reviews

Glasgow Hillhead. John Camp- John Camp- exchequer, a liberal home secre- index at the end of the 818 pages of bell says that ‘On a personal level tary and, briefly, foreign secre- Campbell’s book. Jenkins’ victory at Hillhead was bell has writ- tary. In retirement, Butler became I first met Roy Jenkins in July perhaps the high point of his politi- Master of Trinity College, Cam- 1951 when he interviewed me cal life.’ He was now to be seen as ten a fine bridge and wrote an elegant for an appointment. So ‘Jenkins’ prime minister designate and he personal memoir. But this was became ‘Roy’ for more than fifty pencilled-in a putative Alliance book fully nothing compared with Jenkins’ years. I was very fond of Roy and I Cabinet including David Steel as busy social life and writing nine thought of him as my elder brother home secretary and leader of the reflecting books, and a tenth – about Frank- in politics. Sometimes we shared house, Shirley Williams as foreign lin Delano Roosevelt – published our holidays in Tuscany and in secretary and me, to my pleasure, both on Roy after his death, making twenty- later years we talked regularly on as chancellor. This was the second two in all. His books on Gladstone the telephone on Sunday morn- peak of Jenkins’ career – but all too Jenkins’ dis- and then on Churchill were out- ing. On the last occasion we met, soon followed his second trough. standing, building on his experi- shortly before Christmas 2002, my He was elected leader of the SDP tinguished ence in writing Asquith (1964), the wife and I enjoyed lunch with Roy but with a much smaller margin royalties of which had enabled him and Jennifer at one of his favour- over David Owen than had been public career to buy his modest but comfortable ite country pubs. Clearly he was expected. He found difficulty in and his inti- country house in East Hendred, unwell and due to enter hospital adjusting to the Commons because Oxfordshire, which he made his after the holiday season but I was for many years he had spoken with mate per- principal home. dismayed when his son Charles gravitas and authority to a respect- In writing Asquith and drawing telephoned me on the morning of ful House. But now it was a less sonal style on Asquith’s love letters to Vene- Sunday 5 January 2003 to say that disciplined place, with Labour and tia Stanley, he came up against the Roy had died. After a gap of ten Tory MPs determined to make his and life. formidable Violet Bonham Carter years, John Campbell has written life as hard as possible. In addition, who did not approve the publica- a fine book fully reflecting both on as Campbell puts it, on television tion of these matters. Very differ- Roy Jenkins’ distinguished pub- Jenkins ‘looked and sounded old, ently, Jennifer Jenkins, his wife lic career and his intimate personal flabby and long-winded’: nor was – also formidable – has allowed style and life. he good at ‘the quick-fire exchange John Campbell to write freely of pithy soundbites’ in which David about her husband’s adolescent Bill Rodgers (Lord Rodgers of Quarry Owen and David Steel excelled. In sexual relationship with Tony Cro- Bank) was a member of the ‘Gang of the middle of the 1983 election, the sland and his affaires with his adult Four’ who founded the Social Demo- Liberal hierarchy tried, although girlfriends. All of this can be found cratic Party in 1981. He led the Liberal unsuccessfully, to replace Jenkins in the impressive, comprehensive Democrat peers from 1997 to 2001. with Steel as the Alliance leader. In perspective, the 1983 election result was far from a disaster for the SDP–Liberal Alliance. Its share of the vote was 25.4 per cent (against Minded to slay national ignorance the previous Liberal high-water- mark of 19.3 per cent in 1974), only James Dixon, Out of : George Dixon (1820–98), 2.2 per cent short of Labour at 27.6 ‘Father of Free Education’ (Brewin Books, 2013) per cent. Nearly 8 million votes had been cast for either of the two Alli- Reviewed by Tony Little ance parties and it could be seen as a remarkable achievement. But that is hen Tony Blair chose minister. But Forster was not acting not how it felt. With David Owen ‘education, educa- in a vacuum. Vigorous campaign- pressing for his immediate resigna- Wtion, education’ as the ing had created the environment tion, Jenkins accepted the verdict, mantra for his government’s pri- in which the government felt com- remaining in the House of Com- orities, he unintentionally echoed pelled to take action and campaign- mons until he was defeated at Hill- George Dixon’s ‘educate, educate, ing had also fashioned the choices head in 1987. educate’, while also demonstrating and compromises by which the A few weeks earlier, Jenkins the enduring importance of state government modified its propos- had been elected Chancellor of schooling within political debate als; compromises which dictate that Oxford University. When he was more than 140 years after the pas- we still have church schools and installed in June, he wrote that sage of the Gladstone administra- that education has largely been a ‘Nothing in my life has been given tion’s 1870 Education Act. That act responsibility of local authorities me greater pleasure.’ It was, says enabled the provision of govern- despite the depredations of Blair, John Campbell, the perfect retire- ment elementary schooling, a field Gove and Laws. ment for him. But far from retire- that till then had been largely a George Dixon was pre-eminent ment, Jenkins continued to enjoy matter for private enterprise, chari- among those crusading for educa- his well-rounded life for another ties and the churches. tion to be provided by the nation fifteen years. In some ways, Jen- The 1870 Act is usually, and for all children whatever their fam- kins’ political career had been a rightly, credited to W. E. For- ily income. Dixon is now largely parallel to R. A. Butler’s, as But- ster who introduced the bill to the forgotten, or at least largely for- ler had been chancellor of the House as the appropriate junior gotten outside Birmingham, the

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 43 reviews

community. Dixon lived in one of man who could set out demands, the nicer parts of Birmingham but unlimited by practicalities, and his daily walk to work took him could provide the inspirational through rougher districts and regu- oratory to make followers believe larly confronted him with the pov- the vision. That man, Joe Cham- erty of large numbers of his fellow berlain, rather than George Dixon citizens and with the groups of ill- is the man who is remembered as dressed and uneducated children embodying Victorian Birming- spending their days hanging round ham. Chamberlain made Dixon’s the streets for want of better oppor- leadership of the National Educa- tunities. Generous with his money, tion League almost insufferable and Dixon was also generous with his also forced Dixon to give up his time. A prominent member of parliamentary seat to provide Joe Birmingham Liberal Association, with a safe berth. The continuation probably the best organised, Radi- of the Nonconformist campaign cal, electoral campaigning organi- even after the passing of Forster’s sation of its time, he became a local act was a significant contributory councillor in 1863, mayor in 1866 factor in Gladstone’s defeat of 1874. and a local MP in 1867. James Dixon’s book sets out the But it was those ragged chil- complex story of the campaign for dren to whom his life was devoted. state primary education and of the Following a series of meetings disputes between the two men. But organised by Dixon, a Birming- he goes much further. The For- ham Education Society was formed ster act proved the salvation of the whose members contributed to church schools but it also provided provide schools and pay pupil fees. enterprising local authorities with But Dixon and his colleagues were the opportunity to provide elemen- ambitious, arguing for state-funded tary education for all who wished town where he made his life and compulsory primary schooling and it. And Birmingham was noth- reputation. This is in part because established a National Education ing if not enterprising. The rest the archival material is limited, in League to promote the campaign of the story is of Dixon’s achieve- part because of his personality and, with Dixon as the chairman. In Vic- ments as chairman of the Birming- perhaps in the largest part, because torian Britain, this proved highly ham School Board, a post in which other prominent Birmingham controversial for two reasons. he succeeded Chamberlain and figures have hogged most of the Firstly, it cut across the work of the held for most of the rest of his life. limelight. Anglican Church who provided the Despite Chamberlain’s best efforts The Victorian Liberal Party was bulk of such primary schooling as Dixon continued to try and defuse built on Whig families who sup- existed but lacked the resources to the denominational controversy. plied a bedrock of administrative build schools for all. Secondly, little He exploited ambiguities in the capabilities, buttressed by Peelite in Victorian politics escaped con- legislation to extend education into endeavour and earnestness, and tagion from religious differences what would now be considered the Radical campaigning enthusiasm. and the solution advocated by the secondary sector and promoted Dixon was a typical product of this NEL was for state secular education higher standards and qualifications milieu. Of the middling sort, he with religious teaching provided for teachers. Through his own gen- received a (Leeds) grammar school separately and privately. Dixon was erosity and that of his extensive education before making his for- himself an Anglican but many of his acquaintances a high school educa- tune in (overseas) trade through activists were Nonconformists who tion was instigated for a partnership in Rabone Bros. of had the strongest possible objections girls. Following the 1884 Reform Birmingham. In his youth he was to the education provided by Angli- Act, Dixon resumed his parlia- a friend of the Brontës. Business can schools and to the use of their mentary career and although he brought him into contact with taxes to fund such a denominational opposed Gladstone in the home rule prominent commercial, Liberal education. crisis, this neither upset his position families such as the Rathbones of James Dixon paints a picture of on the Birmingham School Board Liverpool and marriage connected his ancestor George as that greatly nor stopped him sharing London him with . Dixon’s undervalued politician, a reasona- accommodation with the Glad- growing commercial success took ble man ready to recognise limiting stonian Stansfeld. He pursued his him to Canada and the Antipodes, practicalities and willing to com- own line on education issues even journeys which imbued him with promise for the sake of progress; a when he differed from fellow Lib- a lifelong enthusiasm for colonial man who could chair and manage eral Unionists or the Unionist gov- emigration as an answer to British committees. Without such persons ernment. To the end he fought for poverty. Success also brought him government becomes impossible, compulsory free education and it is the chairmanship of the Birming- but political fame favours a differ- at least debatable whether he rather ham Chamber of Commerce. ent type. Unfortunately for Dixon, than Chamberlain left the greater As with so many of his contem- Victorian Birmingham also nur- legacy to his city and his nation. poraries, success also brought a tured one of the best examples of As James Dixon makes clear, any determination to benefit his local that charismatic alternative – the biographer of the ‘Father of Free

