The Real Gap by Hal Brands Those Who Study International Security and Those Who Practice It See the Same World Through Very Different Conceptual Lenses
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Reaching Beyond the Ivory Tower: a “How To” Manual *
Reaching Beyond the Ivory Tower: A “How To” Manual * Daniel Byman and Matthew Kroenig Security Studies (forthcoming, June 2016) *For helpful comments on earlier versios of this article, the authors would like to thank Michael C. Desch, Rebecca Friedman, Bruce Jentleson, Morgan Kaplan, Marc Lynch, Jeremy Shapiro, and participants in the Program on International Politics, Economics, and Security Speaker Series at the University of Chicago, participants in the Nuclear Studies Research Initiative Launch Conference, Austin, Texas, October 17-19, 2013, and members of a Midwest Political Science Association panel. Particular thanks to two anonymous reviewers and the editors of Security Studies for their helpful comments. 1 Joseph Nye, one of the rare top scholars with experience as a senior policymaker, lamented “the walls surrounding the ivory tower never seemed so high” – a view shared outside the academy and by many academics working on national security.1 Moreover, this problem may only be getting worse: a 2011 survey found that 85 percent of scholars believe the divide between scholars’ and policymakers’ worlds is growing. 2 Explanations range from the busyness of policymakers’ schedules, a disciplinary shift that emphasizes theory and methodology over policy relevance, and generally impenetrable academic prose. These and other explanations have merit, but such recommendations fail to recognize another fundamental issue: even those academic works that avoid these pitfalls rarely shape policy.3 Of course, much academic research is not designed to influence policy in the first place. The primary purpose of academic research is not, nor should it be, to shape policy, but to expand the frontiers of human knowledge. -
John J. Mearsheimer: an Offensive Realist Between Geopolitics and Power
John J. Mearsheimer: an offensive realist between geopolitics and power Peter Toft Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Østerfarimagsgade 5, DK 1019 Copenhagen K, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected] With a number of controversial publications behind him and not least his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, John J. Mearsheimer has firmly established himself as one of the leading contributors to the realist tradition in the study of international relations since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics. Mearsheimer’s main innovation is his theory of ‘offensive realism’ that seeks to re-formulate Kenneth Waltz’s structural realist theory to explain from a struc- tural point of departure the sheer amount of international aggression, which may be hard to reconcile with Waltz’s more defensive realism. In this article, I focus on whether Mearsheimer succeeds in this endeavour. I argue that, despite certain weaknesses, Mearsheimer’s theoretical and empirical work represents an important addition to Waltz’s theory. Mearsheimer’s workis remarkablyclear and consistent and provides compelling answers to why, tragically, aggressive state strategies are a rational answer to life in the international system. Furthermore, Mearsheimer makes important additions to structural alliance theory and offers new important insights into the role of power and geography in world politics. Journal of International Relations and Development (2005) 8, 381–408. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800065 Keywords: great power politics; international security; John J. Mearsheimer; offensive realism; realism; security studies Introduction Dangerous security competition will inevitably re-emerge in post-Cold War Europe and Asia.1 International institutions cannot produce peace. -
Paul Doty 1920–2011
Spring 2012 www.belfercenter.org Paul Doty 1920 –2011 Paul Doty , who founded the Belfer Center in 1973, died on December 5, 2011. He was 91. Steven E. Miller , a member of Paul Doty’s early staff who is now director of the Belfer Center’s International Security Program and editor-in-chief of the journal International Security , remembers his colleague and friend in comments below. Miller’s complete remembrance, along with other tributes, can be found at http://rememberingpauldoty.org/ . S aul Doty was a man of immense accom - N O M plishment: a world class figure in both M I P S Z science and public policy, a builder of institu - T I F tions, an intellectual leader, a stalwart at Har - M O vard for more than 60 years. He had major T accomplishments in biochemistry and molec - ular biology. He was a leading expert on nuclear arms control. He founded Harvard’s Biochemistry Department and the Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and Inter - national Affairs. He created leading journals in both fields. He built teams of colleagues that were second to none. His former students and fellows represent a legacy that would make any scholar proud. Despite his stature, he was unassuming, Paul Doty (left) asks a question of Senator Sam Nunn (center right) during a JFK Jr. Forum in 2010 titled “Nuclear almost self-effacing, and approachable. He Tipping Point.” Panelists included Belfer Center Director Graham Allison (right) and David Sanger , senior fellow. rose high, but on his merits, because he seemed to lack almost completely the self- underestimate, he was exceptionally effective and was unflagging in his efforts to make a promotional instinct. -
271 Sorensen
