IMPERIALISM and REGIONALISM by NATHAN ROSS KOZUSKANICH a Thesis Submitted to the Department of History in Confomity with The
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The Boundaries of Nationality in Mid-18Th Century Nova Scotia*
GEOFFREY PLANK The Two Majors Cope: The Boundaries of Nationality in Mid-18th Century Nova Scotia* THE 1750S BEGAN OMINOUSLY IN Nova Scotia. In the spring of 1750 a company of French soldiers constructed a fort in a disputed border region on the northern side of the isthmus of Chignecto. The British built a semi-permanent camp only a few hundred yards away. The two armies faced each other nervously, close enough to smell each other's food. In 1754 a similar situation near the Ohio River led to an imperial war. But the empires were not yet ready for war in 1750, and the stand-off at Chignecto lasted five years. i In the early months of the crisis an incident occurred which illustrates many of *' the problems I want to discuss in this essay. On an autumn day in 1750, someone (the identity of this person remains in dispute) approached the British fort waving a white flag. The person wore a powdered wig and the uniform of a French officer. He carried a sword in a sheath by his side. Captain Edward Howe, the commander of the British garrison, responded to the white flag as an invitation to negotiations and went out to greet the man. Then someone, either the man with the flag or a person behind him, shot and killed Captain Howe. According to three near-contemporary accounts of these events, the man in the officer's uniform was not a Frenchman but a Micmac warrior in disguise. He put on the powdered wig and uniform in order to lure Howe out of his fort. -
The Three Lives of Edward Cornwallis by John G
The Three Lives of Edward Cornwallis by John G. Reid Read before the Royal Nova Scotia Historical Society 16 January 2013 or some twenty years now, a lively controversy has flourished over the reputation of the first Halifax-based Fgovernor of Nova Scotia, Edward Corn- wallis. Was Cornwallis a courageous and far-sighted founder of Halifax and builder of colonial Nova Scotia, or was he a genocidal imperialist whose chief claim to notoriety was his placement of a price on the heads of all indigenous inhabitants of Mi’kma’ki?1 Should Cornwallis continue to be distin- guished by the prominence of his statue in downtown Halifax, or should all public marks of his existence—statue, names of Figure 1. Portrait of Edward Cornwallis by Sir Joshua Reynolds, circa. 1756 places and streets—be erased? Insofar as I have made previous public comments on such issues, I have expressed concern about the application of the twentieth-century term ‘genocide’ to an eighteenth-century situation, but have applauded the action of the Halifax Regional School Board in renaming Cornwallis Junior High School and have suggested that the statue belongs in a museum with an appropriate interpretive panel rather than in its current place of public display. My focus in this essay, however, is rather different. I will offer a histori- cal portrayal of Cornwallis in three contexts. The first will be the eighteenth-century Cornwallis. What, from the viewpoint of historical analysis, is or is not significant about the Nova Scotia career, brief as it was, of this early governor? The second will be the Cornwallis of the statue. -
I. Political Parties
Université de Montréal Societal Cleavages and Institutional Change in Canada Retention, Reform and Removal of Nominee Councils par Bruce M. Hicks Département de science politique Faculté des arts et des sciences Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales en vue de l’obtention du grade de doctorat en philosophie Décembre, 2011 © Bruce M. Hicks, 2011 Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-82936-3 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-82936-3 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distrbute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette thèse. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Fort Beausejour National Historic Park Aulac, New Brunswick Canada
Fort Beausejour National Historic Park Aulac, New Brunswick Canada Issued under the authority of the HONOURABLE ARTHUR LAING, P.C., M.P., B.S.A. Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Original Earthen Bastion of French Period Fort Beausejour National Historic Park Aulac, New Brunswick At the middle of the 18th century the dividing line between French and British influence in Acadia lay along the Missaguash River, one of the four rivers that drain the southern slope of the Isthmus of Chignecto. In 1710 New England militiamen and British regulars had captured the French Port Royal, thus in one engagement effecting the conquest of the Nova Scotia main- land. The Treaty of Utrecht, concluded three years later, formally transferred Acadia to Great Britain. But what was Acadia? The British hopefully believed parts of what is now New Brunswick were included. The French, confident that they would soon win back the Nova Scotia mainland, could not consider such a broad definition of the geographical limits of Acadia. They were determined to hold as much ground as they could. Time seemed to be in their favor. Against the weak and ill-disciplined garrison at Annapolis Royal and the few detachments occupying isolated posts in the peninsula, the French could send Indian raiding parties. While the British struggled against the harassments of the Indians, the population of Acadia—over whelmingly French—could be provoked to at least passive resistance against their alien conquerors. French power preserved at the Fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island and at the settlements of New France along the St. -
Cumberland Planters and the Aftermath of the Attack on Fort Cumberland
