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Making Monks, Making Men: the Role of Buddhist Monasticism in Shaping Northern Thai Identities

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Making Monks, Making Men: the Role of Buddhist Monasticism in Shaping Northern Thai Identities THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO MAKING MONKS, MAKING MEN: THE ROLE OF BUDDHIST MONASTICISM IN SHAPING NORTHERN THAI IDENTITIES A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE HUMAN DEVELOPMENT BY MICHAEL ROSS CHLADEK CHICAGO, ILLINOIS JUNE 2017 Copyright © 2017 by Michael Ross Chladek Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International Public License cbnd For my parents TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures vi List of Tables vii Acknowledgments viii Note on Language x Abstract xi 1 Introduction 1 1.1 The Problem with Thai Youth and Becoming a “Good Child” ............ 7 1.2 Reproducing the Nation? Problems with the Monastic Community ........ 9 1.2.1 Concerns over the Sangha’s Morality ..................... 10 1.2.2 Concerns over the Sangha’s Masculinity ................... 12 1.3 Can Monasticism Really Transform Boys? Laity’s Conflicting Attitudes ...... 14 1.4 Overview of Dissertation’s Argument ......................... 18 1.4.1 The Embodiment of Religion, Social Reproduction, and Agency ...... 19 1.4.2 Youth, Moral Development, and Social Change within Institutions .... 22 1.4.3 Hegemonic Masculinity and the Reproduction of Gender .......... 25 1.5 Overview of Fieldsite and Methods .......................... 29 1.6 Chapter Outline ..................................... 35 2 The Many Roles of the Thai Sangha: A History of Monastic Education in Northern Thailand 38 2.1 An Ambiguous Relationship: A History of State-Sangha Relations ......... 40 2.2 The Role of Buddhism in the Moral Education of a “Good Child” .......... 47 2.3 The Future of Temples’ Roles: The Case of Charoensat School ........... 51 2.3.1 Changing Landscape of Education in Thailand ................ 54 2.3.2 Two Potential Organizing Models for Temples ................ 58 2.4 Conclusion: Charoensat School’s Move as a Refraction of the Thai Sangha .... 62 3 “They Will Be Like Diamonds”: Novices Adjusting to the Monastic Performance of Being Riaproi 65 3.1 What It Means to Be Riaproi .............................. 70 3.2 How Novices Learn to Be Riaproi ........................... 72 3.2.1 A Day at a Novice Summer Camp ....................... 73 3.2.2 Adjusting to Being Riaproi with Patience ................... 81 3.3 Demonstrating Riaproi-ness to Convey Interiority or Produce Actions ....... 84 3.3.1 Language Ideology, Truth, and Action in Northern Thailand ........ 86 3.3.2 Disparate Ideologies Co-existing ....................... 92 3.3.3 Reasons for Disparate Ideologies ....................... 94 3.4 Conclusion ........................................ 98 iv 4 Constructing “The Middle”: Imagined Laity and Reworking Monastic Ideals 100 4.1 Social Rules, Obligations, and Expectations ...................... 106 4.2 Relationship between Monastic and Lay Approaches to Rules ............ 108 4.2.1 Vinaya as Substantive or Ceremonial Rules ................. 110 4.2.2 Symmetrical versus Asymmetrical Orientations towards the Vinaya ... 115 4.3 Novices Learning Rules, Paths, and Intentions .................... 121 4.4 Constructing Regional Identity by Negotiating Monastic Ideals ........... 128 4.4.1 Northern Thai Uniqueness ........................... 129 4.4.2 Monastic Strictness and Northern Thai Uniqueness ............. 131 4.5 Conclusion ........................................ 134 5 “Are You a Man?”: How Monasticism Shapes the Moral Contours of Masculinity135 5.1 Conceptions of Gender, Monastic Masculinity, and the Moral Contours of Gen- derscapes ......................................... 139 5.1.1 Earlier Scholarly Notions of Gender and Sexuality ............. 140 5.1.2 Contemporary Notions of Gender and Sexuality among Youth ....... 141 5.1.3 Revised Scholarly Notions of Gender and Sexuality ............. 145 5.1.4 The Moral Underpinnings of Genderscapes ................. 146 5.1.5 Monastic Masculinity and Its Forms of “Real Man” ............. 148 5.1.6 The Gendered Requirements for Ordination ................. 150 5.2 How Monasticism Reinforces the Moral Contours of Genderscapes ........ 152 5.2.1 Guarding Ordination to Guard “Real” Manhood ............... 153 5.2.2 Using Temporary Monasticism to Construct “Real Men” .......... 157 5.2.3 The (In)ability for Effeminate Monastics to Adjust .............. 158 5.3 How Monasticism Reshapes the Moral Contours of Genderscapes ......... 160 5.3.1 Expanding the Category of Purisa: The Case of Phra Jazz .......... 160 5.3.2 Changing Laity’s Conceptions of Monastic Masculinity ........... 163 5.4 Conclusion ........................................ 170 6 Monastic Bodies and the Embodiment of the Sangha 172 6.1 Standing in for the Nation: Monastic Body as Representation ............ 