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Ideologies and the Irish Housing Crisis

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Ideologies and the Irish Housing Crisis PERC Papers Series: Paper No. 5 Economic Imaginaries and Public Knowledge The Press, Market Ideologies and the Irish Housing Crisis Henry Silke April 2015 1 The Press, Market Ideologies and the Irish Housing Crash Henry Silke Introduction There is a growing symbiotic relationship between business, communication networks and the mass media. Business depends on communication networks and the mass media in numerous ways; in the actual conduct of business, in the need for market information, for advertising and market creation, and as ideological apparatuses which acts to naturalise market economies and defend business interests. Such trends have been exacerbated in the media industry in recent decades as media has been increasingly consolidated into massive transnational corporations with interests far wider than journalism. In fact it is argued that the contemporary mass media, rather than simply reporting on economic issues, have become an integral part of economic processes. A clear example of this process, and the growing links between business and journalism, is the coverage of housing and the property market in Ireland. The Irish property market suffered one of the greatest crashes in modern history, directly costing the state tens of billions in bank bailouts and hundreds of thousands of mainly working class livelihoods. A key discursive element of housing and property news has been the framing of housing as a commodity rather than a social need, as well as a privileging of market needs over society ones. This was the case in much of the coverage of the housing market by the Irish media in the run up to the housing crash of 2007/2008. This framing, as well as ignoring key social problems such as affordability, included an insidious and dogmatic belief in the primacy of the market that blinded much of the Irish media to the possibility of the crash, thus acting both to encourage and elongate the bubble. There is little evidence that this framing of housing as a commodity rather than a social need has changed as most discourse continues to be around ‘fixing the market’ rather than thinking outside of it. The Irish Housing Crisis The roots of Ireland’s economic crisis are long and deep. Ireland after independence remained a dependent economy, concentrating on the export of non-value added commodities and the country’s late industrialisation was centred on the enticement of foreign direct investment into the Irish state, rather than the development of indigenous industry. This type of development emphasised the service economy and the various sections of the property industry which, during the ‘Celtic Tiger’s’ boom years, became one of the key indigenous investment and speculative activities in the state. This had very serious repercussions for many Irish people as buying a property on the private market had become the only way to secure a home for most people. This was due to the near elimination of social housing supply by the state and the Dickensian conditions in the private rental market. The process led to a skewed domestic economy and eventually the development of a massive asset price bubble in property. By the year 2007, however, even middle class home buyers were being priced out of the housing market. The deregulated banking system filled the gap in the market with innovative ‘products’ such as speculative ‘100%, loans’, ‘interest free mortgages’, and ‘buy to let schemes’. At the same time that consumer demand was dipping, huge amounts of vacant and half-finished properties were coming on stream, often in places with no manifest demand for housing at all. Like all Ponzi schemes (as the Irish property market had begun to resemble) 2 the market was fictitious. Eventually in 2007, property prices began to dip and, following the so called credit crunch, the residential and commercial property markets collapsed entirely. This then uncovered huge holes in banking balance sheets, none more so than the poster boy for Irish ‘entrepreneurship’ and ‘innovation’, Anglo Irish Bank. However, unlike an ordinary Ponzi scheme this crash brought down a whole generation of home buyers, the Irish economy, hundreds of thousands of jobs and the living standards of most of the populace. The crisis in housing continues now. Thousands of people continue to be unable to pay mortgages, often trapped in negative equity (FinFacts 2013). In the last year a rental crisis has become evident in Dublin due to a lack of both private and public investment following the crisis (Irish Times 2014c). This has seen apartment rentals increasing by 10% on average (Private Rental Tenancy Board 2014), and in some cases rent hikes of up to 40% (Irish Times 2014a). The internet property portal DAFT, in a recent rental report, found a 14% rise in rents in Dublin in a single year; and reported a drop from 18,000 properties to 10,000 properties available to rent (Lyons 2014). Unsurprisingly the city is witnessing an unprecedented wave of evictions