethnicity, homeland, etc.) reinvents itself, effectively falsifying the would have predicted a violent and suc- main conclusions of your analysis. Zofka’s cessful secessionist movement in Crimean dissertation on post-Soviet separatism on Sevastopol’ and a meek copy in Tiraspol’, the left bank of the Dniester River in Mol- Transnistria’s capital. Referring to the cur- dova and on the Crimean peninsula, sub- rent Ukrainian crisis, the author points out mitted at the University of Leipzig in 2013, that despite the overbearing geopolitical argues that Crimea (unlike Pridnestrov’e/ manoeuvring by Moscow, local ethnic en- Transnistria) had never experienced a pow- trepreneurs are much more than puppets of erful, violent secessionist movement. Alas, the Russians. -
The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64). -
Progress Report for 2009
Contract number: 2009/219-955 Project Title: Building confidence between Chisinau and Tiraspol Report starting date: 01 January 2010 Report end date: 31 December 2011 Implementing agency: UNDP Moldova Country: Republic of Moldova Support to Confidence Building Measures II – Final Report 2010-2011 – submitted by UNDP Moldova 1 Table of Contents I. SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................................................. 3 II. CONTEXT ................................................................................................................................................................. 4 III. PROJECT BACKGROUND .................................................................................................................................. 5 1. BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................................................................................ 5 2. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT ........................................................................................................................................ 6 3. CIVIL SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT ...................................................................................................................................... 7 4. SUPPORT TO CREATION OF DNIESTER EUROREGION AND RESTORATION OF RAILWAY TRAFFIC. ........................................... 7 IV. SUMMARY OF IMPLEMENTATION PROGRESS ......................................................................................... -
The Influence of Newer Member States in the European Union: the Case of Poland and the Eastern Partnership
EAS_EB_190713 EUROPE ASIA STUDIES 2013 (Special Issue Editor Final Proof) 5 The Influence of Newer Member States in the European Union: The Case of Poland and the Eastern Partnership 10 NATHANIEL COPSEY KAROLINA POMORSKA 15 Abstract This article seeks to examine and assess the role of Poland in the early stage making of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of the European Union (EU). First, it briefly reviews Poland’s aims and ambitions with regard to the European Union’s policy towards its eastern neighbours, both before and since it 20 joined the European Union in 2004. Second, it describes and analyses the EaP, including its added value for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Third, it draws on a range of interviews carried out by the authors in Brussels and Warsaw on Poland’s role in the initial formation of the EaP, as seen by its partners in the other Member States and European institutions. In addition, it seeks to unpack some of the early stage lessons learnt by the Polish government about how best to achieve its ambitions 25 in the EU, and notes the remaining weaknesses of the Polish administration, particularly in the area of administrative capacity. THIS ARTICLE SEEKS TO EXAMINE AND ASSESS THE ROLE OF POLAND 30 during the initial establishment phase of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of the European Union (EU), as viewed by key EU and Polish political elites. The EaP was jointly launched by Poland and Sweden in 2008 as a means of reinforcing the eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The article contributes primarily to the growing body of scholarship on the impact and influence of newer 35 Member States of the European Union as unlikely power brokers on its policy agenda (see, for example, Dangerfield 2010). -
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 122 – December 2015 The Transnistrian Conflict in the Context of the Ukrainian Crisis by Inessa Baban1 Until recently, relatively little was known about the Transnistrian conflict that has been undermining the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with waves of enlargement towards the East of NATO and the European sound and timely analyses and recommendations on current issues of particular concern for the Al- Union drew attention to Transnistria, which has been seen as one of the liance. Papers produced by the Research Division convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience “frozen conflict zones” in the post-Soviet area alongside Abkhazia, South of the international strategic community and con- tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the Transnistrian issue has The RD’s civil and military researchers come from not been perceived as a serious threat to Euro-Atlantic security because a variety of disciplines and interests covering a broad spectrum of security-related issues. They no outbreaks of large-scale hostilities or human casualties have been conduct research on topics which are of interest to the political and military decision-making bodies reported in the region since the 1990s. Beyond a few small incidents in of the Alliance and its member states. the demilitarized zone, the 1992 ceasefire has been respected for more The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the than two decades. -