176 6.2 A Brief History of Monastic Robes in Thailand .................... 178 6.2.1 Historical Continuities in the Robes ...................... 179 6.2.2 Regional Discontinuities in the Robes ..................... 181 6.2.3 History, Representation, and the Monastic Body ............... 183 6.3 Displaying Morality on the Body and through the Robes .............. 185 6.4 Tightness of Robes as Indicator of Gender ...................... 188 6.5 Multi-bodied Selves: Beyond the Monastic Body as Representation ......... 191 6.6 Conclusion: Revisiting Monasticism’s Roles in Thai Society ............. 196 7 Conclusion 198 References 206 v LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Billboard advertising free secondary education for boys who ordain as Buddhist novice monks ............................................. 2 3.1 Evening lineup with younger novices fixing their robes while older novices inspect . 65 3.2 Students in school uniforms at a government school ................... 71 3.3 Novices during morning chanting and trying to stay awake ............... 75 3.4 Novices developing unity and riaproi-ness at breakfast ................. 75 3.5 Novices on binthabat with a monk guiding them on where and how to walk ..... 76 3.6 Novices giving a blessing to lay supporters ........................ 77 3.7 Afternoon class on the “proper” way to eat led by an older novice ........... 79 3.8 Evening “interview” of one of the novices by two monks ................ 80 4.1 Trays of food leftover from the laity’s morning offerings ................ 123 4.2 Novices at the hot springs .................................. 126 5.1 Chart of gender/sexuality categories ............................ 143 6.1 A novice wearing his robes in the dong style ....................... 182 6.2 A monk and novices wearing their robes in the buap or “two shoulder” (song lai) style 183 vi LIST OF TABLES 1.1 Sex ratio across Thailand and in northern Thailand, 1990–2010 ............. 13 2.1 Changes in population and education across Thailand, 1990–2010 ........... 54 2.2 Monastic population across Chiang Mai province, 2010–2014 .............. 56 2.3 Number of secondary education students at temple schools across Thailand, 2010– 2014 ............................................. 56 2.4 Number of secondary education students across Thailand, 2010–2014 ......... 57 2.5 Number of students at Charoensat School, 2009–2013 .................. 58 5.1 Explanation of arrows pointing out the relationships among gender/sexuality cate- gories ............................................. 143 vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am foremost greatly indebted to all of the district I have called Namsai, especially the monastics and lay supporters of Wat Doi Thong, Wat Ton Pai, and Wat Namsai. Thank you for letting me into your homes, schools, and allowing me to participate in the monastic life temporarily. I am grateful for the grace and patience with which you handled my presence, complete with sub- optimal language at first and the numerous social faux pas I surely committed. ThelessonsI learned in knowing and adjusting oneself will last lifetimes. This project would not have been possible without funding. Research was supported by the National Science Foundation, the Society for Psychological Anthropology / Lemelson Pre- dissertation Award made possible by a generous donation from The Robert Lemelson Founda- tion, the Empowering Network for International Thai Studies at Chulalongkorn University, and the Rynerson Research Fund. Language training was vital to the feasibility of this project. This training would not have been possible without the support of the Foreign Language Area Studies Fellowship from the US Department of Education and the Southeast Asia Summer Studies Insti- tute at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. Being able to devote time to writing was made possible by the William Rainey Harper Dissertation-Year Fellowship from the Division of Social Sciences, the Center for the Study of Gender and Sexuality, the Committee on Southern Asian Studies, and a fellowship made possible by Lawrence & Susan Gianinno. Thank you to all. Thank you to my committee members for their tremendous mentorship. Jennifer Colewas extremely generous with her time, carefully reading several drafts, always challenging me to im- prove my writing and hone in on my argument, and training me to think like an anthropologist. Steven Collins showed me how rewarding the academic study of Buddhism could be and pushed me to think about the social performance of monasticism. Nancy Eberhardt’s work on Buddhism and the life course was foundational to this project. I am grateful for her careful readings and in- sightful comments that challenged me to think more critically about religious experience. Richard Shweder has been
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