44 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 reviews

Education’ is handicapped by the away with a greater admiration for appointment as Home Secretary. destruction of family archives dur- Dixon’s persistent, patient, practi- While such upsets were relatively ing the Second World War and the cal campaigning, toleration and rare (Winston Churchill losing his personal positions of George Dixon dedication. Along the way he will seat at North-west in often have to be inferred rather learn much about the organisation 1908 is another celebrated example), than documented. However, the and centrality of the Birmingham Hawkins shows that fear of by-elec- author has made extensive use of Liberal Association which provided tions frequently constrained prime local newspapers and other publica- the foundation for Chamberlain’s ministers’ room for manoeuvre in tions in which the campaigns were fame. making ministerial appointments. much more extensively recorded Appropriately, royalties from Kathryn Rix’s article on by- and debated than could be expected the sale of this well produced and elections and party organisation from today’s degraded press. well-illustrated book go to the Pris- between 1867 and 1914 highlights Despite the author’s best efforts, the oner’s Education Trust to further the increasing professionalisation of casual modern reader familiar with George Dixon’s work. by-election campaigns during this contemporary education may still period. Her description of late-Vic- struggle with the significant differ- Tony Little is the Chair of the Liberal torian and Edwardian by-elections ence between secular and non-sec- Democrat History Group. will seem very familiar to modern tarian education but he will come campaigners: extensive drafting in of outside help, the opportunity for agents to share expertise and intro- duce new campaigning techniques, tension between outsiders and local A history of by-elections candidates and activists. There is a further contemporary resonance in T. G. Otte and Paul Readman (eds.), By-elections in British the discussion of the role of ‘auxil- politics 1832–1914 (Boydell, 2013) iary organisations’ intervening in election campaigns. The 1883 Cor- Reviewed by Iain Sharpe rupt Practices Act had excluded third-party campaigning from can- y-elections have an iconic twentieth centuries, the more so didate’s election expenses. This cre- status in modern Liberal as they were often the best way of ated a situation where, for example, Bhistory, whether as a har- gauging the state of public opinion at the 1908 Peckham by-election a binger of revival, as at Torrington between general elections. range of organisations, including or Orpington, or a much-needed In the opening contribution, the Tariff Reform League, the Coal sign of resilience, as with Liverpool Philip Salmon argues that by-elec- Consumers Association, the Sport- Edge Hill or the recent contest at tion contests between 1832 and 1860 ing League and the suffragettes Eastleigh. They have proved less helped to strengthen voters’ party interesting to academic historians: loyalty. With most constituen- until now there has been just one cies at the time electing two MPs full-length volume on the subject, a and with no secret ballot, many collection of essays edited by Chris voters split their votes at general Cook and John Ramsden covering elections between candidates of the period between the First World rival parties. By-elections forced War and the 1970s.1 So this work them to ‘plump’ one way or the fills a significant gap in the study of other. Salmon demonstrates using British politics, tackling the years detailed statistical analysis that hav- between the Great Reform Act and ing come down off the fence at the the outbreak of the First World War. by-election voters often retained Like Cook and Ramsden’s vol- their newfound allegiance and at ume, this is a collection of essays the subsequent general election by a range of authors rather than a voted for two candidates of one single monograph. The editors have party rather than one of each. adopted neither a strictly chrono- Angus Hawkins discusses what logical nor a thematic approach, to modern eyes is a strange phe- but a hybrid of the two, which nomenon, ministerial by-elections. can be enriching by giving dif- Until 1919 MPs had to seek re-elec- ferent perspectives on the same tion when appointed to ministe- period, but can also lead to dupli- rial office. Often such by-elections cation and omission, in particular were uncontested, but, as Hawkins a bias towards the late Victorian shows, at times of particular cri- and Edwardian eras. Nonetheless, sis or controversy they could lead individually and collectively these to embarrassing defeats for newly essays make a strong case for the appointed ministers. The most importance of by-elections in the famous case was Lord John Russell development of British party poli- losing his South Devon seat in 1835 tics during the nineteenth and early when seeking re-election after his

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 45