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1998 IR theory after the Cold War GEORG SØRENSEN The end of the Cold War has prompted a good deal of soul-searching in the academic discipline of International Relations (IR).* Some results of this process are already apparent; the dominant version of realism, neorealism, is developing in new directions in an attempt to address major areas where the theory has been shown to contain weaknesses (e.g. domestic politics, international cooperation, the analysis of change).1 Liberal IR-theory is becoming less focused on international institutions and has devoted more attention to the larger issues of democracy and democratization, sovereignty, and change in the context of modernization and globalization.2 Some bodies of established theory are receiving fresh attention, including the International Society (or English) School,3 and there is a renewed interest in the field of international political economy.4 Yet all these theoretical traditions (realism, liberalism, International Society, international political economy) can be seen as enduring perspectives in IR; they build on a long intellectual tradition concerning problems of relations between * Many thanks to Kenneth Glarbo, Knud Erik Jørgensen, Michael Nicholson, Steve Smith, and Alexander Wendt for very helpful comments on earlier drafts. 1 See, for example, Joseph M. Grieco, ‘Realist International Theory and the Study of World Politics’, in M.W. Doyle and G.J. Ikenberry (eds.), New Thinking in International Relations Theory (Boulder, 1997), pp. 163–202; Michael E. Brown et al. (eds.), The Perils of Anarchy. Contemporary Realism and International Security (Cambridge, MA, 1995); John A. Vasquez, ‘The Realist Paradigm and Degenerative versus Progressive Research Programs: An Appraisal of Neotraditional Research on Waltz’s Balancing Proposition’, and the responses by Kenneth Waltz, Thomas Christensen, and Jack Snyder, Colin and Miriam Fendius Elman, Randall Schweller and Stephen Walt, American Political Science Review, 4 (1997), pp. -
US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East
The London School of Economics and Political Science US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East The Pursuit of Hegemony? Dionysius Markakis A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 86.627 words. 1 Abstract The promotion of ‘democracy’ abroad has been a feature of US foreign policy since the earlier part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and then communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of communism and the state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy. -
Soft Balancing Against the United States Soft Balancing Against Robert A
Soft Balancing against the United States Soft Balancing against Robert A. Pape the United States President George W. Bush and his administration are pursuing a profoundly new U.S. national se- curity strategy. Since January 2001 the United States has unilaterally aban- doned the Kyoto accords on global warming, rejected participation in the International Criminal Court, and withdrawn from the Antiballistic Missile (ABM) treaty, among other unilateralist foreign policies. Although the United States gained considerable international sympathy following the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, the Bush administration chose to conduct military operations against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan with the aid of only one country: Great Britain.1 In 2002 the administration announced that it would re- place the Baathist regime in Iraq, a country that posed no observable threat to attack the United States, and to do so with military force “unilaterally if neces- sary.”2 The United States went on to conquer Iraq in early 2003 despite vigor- ous efforts by many of the world’s major powers to delay, frustrate, and even undermine war plans and reduce the number of countries that would ªght alongside the United States. Since then, the United States has threatened Iran and Syria, reafªrmed its commitment to build an ambitious ballistic missile defense system, and taken few steps to mend fences with the international community. The Bush strategy is one of the most aggressively unilateral U.S. national se- curity strategies ever, and it is likely to produce important international conse- quences. So far, the debate has focused almost exclusively on the immediate Robert A. -
MR1427.0 I-Xii
Intelligent Giving Insights and Strategies for Higher Education Donors • Jonathan P. Caulkins Jay Cole Melissa Hardoby Donna Keyser Prepared for the Council for Aid to Education R Council for Aid to Education The research described in this report was supported by the Council for Aid to Education. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Intelligent giving : insights and strategies for higher education donors / Jonathan P. Caulkins ... [et al.]. p. cm. “MR-1427.” Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8330-3134-1 1. Universities and colleges—United States—Endowments. 2. Benefactors— Charitable contributions—United States. 3. Education, Higher—United States— Finance. I. Caulkins, Jonathan P. (Jonathan Paul), 1965– LB2336 .I55 2002 378.1'06—dc21 2002024813 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Tanya Maiboroda © Copyright 2002 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2002 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 201 North Craig Street, Suite 102, Pittsburgh, PA 15213 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Email: [email protected] 2 Velocity Management Preface his book is for those wishing to make a major gift to an institution Tof higher education and seeking an intellectual framework for deciding how much to give to which school(s), for which purpose(s), over what periods of time, or with which (if any) restrictions. -
Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer the Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order
Bound to Fail Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer The Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order By 2019, it was clear that the liberal international order was in deep trouble. The tectonic plates that underpin it are shifting, and little can be done to repair and rescue it. Indeed, that order was destined to fail from the start, as it contained the seeds of its own destruction. The fall of the liberal international order horriªes the Western elites who built it and who have beneªted from it in many ways.1 These elites fervently believe that this order was and remains an important force for promoting peace and prosperity around the globe. Many of them blame President Donald Trump for its demise. After all, he expressed contempt for the liberal order when campaigning for president in 2016; and since taking ofªce, he has pur- sued policies that seem designed to tear it down. It would be a mistake, however, to think that the liberal international order is in trouble solely because of Trump’s rhetoric or policies. In fact, more funda- mental problems are at play, which account for why Trump has been able to successfully challenge an order that enjoys almost universal support among the foreign policy elites in the West. The aim of this article is to determine why the liberal world order is in big trouble and to identify the kind of inter- national order that will replace it. I offer three main sets of arguments. First, because states in the modern world are deeply interconnected in a variety of ways, orders are essential for facilitating efªcient and timely interactions. -