of individuals and families who are unable to pay, and we are witnessing what has been termed a ‘tsunami of homelessness’ (Irish Times 2014b, 2014d). The Irish Business-Media Nexus The Irish media sphere is becoming increasingly linked to international investor and political interests. Three distinct trends have developed in the recent past. The first has been the consolidation and concentration of Irish Media groups. Second has been one of increased foreign ownership and penetration. Third has been journalistic practice affected by technological change (Horgan, McNamara and O'Sullivan 2007 p. 35). RTE remains the prominent broadcaster but it continues to face challenges from new globalised media structures (Corcoran 2004) and platforms. RTE, while being state funded, is also dependent on advertising revenue and, as pointed out by Julian Mercille (2013b), has had connections with the financial oligarchy such as former RTE chairman Patrick J. Wright (who was also a director of Anglo Irish Bank throughout the boom years) and Mary Finan (who was a director of the ICS building society). Within the print media sector the Independent News and Media (INM) group has developed a dominant position. It has expanded into the regional market (as much as possible under competition law) and owns or has interests in the major part of Irish national, evening and Sunday titles. It was estimated in 2002 that the INM group publishes about 80% of all indigenous national newspapers in the Republic of Ireland (Truetzschler 2010). Independent News and Media is also an international group with titles and interests in the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Hong Kong and Indonesia (Independent News and Media 2010; Horgan, McNamara and O'Sullivan 2007 p. 37). In a study of Irish director networks, interlocking boards and overlaps between the boards of the top forty private and public sector bodies (from 2005-2007), it was found that a key network of 39 directors were simultaneously members of two or more boards under examination. Half of this director network held positions in at least one of Ireland’s major financial institutions. Through this network, Independent News and Media directly interlocks with Allied Irish bank, Eircom and other interests (Clancy, O'Connor and Dillon 2010). Indirectly this ‘director network’ places INM close to the heart of Irish capitalism which raises the question of absolute neutrality or objectivity in reporting the Irish economic crisis. Moreover INM’s major shareholder Denis O’Brien also has huge interests in Irish private 3 radio and international telecommunications. The awarding of the second private mobile phone network license to his company Esat Digifone in 1995 became the subject of a judicial inquiry. This found that the then Minister of Communications Michael Lowry received €50,000 from O’Brien and it was ‘beyond doubt’ that O’Brien was given substantive information and help by Lowry during at least two meetings between the two (Irish Times 2011). While Ireland’s ‘newspaper of record’ the Irish Times is a trust it also has connections with finance capital. For example, David Went, the former chairman of the board of trustees (2007-2014), was also a major figure in the finance industry, being Chairman of Irish Life and Permanent, Chief Executive of Ulster Bank, and a non-executive director of Goldman Sachs. Politically the Irish media sphere is generally homogenous occupying a conservative economic and political position on most issues. Interestingly, the Irish media tend to hold what are generally more liberal social values (when compared to other social forces such as the Catholic Church or mainstream political parties); which is not in contradiction to some aspects of contemporary neoliberal ideology. The Irish News Media and the Property Crisis The Irish media system, especially the press, played an important role in the Irish property bubble and following crisis. Newspapers are one of the main sources of market information and act as the main advertising source for property companies. While it could be argued the internet has challenged the dominance of the printed press, newspaper groups have adapted by using their websites as portals in property listings (for example the Sunday Business Post and the Irish Independent). Some newspapers have also bought property websites, the Irish Times for example purchased www.myhome.ie in 2007 for 50 million euro (RTE Business 2006). Newspapers are also an important point of information on the property market, property sales and planning issues. RTE, the Irish public service channel, (and arguably the only media company not overly dependent on property advertising), did belatedly produce a documentary on the possibilities of a housing crash (RTE 2007). This was met with some derision by the printed press (for example see Irish Independent 2007). The broadcaster also produced two series of a reality TV show where an estate agent turned presenter shamed the populace onto the property ladder in the insidiously named ‘I’m an adult, get me out of here!’ (RTE/Animo Productions.
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