Cumberland Planters and the Aftermath of the Attack on Fort Cumberland Ernest A. Clarke Halifax, Nova Scotia "There are many timorous and weak persons among us, who aw'd by fear, are drove to do what they would avoid, if they durst." John Eagleson, Anglican missionary and acting chaplain of Fort Cumberland, describing Cumberland Planters during the rebellion.1 ***** "O most mighty God," prayed the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel missionary at Windsor. "Ruler of Heaven and Earth," prayed the Rev. William Ellis as H.M.S. Vulture sailed out Minas Basin to relieve Fort Cumberland in November 1776. "Re-unite the Divided interests and Distracted minds of our Countrymen. Defend us from Seditious rage at home and from the Designs of all our...enemies, wheresoever they may be!"2 A good many of the distracted wheresoevers were, even as Ellis prayed, surrounding Fort Cumberland where sedition had raged through the Planter community, for the past year and where the fort had been under attack for a month by a band of 180 guerrillas led by the self styled Colonel Jonathan Eddy.3 Inside the fort were about the same number of defenders: a garrison of provincial troops, the Royal Fencible Americans, and two dozen or more 1 Eagleson to John Butler, 27 January 1776, Public Archives of Canada (PAC), MG 11, Vol.95, 112-7. 2 Prayer, Discourses and Sermons of the Rev. William Ellis, Dalhousie University Archives. Ellis also was a chaplain at Fort Edward. 3 The Planter community of Cumberland was an amalgam of halfpay officers, farmers, tradesmen and artisans heavily dependent on the fort for their livlihood. -
The Course of Law Cannot Be Stopped': the Aftermath of the Cumberland Rebellion in the Civil Courts of Nova Scotia
Dalhousie Law Journal Volume 21 Issue 2 Article 6 10-1-1998 The Course of Law Cannot be Stopped': The Aftermath of the Cumberland Rebellion in the Civil Courts of Nova Scotia Jim Phillips University of Toronto Ernest A. Clarke McGill-Queen's University Press Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/dlj Part of the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Jim Phillips and Ernest A. Clarke, "The Course of Law Cannot be Stopped': The Aftermath of the Cumberland Rebellion in the Civil Courts of Nova Scotia" (1998) 21:2 Dal LJ 440. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Schulich Law Scholars. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dalhousie Law Journal by an authorized editor of Schulich Law Scholars. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Atlantic Legal History Ernest Clarke and "The Course Of Law Cannot Be Jim Phillips* Stopped": The Aftermath Of The Cumberland Rebellion in The Civil Courts Of Nova Scotia This article examines a series of cases launched in the Nova Scotia courts following the Cumberland Rebellion of 1776. In these cases loyalists sued former rebels, including those granted amnesty by the authorities, for losses sustained during the rebellion. The article traces the history of the cases and places them in the context of post-rebellion government policy. It argues that such proceed- ings were without precedent and effectively took the place of official schemes of expropriation of rebel land and compensation to loyalists. It also suggests that the use of civil courts in this way prolonged and exacerbated the social and political tensions in a county badly split in its reactions to the American Revolution. -
Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction Du Branch Patrimoine De I'edition
North Atlantic Press Gangs: Impressment and Naval-Civilian Relations in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, 1749-1815 by Keith Mercer Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 2008 © Copyright by Keith Mercer, 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43931-9 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43931-9 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
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The Dispossession of the Míkmaq Indians from Chignecto to Elsipogtog1: A Case Study Analysis of the Health Determinants of the Physical Environment by Patrick J. Augustine A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Indigenous and Canadian Studies Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2021, Patrick J. Augustine 1 The community uses the Pacifique orthography, while the Francis-Smith system spells it L’sipuktuk (Sable & Francis, 2012). Abstract Traditionally, the Míkmaq enjoyed an interconnected relationship with the land, harvesting what they needed from the earth and the ocean, guided by the concept of Netukulimk, the practice of sustainability. Upon the arrival of European settlers, new trade practices were introduced, and what was once plentiful was quickly depleted. Although the original inhabitants were assured that their lands would be protected by agreements and treaties, these assurances proved to be false, and the traditional relationship with the land was threatened, as the Míkmaq—presaging the fate of most Indigenous Peoples in Canada—were dispossessed of their historical lands and forced to live on reserves; many of them far away from the environments to which they had had biological and spiritual ties. Land is central to our understanding of current Indigenous health issues; centering around how the Míkmaq traditionally employed land and resources, what changes in that relationship were brought about by colonization, and how their removal to reserves influenced their relationship vis-à-vis their environment. In addressing the ways that land policies, post-first contact, were developed and implemented over time, it is possible and necessary to juxtapose that history with the story of the forced mobilization of the Míkmaq and examine the effects that the dispossession of land had upon their livelihood and economic activity. -
A War All Our Own: American Rangers and the Emergence of the American Martial Culture