Theme Paper MAJ Brian Vaeni
SCUSA 71 Theme Paper MAJ Brian Vaeni Advancing the National Interest: The Intersection of Domestic Politics and American Foreign Policy Readying her 2020 presidential campaign, Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren wrote in Foreign Affairs that, “the United States can no longer maintain the comfortable assumption that its domestic and foreign policies are separate.”1 On that much, she and President Donald Trump likely agree. Warren and Trump share a sense that U.S. foreign policy has become detached from the national public interest and now benefits a narrow elite at the expense of the broader American electorate. The sense of disconnectedness is one of the factors that has prompted a serious reevaluation of U.S. interests. As Walter Russell Mead declared in 2016, “not since Franklin Roosevelt’s administration has U.S. foreign policy witnessed debates this fundamental.”2 At stake is America’s role in the world. Will the United States continue to support free trade and multilateral institutions? Will it continue to exert global leadership amongst democratic allies? For the past 74 years, U.S. foreign policy has been guided by a relatively consistent set of answers to these questions. There appeared to be a consensus that it was in America’s interest to develop and lead a rules-based international order. Yet, over these same years, social, economic, and political changes slowly created a perceived gap between American foreign policy and American interests. The gap is sometimes expressed in material terms (the 1% vs the 99%) and sometimes as an identity rift (elites vs regular Americans), with those on top not only benefitting from the postwar order at the expense of the rest but also abandoning traditional American values. -
International Relations in the US Academy 1
International Studies Quarterly (2011) 55, 437–464 International Relations in the US Academy1 Daniel Maliniak University of California, San Diego Amy Oakes College of William and Mary Susan Peterson College of William and Mary and Michael J. Tierney College of William and Mary Using two new data sources to describe trends in the international rela- tions (IR) discipline since 1980—a database of every article published in the 12 leading journals in the field and three surveys of IR faculty at US colleges and universities—we explore the extent of theoretical, methodological, and epistemological diversity in the American study of IR and the relationship between IR scholarship and the policy-making community in the United States. We find, first, that there is consider- able and increasing theoretical diversity. Although US scholars believe and teach their students that the major paradigms—realism, liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism—define and divide the discipline, most peer-reviewed research does not advance a theoretical argument from one of these theoretical traditions. There is no evidence, moreover, that realism and its focus on power relations among states dominate, or since 1980 ever has dominated, the literature. Second, although three times as many IR scholars report using qualitative methods as their pri- mary approach, more articles published in the top journals currently employ quantitative tools than any other methodological approach. Third, there exists little epistemological diversity in the field: American IR scholars share a strong and growing commitment to positivism. Finally, there is a disjuncture between what American scholars of IR think about the value of producing policy-relevant work and the actual research they generate: few articles in top journals offer explicit policy advice, but scholars believe that their work is both prescriptive and use- ful to policymakers. -
A Brief History of the Future of Urban Computing and Locative Media
A Brief History of the Future of Urban Computing and Locative Media by Anne Galloway, B.A. (Hons.), M.A. A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Anthropology Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2008 Anne Galloway Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43894-7 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43894-7 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
The Geostrategic Debate in the United States of America: the Place of Eurasia, the Western Hemisphere, and Mexico
DOI 1022491/1809-3191.v24n2.p395-418 THE GEOSTRATEGIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: THE PLACE OF EURASIA, THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, AND MEXICO Raphael Padula1 ABSTRACT The main objective of this study is to present the geostrategic debate on the power projection of the USA, from the perspective of its most relevant authors: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan. The argument is that such authors, although following premises of the Realistic School of International Relations, have shown different positions regarding the place of Eurasia and the Western Hemisphere, and particularly of Mexico, in the security and in the geostrategic actions of the United States of America. The study is based on books and original articles by the authors, and very marginally on interviews and secondary texts about the authors. Keywords: United States of America. Geopolitics. Security. 1 Doutor. Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (COPPE - UFRJ), Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasil. E-mail: [email protected] R. Esc. Guerra Nav., Rio de Janeiro, v. 24, n. 2, p. 395-418. maio/agosto. 2018. 396 THE GEOSTRATEGIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA INTRODUCTION The geographic dimension has a central role in the strategic-related and foreign policy formulation of the United States of America. What would be the fundamental relations for the USA in terms of geographic axis? Would it be the North-South axis, which points to the priority of US relations with the Western Hemisphere (America)? The main objective of this study is to present the geostrategic debate on the power projection of the USA, from the perspective of its most relevant authors: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan.