Mosaici Africani a Soggetto Dionisiaco: Una Riflessione*

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Mosaici Africani a Soggetto Dionisiaco: Una Riflessione* MOSAICI AFRICANI A SOGGETTO DIONISIACO: UNA RIFLESSIONE* Emanuela Murgia Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici, Università degli Studi di Trieste. Molti elementi di riflessione metodologica emergono dallo studio delle immagini di divinità, di miti o di riti, soprattutto in ambito domestico1. È certo che questi documenti, non relegabili ad una mera sfera decorativa, sono spesso significativi non solo per l’individuazione di preferenze estetiche, ma anche dell’identità culturale della committenza2. Altrettanto vero, tuttavia, è che solo (e peraltro non sempre) un approccio globale all’insieme dei dati relativi al contesto3 può permettere di chiarire lo ‘statuto’ di quelle immagini efficacemente definite «aux limites du religieux»4. Tra queste, un posto particolarissimo occupano le rappresentazioni che attingono alla sfera dionisiaca5, sull’interpretazione delle quali il dibattito metodologico è lungi dal considerarsi concluso6. Le allusioni ad un valore per così dire ‘religioso’, se non ‘spirituale’, delle raffigura- zioni musive e pittoriche di Dioniso o delle sue vicende mitiche (ma anche, per metonimia, di tirsi, tamburelli, rytha, maschere, personaggi del tiaso, pantere, etc.) non sono rare7, come pure * Ringrazio Marco Fernandelli per i suggerimenti bibliografici. 1. Image et Religion 2008 e i contributi presentati in occasione del convegno Image et religion dans l’espace domestique organizzato il 6-7 giugno 2003 ad Atene dall’École Française d’Athènes, in collaborazione con l’École Française de Rome e la Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene e pubblicati in MÉFRA, 113, 1, 2001 e, 116, 2, 2004. Al tema della rappresentazione del ‘divino’ sono, inoltre, dedicati i colloqui organizzati dal gruppo di ricerca Figura. La représen- tation du divin dans les mondes grec et romain. 2. Mugione, Pouzadoux 2008, p. 303; Robert 2008, p. 414-415. 3. Schmitt-Pantel 2008, p. 307; Robert 2008, p. 412-413. Si veda, invece, l’invito di Grassigli 1995, p. 230, 235 a proposito delle rappresentazioni del mito di Licurgo, ad avviare «un diverso itinerario di studio» per evitare che il tema iconografico in questione, «invece di stabilire un rapporto dialettico con il contesto», finisca «per subirne la determinazione, ricevendo un senso solo da esso». In altri termini sarebbe l’iconografia stessa a giustificare la presenza della scena di Licurgo in un determinato contesto e non viceversa. 4. La definizione è adottata in Image et Religion 2008. 5. Per esempio Grassigli 1995, p. 229-248; Parrish 1995, p. 307-332; Darmon 1999, p. 198-199; Parrish 2004, p. 75-84; Guimier-Sorbets 2011, p. 437-446 per il repertorio musivo, Griesi 2011, p. 243-264, per quello pittorico ercolanese. 6. Wyler 2004, p. 933-951, 2008, p. 449-459; Darmon 2008, p. 485-500; Dunbabin 2008, p. 193. 7. Grimal 1981, p. 323: «les échos dans l’âme», «sentiment du divin, de la présence, des objets naturels, de ‘demones’»; Grassigli 1997, p. 706: «È più difficile, invece, valutare appieno la portata degli altri soggetti dionisiaci. In ogni caso è ovvio ritenere possibile l’esistenza di vari gradi di intensità o di specificità religiosa per un medesimo soggetto»; Darmon 2008, p. 499: «On est tenté de supposer qu’au bout du compte, pour qui savait les lire, leurs représentations profanes restaient imprégnées de quelque valeur spirituelle. Et, même vécues dans la maison, au quotidien, elles Karthago 30 (2016-2017) 133-144. doi: 10.2143/KAR.30.0.3278596 © by Peeters. All rights reserved. 134 EMANUELA MURGIA frequenti sono i riferimenti alla possibile adesione della committenza al dionisismo8 o le letture in chiave iniziatica9. L’accettazione di tali categorie interpretative può indurre a considerare mosaici e pitture a tema dionisiaco tra le fonti attendibili per la ricostruzione della cultura religiosa di un determinato contesto. Un caso esemplare, in tal senso, è quello delle province romane d’Africa che, forse più di altre regioni dell’Impero, hanno restituito pavimenti a soggetto dionisiaco e “tappeti di vite” entro i quali variamente si inseriscono figure di repertorio (satiri, sileni, baccanti, eroti, etc.), se non veri e propri episodi del mito (trionfo di Dioniso, Dioniso e Icario, Arianna dormiente, etc.)10. C’è chi, come Roger Hanoune, ha ritenuto improbabile che suddetti pavimenti possano essere considerati fonti attendibili per delineare i caratteri del dionisismo africano: «ils ne nous apprennent rien ou presque sur les convictions des commanditaires de ces revêtements de sol et ne transforment évidemment pas leurs maisons en sanctuaires ou en sièges de confréries dévotes, que ce soit à Cuicul pour la Maison de Bacchus ou à Thysdrus pour la Maison de la procession dionysique»11. Diversamente altri hanno suggerito per i cosiddetti ‘carpet-vine’, una specifica «connota- zione mistico rituale»12. Francesca Ghedini, in particolare, ha chiarito come «la straordinaria fioritura di raffigurazioni dionisiache nella produzione musiva delle province africane» vada spiegata «nell’ottica dell’esaltazione di una divinità che da un lato si pone come ponte fra terra e cielo, soddisfacendo quella forte esigenza di misticismo propria delle popolazioni locali, dall’altro si qualifica come dio della vegetazione e della fecondità»13. I mosaici a tema dionisiaco (datati dalla seconda metà del II secolo d.C. al IV secolo d.C.)14 confermerebbero, dunque, in ambito privato, una tradizione cultuale di lunga durata che, dalle più antiche attestazioni puniche15 giungerebbe fino alle soglie della tarda antichità16. Come ha specificato Stéphanie Wyler, «le premier écueil à éviter est de confondre les diffé- rentes manifestations du dionysisme à travers les âges et les aires géographiques»17 e che «à partir d’un langage commun, religieux ou iconographique, les images du dionysisme sont libres de continuaient à véhiculer quelque effluve de leur nature divine». Sull’ambiguità di queste considerazioni, Wyler 2008, p. 450-451. 8. Sull’uso talvolta improprio del termine, Wyler 2008, p. 449. 9. Per esempio Grassigli 1995, p. 229-248. 10. Dunbabin 1978, p. 173-187; Boucher 1987, p. 921-922; Kondoleon 1995, p. 236; Slim 1995, p. 87-119; Ghedini 1997, p. 215-247; Balmelle, Brun 2005, p. 899-921 (con specifico riferimento al repertorio inerente i lavori agricoli); Novello 2007, p. 67-80. 11. Hanoune 1986, p. 152-153. Sui mosaici della Maison de Bacchus (Djemila-Cuicul) e della Maison de la procession dionysiaque (El Jem–Thysdrus), si veda il recente Turcan 2003, p. 125-127. Sull’individuazione dei luoghi di culto a Dioniso, Jaccottet 2010, p. 249-267, in particolare p. 254-264. 12. Ghedini 1997, p. 215 e 241. In questo senso, e non solo per i ‘tappeti di vite’, già Foucher 1974-1975, p. 8; Boussaada Ahlem 1992, p. 1060. Così anche Novello 2007, p. 75-80. 13. Ghedini 1997, p. 241. 14. Ibid., p. 232-233. 15. Su tali testimonianze Picard 1979, p. 83-113. 16. Ghedini 1997, p. 240-241. La studiosa suggerisce, inoltre, che la raffigurazione delle vigne poteva alludere al diasparagmos, p. 241. Così anche Novello 2007, p. 77. 17. Wyler 2008, p. 449. MOSAICI AFRICANI A SOGGETTO DIONISIACO: UNA RIFLESSIONE 135 manipulations et d’interprétations, dans la mesure précisément où le contexte dans lequel elles ont été conçues et reçues n’est pas cultuel»18. In quest’ottica, dunque, un ritorno al contesto appare quanto mai necessario19. Del ricco corpus musivo a tema dionisiaco, vorrei soffermarmi sull’analisi del pavimento che ornava l’oecus della ‘Casa del Sileno’ di El Jem-Thysdrus (figg. 1-2)20 e che presenta, secondo alcuni, raffigurazioni «connotate in senso religioso» (il Sileno ebbro con Eroti e Ninfa, lo svela- mento del phallus, la menade con il serpente, il sileno che ammansisce un leone)21. La frequenza con la quale la tematica dionisiaca appare nei mosaici dell’antica Thysdrus, rispetto al resto dell’Africa Proconsularis, è tale22 da chiedersene la ragione, sia essa da ricercare in una sorta di ‘moda’, in una esibizione di cultura classica o, piuttosto, nell’adesione dei proprietari delle varie dimore «à l’idéologie impériale fondée sur un syncretisme où le bachisme avait sa large part»23. Quest’ultima ipotesi parrebbe la più accreditata tra gli studiosi: nel commit- tente della ‘Casa dei mesi’24, per esempio, si è proposto di individuare un iniziato ai misteri di Dionysos-Bacchus-Osiris25. Anche nella ‘Casa di Bacco’26, per proporre un altro caso, il soggetto di uno dei mosaici (datato alla seconda metà del IV secolo d.C.) sembrerebbe «rievocare, in un momento in cui il paganesimo morente lasciava spazio alla nuova religione cristiana e al sotter- raneo dilagare di culti salvazionistici, l’antica figura delShadrapa punico»27. È possibile, dunque, affermare che il repertorio musivo tisdritano fosse connotato da un forte valore semantico, e che Dioniso vi apparisse nei suoi diversi aspetti e possibili rapporti con altre divinità (Bacchus, Liber Pater, Osiris, Shadrapa) o figure del mito (Orfeo)? È chiaro che una risposta a tale quesito non può che essere ottenuta interrogando una pluralità di fonti (epigrafiche, letterarie, archeologiche) condividendo, in questo senso, la stessa strada intrapresa dagli storici delle religioni28. 18. Ibid., p. 450. Si veda, per esempio, l’evoluzione dei programmi figurativi dionisiaci a Pompei, tra età repubblicana e principato, Wyler 2006, p. 155-163. Cfr. anche Zanker 2009, p. 91-92 a proposito dell’uso del repertorio dioni- siaco come sinonimo di adesione ad uno stile di vita ellenizzante. Considerazioni analoghe valgono, mutatis mutandis, per le pitture egittizzanti, Bragantini 2012, p. 21-33. 19. Si veda, a questo proposito, l’invito di Jaccottet 2003, p. 184-189, 193 a considerare con estrema prudenza le immagini ‘dionisiache’ estrapolate dal loro contesto. 20. Foucher 1961, p. 27-29, 1964, p. 252-253; Dunbabin 1978, p. 117, n. 28; Parrish 1984, n. 33, Ghedini 1997, p. 242-243, n. 5-6; Bullo, Ghedini 2003, Thysdrus 8; Novello 2007, p. 256, Thys. 6. 21. Ghedini 1997, p.
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