A War All Our Own: American Rangers and the Emergence of the American Martial Culture by James Sandy, M.A. A Dissertation In HISTORY Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTORATE IN PHILOSOPHY Approved Dr. John R. Milam Chair of Committee Dr. Laura Calkins Dr. Barton Myers Dr. Aliza Wong Mark Sheridan, PhD. Dean of the Graduate School May, 2016 Copyright 2016, James Sandy Texas Tech University, James A. Sandy, May 2016 Acknowledgments This work would not have been possible without the constant encouragement and tutelage of my committee. They provided the inspiration for me to start this project, and guided me along the way as I slowly molded a very raw idea into the finished product here. Dr. Laura Calkins witnessed the birth of this project in my very first graduate class and has assisted me along every step of the way from raw idea to thesis to completed dissertation. Dr. Calkins has been and will continue to be invaluable mentor and friend throughout my career. Dr. Aliza Wong expanded my mind and horizons during a summer session course on Cultural Theory, which inspired a great deal of the theoretical framework of this work. As a co-chair of my committee, Dr. Barton Myers pushed both the project and myself further and harder than anyone else. The vast scope that this work encompasses proved to be my biggest challenge, but has come out as this works’ greatest strength and defining characteristic. I cannot thank Dr. Myers enough for pushing me out of my comfort zone, and for always providing the firmest yet most encouraging feedback. -
The British Empire in the Atlantic: Nova Scotia, the Board of Trade, and the Evolution of Imperial Rule in the Mid-Eighteenth Century
The British Empire in the Atlantic: Nova Scotia, the Board of Trade, and the Evolution of Imperial Rule in the Mid-Eighteenth Century by Thomas Hully Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the MA degree in History University of Ottawa © Thomas Hully, Ottawa, Canada, 2012 ii Abstract The British Empire in the Atlantic: Nova Scotia, the Board of Trade, and the Evolution of Imperial Rule in the Mid-Eighteenth Century Thomas Hully Dr. Richard Connors Submitted: May 2012 Despite considerable research on the British North American colonies and their political relationship with Britain before 1776, little is known about the administration of Nova Scotia from the perspective of Lord Halifax’s Board of Trade in London. The image that emerges from the literature is that Nova Scotia was of marginal importance to British officials, who neglected its administration. This study reintegrates Nova Scotia into the British Imperial historiography through the study of the “official mind,” to challenge this theory of neglect on three fronts: 1) civil government in Nova Scotia became an important issue during the War of the Austrian Succession; 2) The form of civil government created there after 1749 was an experiment in centralized colonial administration; 3) This experimental model of government was highly effective. This study adds nuance to our understanding of British attempts to centralize control over their overseas colonies before the American Revolution. iii Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Ontario Graduate Scholarship Program for providing the funding which made this dissertation possible, as well as the University of Ottawa’s Department of History for providing me with the experience of three Teaching Assistantships. -
Proquest Dissertations
THE IMPACT OF ILE ROYALE ON NEW ENGLAND 1713 - 1763 by Donald F. Chard LtMAA.Ci A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. in History UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA OTTAWA, CANADA, 1976 Chard, Ottawa, Canada, 1977 UMI Number: DC54008 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI® UMI Microform DC54008 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE CHAPTER TABLE OF CONTENTS i TABLES AND MAPS ii ABBREVIATIONS iii NOTE ON DATES iv INTRODUCTION vi I. CANSO, 1710-1721: FOCAL POINT OF NEW ENGLAND- ILE ROYALE RIVALRY 1 II. PATTERNS OF TRADE, 1720-1744 34 III. THE LOUISBOURG EXPEDITION OF 1745 67 IV. VICTORY AT LOUISBOURG: ECONOMIC EXPECTATIONS AND REALIZATIONS, 1745-1748 103 V. THE BITTER FRUITS OF VICTORY: MILITARY AND SOCIAL REPERCUSSIONS OF THE 1745 ASSAULT ON LOUISBOURG 139 VI. IMPERIAL SUBSIDIES AND CURRENCY ADJUTSMENTS.. 168 VII. NEW ENGLAND'S ROLE IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF HALIFAX AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOVA SCOTIA 1749-1755 188 VIII. -
George Washington Papers, Series 2, Letterbooks 1754-1799
George Washington Papers, Series 2, Letterbooks 1754-1799 To THE NEW HAMPSHIRE LEGISLATURE Cambridge, March 14, 1776. Sir: Your favor of the 12th Instant I just now received and beg leave to assure you that the approbation which your Honbl. Council are pleased to express of my Conduct respecting the Operations against the Town of Boston, affords me the highest satisfaction. I am exceedingly sorry that it is not in my power at this time to comply with your requisition for powder and to make a return of what was generously lent for the Continental use, the low state of our store of that necessary Article, will not allow me to spare the smallest quantity, but hoping that I may get a further supply before long to enable me to do It, I shall be much obliged, If you will favor me with an account of what you furnished, that it may be repaid as soon as circumstances will admit of It. I am Sir, &c. To GOVERNOR NICHOLAS COOKE Cambridge, March 17, 1776. Sir: I have the Pleasure to inform you, that this morning the Ministerial Troops evacuated the Town of 39 Boston, without destroying it. and that we are now in the full possession; upon which event, I beg 39. An account of the evacuation, in the Boston Gazette, states that the enemy was seen to march from Bunker Hill about 9 a. m., and at the same time a great many boats. filled with troops, put off from Boston for the fleet, which lay below Castle William.