The Missions to the Republic of Moldova and the Ukraine: a Double-Entry Balance Sheet
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 1999, Baden-Baden 2000, pp. 195-210. Klemens Büscher The Missions to the Republic of Moldova and the Ukraine: A Double-Entry Balance Sheet The long-term missions established in various conflict areas in Central and Eastern Europe have had an important influence on the identity and the image of the OSCE during the period since 1992. They encompass a variety of re- sponsibilities such as early warning, conflict prevention, mediation during or in the aftermath of conflicts, and assisting with the implementation of OSCE principles. At the same time, the missions - which emerged more in an ad hoc fashion than as a strategically conceived instrument - have given an important stimulus to the institutional development of the OSCE overall. In spite of the often complex problems in the areas where the missions operate and the modest means they have to exercise influence, their role in conflict preven- tion and crisis management in Eastern Europe has been given predominantly positive evaluations by political actors and scholarly observers. This generally positive judgement applies to the long-term Missions to the Republic of Moldova and the Ukraine which are among the small missions of the first generation with fewer than two dozen members. A decision was made on 4 February 1993 to open a CSCE Mission to Moldova and it began operations on 25 April 1993 in the Moldovan capital of Chişinău with authorized personnel numbering six civilian and two military members. Even now, after six years, the regularly extended mandate of the Mission can in no way be regarded as fulfilled. -
Dniester Jews Between
PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions. -
Helping Moldova Stay on the EU Course Proposals for a Real 'More for More' Approach
POLICY BRIEF 11 December 2013 Helping Moldova stay on the EU course Proposals for a real 'more for more' approach Cristian Ghinea, Amanda Paul and Victor Chirila BACKGROUND At the Vilnius Eastern Partnership (EaP) Summit in November, Moldova initialled its Association Agreement including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) with the EU, and became the first EaP country to meet all the requirements of their Visa Liberalisation Action Plan. It marked an important milestone in Moldova's integration process, after some three and a half years of negotiations, reflecting the serious reform efforts the country has made. In the words of German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, in the Bundestag on 18 November, "in spite of some domestic turmoil, the Republic of Moldova has perhaps demonstrated the greatest political will of all the Eastern partners to adopt and implement reforms". Not surprisingly, Moldova's success story is welcomed by the European Union (EU). With the decision of Armenia and subsequently Ukraine to abort their Association Agreements following significant political and economic pressure from Moscow, the EU faces the prospect of losing credibility as an influential actor in the East if it cannot deliver a success story. Moldova, (as well as Georgia) offers the EU a light at the end of the tunnel. Moldova clearly has advantages over Armenia (less dependent on Russia, particularly in relation to security) and Ukraine (smaller share of exports towards Russia; an overtly pro-EU oriented government). But it also has a number of weak points. Instability is endemic due to political crises, caused by back-biting and feuding in the governing coalition, rank corruption within the dysfunctional political and legal systems and institutions, and a popular anti-EU Communist Party. -
Introduction
Introduction R a y B r a n d o n a n d W e n d y L o w e r Before the Second World War, the Jews of Ukraine constituted one of the largest Jewish populations in Europe.1 They were without a doubt the largest Jewish population within the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union.2 And between July 1940 and June 1941—af ter Stalin occupied the interwar Polish territories of eastern Gali cia and western Volhynia as well as the interwar Romanian territo ries of northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia—the number of Jews in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UkrSSR) rose to at least 2.45 million persons, thus making it for a brief period home to the largest Jewish population in Europe.3 Despite the size of Ukraine’s Jewish population, academics and laypersons alike have for over two generations tended to talk about the Holocaust in the Soviet Union, Poland, Romania, or Hungary, but not about the Holocaust in Ukraine, which is the subject of this book. The reason for this traditional approach is evident. Unlike any of the aforementioned countries, Ukraine from the mid-thir teenth until the mid-twentieth century was but an ensemble of disparate territories partitioned among several neighboring pow ers. Ukrainian efforts to establish a state in these lands in the aftermath of the First World War were thwarted by internecine factionalism as well as Polish national aspirations and Soviet rev olutionary ambitions. Between the Polish-Soviet peace of 1920 and the Nazi-Soviet pact of 1939, the lands of modern Ukraine were split among Poland (eastern Galicia and western Volhynia), Czechoslovakia (Transcarpathia), Romania (northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia), and the Soviet Union.