DOCSLIB.ORG

John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889 ‘TRUE TO HIS priNCiplES’? JOHN Bright, LIBERAliSM AND IriSH HOME RULE 1886 – 1889 In his 2012 biography, Bill Cash suggests that John Bright’s behaviour during the home rule crisis of 1886 revealed him to have become a Conservative by the end of his life. Cash’s reasoning was that Bright had, by 1886, become more concerned with preserving the rule of law and the unity of Great Britain than with the abstract concepts of ‘freedom and liberty’ that had dominated his political philosophy in his earlier career.1 Ian Cawood examines Cash’s claims and concludes that, to the contrary, Bright remained the epitome of radical Victorian Liberalism to the end of his life. 10 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 ‘TRUE TO HIS priNCiplES’? JOHN Bright, LIBERAliSM AND IriSH HOME RULE 1886 – 1889 f course, Bright was background, Bright blamed Ire- Nationalists in the Commons that famously poor at explain- land’s condition on the power of the they would win much greater sup- Oing his actions over the established Anglican church and the port if they confined themselves to home rule debate, rarely speaking wealth of the absentee Irish land- purely peaceful, constitutional lob- in public during these years and sel- lords. Bright had contributed to bying, which Cobden and Bright dom visiting Birmingham, where the eradication of the first of these had pioneered with the Anti-Corn his constituency was located. In problems when the Irish Church Law League between 1838 and this way, he allowed others, most was disestablished in 1869, but the 1846. He persisted in referring to notably Joseph Chamberlain and land problem remained intracta- the Nationalists as ‘rebels’ and he the nascent Liberal Unionist Asso- ble. Bright personally believed that attacked the Conservatives for flirt- ciation, to present his behaviour in the landed estates should be broken ing with Charles Stuart Parnell ways that benefitted their agenda. up, stating that he ‘would give Ire- between 1883 and 1886. His dis- Cash, in what is otherwise a very land to the Irish.’ He was however, like of Parnell’s character and his good biography, has, however, per- not sure that the landlords could or impractical and foolish solutions to haps not placed Bright’s opposition should be bought out, and favoured the Irish problem (in Bright’s eyes) in the broadest possible context the idea of building up the Irish would be a decisive factor when the of contemporary Liberal attitudes small landowners with the compul- issue was forced to the front of the towards the idea of home rule. sory purchase of land from corpo- political agenda in 1886. Bright’s position on Ireland was rations or of private land capable of While Bright’s position on land much the same as that of Millicent cultivation, but left to waste after reform was crystal clear, his atti- Fawcett, T. H. Huxley, Herbert the depopulation of Ireland in the tude towards Irish demands for Spencer, Leonard Courtney and Sir 1860s. Bright, together with his political autonomy was far more John Lubbock, none of whom, even political mentor, Richard Cobden, opaque. In 1868 he condemned after 1886, could be safely catego- believed that Ireland needed such the means whereby ‘the extinc- rised as ‘Conservative’. In contrast state intervention in order to cre- tion of the Irish Parliament’ in to Cash, who interprets Bright as ate the crucial feature for a stable 1800 was achieved as ‘force and shifting his position in 1886, Rob- and workable political system, a fraud and corruption’ but, in the ert Walling, who edited Bright’s strong middle class.3 Even before same speech, he claimed that he diaries, regards him as ‘a Unionist by 1886, Bright favoured policies that much preferred to find the policies absolute and lifelong conviction.’2 cannot be reconciled with either whereby Westminster could render Bright had long taken an inter- historical or with present-day ‘Ireland content to be a portion of est in Ireland and had visited the Conservatism. a greater nation.’4 In the same year, country in 1832, 1849 and again Bright had been disappointed he described the political condi- in 1852 in order to see for himself by the 1870 Irish Land Act, as it tion of Ireland as ‘anarchy, which the condition of the country, find- had failed to create an Irish class is subdued by force’ but was non- ing there conditions that ‘move the of small landowners, but he had committal on the solution to this hardest heart’. As the Fenian disor- been increasingly concerned by the problem.5 When he was named as a ders of the 1860s spread he returned willingness of the Irish National- supporter of home rule by national- to Ireland twice and reported to the ist leaders to endorse (or, at least, ists in 1872, he actively demurred, House of Commons in 1866 that fail to condemn) the violence and issuing a public denial in which he Ireland was the only part of the intimidation of the Irish Land condemned the idea of ‘two legisla- United Kingdom to have become League. He endorsed the 1881 tive assemblies in the United King- poorer since becoming part of the Land Act with its guarantees of fair dom’ as ‘an intolerable mischief.’ United Kingdom. Perhaps unsur- rent, fixity of tenure and free sale, John Bright This was a rejection of the federal prisingly given his radical Quaker but as he did so, he lectured the (1811-89) solution for the United Kingdom, Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 11 ‘TRUE TO hiS priNCiplES’? JOHN Bright, LIBERAliSM AND IriSH HOME RULE 1886 – 1889 rather than mere anti-Irish preju- the struggling British taxpayer. disposal of a leader from whose dice, however. Although Bright When Gladstone announced pre- authority no appeal is allowed?’11 shared Gladstone’s desire to reform cisely this on 16 June 1886, Bright This dislike of Gladstone’s per- Westminster, where the National- noted in his diary, ‘scheme, in my ceived dictatorial tendencies united ists carried out a policy of obstruc- judgement, not a wise one.’9 He the leader of the moderate Union- tion which disrupted his second was, however, far more alarmed by ists, Lord Hartington, with the administration between 1880 and the Irish Government Bill, which leader of the radical Unionists, 1885, Bright preferred to retain did exclude the Irish members, but Joseph Chamberlain. The authori- the issue within the institution.6 insisted that Ireland should con- tarian approach which Gladstone Although seriously tempted by the tinue to pay £4.5 million to cover appeared to be taking to the Irish idea of excluding the Irish members customs, bureaucracy and defence. question was regarded by many, from Westminster, in July 1886, he As the Irish would have no MPs such as Bright, as contradicting the suggested that a special ‘Commit- in Westminster to scrutinise how founding principle of the Liberal tee For Ireland’ should be formed this money was spent, this violated Party: to protect the right of indi- of the Irish MPs, which would be the Liberal commitment that there viduals to hold firm to their princi- given the role normally reserved should never be ‘taxation with- ples.12 A Liberal was distinguished, for the whole house, of approv- out representation.’ Furthermore, according to Andrew Reid, by his ing or rejecting the second read- the Irish were to have a parliament ‘love of his own conscience more ing of any Irish bill. For Bright, the in Dublin, not merely a council, than the approval of the conscience advantage of such a scheme would which, Bright told Gladstone to his of the people’ and Gladstone’s capit- be that: face, was ‘surrender all along the ulation to the demands of Nation- line’ to what he termed ‘the Rebel alist Ireland led many to reject their You get the absolute control of Party’, who had used violence revered leader.13 Bright therefore the Irish members in their own and intimidation to gain political opposed the Home Rule Bills, not chamber at Westminster to representation.10 merely for their content, but for the arrange the clauses of [a] bill … Although Bright disliked both manner of their adoption. would shape it exactly as they Bills for consistently Liberal rea- At first Bright attempted to liked, and then it would be sub- sons, Gladstone’s lack of considera- refrain from committing himself mitted to the whole Parliament tion for the stated principles of his in the home rule debate. When … [who] would be willing … to own party was probably crucial contacted by the former Attorney defer to the opinions of the Irish in provoking Bright to join the General, Henry James, he refused Committee, and to accept the Unionist rebellion. As he wrote to to join the Liberal Unionist Com- measures they had discussed and William Caine, a fellow radical, Fig 1. ‘Et tu, mittee being organised by George agreed upon.7 ‘what will be the value of a party Brighté!’ Punch, 1 Goschen.14 In his election address to when its whole power is laid at the May 1886 his constituents in 1885, Bright had Like many Liberals, John Bright was therefore horrified when Wil- liam Gladstone, after falling sev- enteen seats short of a majority in the December 1885 general elec- tion, announced his conversion to the principle of Irish home rule, without any consultation with his colleagues or party. Bright, in common with others in his party, favoured some limited measure of local government in Ireland, in much the same way that they wanted rural England to be con- trolled by elected councils.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
    individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Mundella Papers Scope
    University of Sheffield Library. Special Collections and Archives Ref: MS 6 - 9, MS 22 Title: Mundella Papers Scope: The correspondence and other papers of Anthony John Mundella, Liberal M.P. for Sheffield, including other related correspondence, 1861 to 1932. Dates: 1861-1932 (also Leader Family correspondence 1848-1890) Level: Fonds Extent: 23 boxes Name of creator: Anthony John Mundella Administrative / biographical history: The content of the papers is mainly political, and consists largely of the correspondence of Mundella, a prominent Liberal M.P. of the later 19th century who attained Cabinet rank. Also included in the collection are letters, not involving Mundella, of the family of Robert Leader, acquired by Mundella’s daughter Maria Theresa who intended to write a biography of her father, and transcriptions by Maria Theresa of correspondence between Mundella and Robert Leader, John Daniel Leader and another Sheffield Liberal M.P., Henry Joseph Wilson. The collection does not include any of the business archives of Hine and Mundella. Anthony John Mundella (1825-1897) was born in Leicester of an Italian father and an English mother. After education at a National School he entered the hosiery trade, ultimately becoming a partner in the firm of Hine and Mundella of Nottingham. He became active in the political life of Nottingham, and after giving a series of public lectures in Sheffield was invited to contest the seat in the General Election of 1868. Mundella was Liberal M.P. for Sheffield from 1868 to 1885, and for the Brightside division of the Borough from November 1885 to his death in 1897.
    [Show full text]
  • Richard Cobden, Educationist, Economist
    RICHARD COBDEN, EDUCATIONIST, ECONOMIST AND STATESMAN. BY PETER NELSON FARRAR M.A. (oxoN), M.A. (LVPL). THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD. Division of Education, June 1987. ii CONTENTS Page Ref. Summary iv Abbreviations vi Photographs vii Preface and Acknowledgements viii Part I. An Analysis of Cobden's Ideas and the Formative Influences. Chapter 1. An introductory analysis of Cobden's social philosophy and political activities. 1, 18 2. Cobden's character and formative years. 21, 39 3. Cobden's religious, moral and educa- tional philosophy. 41, 63 4. Cobden's approach to economics. 65, 81 Part II. Thought and Action 1835-1865. 5. The pen of "a Manchester manufacturer". 85, 98 6. Education for the people of Sabden and Chorley. 100, 120 7. Awakening Manchester 1835-1836 123, 147 8. The establishment of the Manchester Society for Promoting National Education. 152, 173 9. Educating the working class: schools and lyceums. 177, 195 10. "The education of 17 millions" the Anti-Corn Law League. 199, 231 11. Cobden and Frederic Bastiat: defining the economics of a consumer society. 238, 264 12. Amid contending ideals of national education 1843-1850. 269, 294 13. Guiding the National Public School Association 1850-1854. 298, 330 14. The Manchester Model Secular School. 336, 353 15. Cobden's last bid for a national education 1855-57. 355, 387 iii Page Ref. 16. The schooling of Richard Cobden junior. 391, 403 17. Newspapers for the millions. 404, 435 18. Investing in a future civilisation: the land development of the Illinois Central Railroad.
    [Show full text]
  • For a Casual Faith and This Is No Time to Go It Alone
    NO TIME UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION Annual Report FOR A Fiscal Year 2018 CASUAL FAITH TABLE OF CON- TENTS A letter from Rev. Susan Frederick-Gray 1 Time to... Equip Congregations for Health and Vitality 4 Train and Support Leaders 10 Advance UU Values and Justice 14 Organizational and Institutional Change 18 Grow New Congregations and Communities 22 Leadership 23 Financial Performance 24 Contributors 26 Congregations Individuals Legacy Society In memorium 76 Beacon Press and Skinner House 79 Our Unitarian Universalist Principles 80 Two themes came to define my first year as your UUA President – This is TABLE No Time for a Casual Faith and This is No Time to go it Alone. This is a defining time in our nation and for our planet. The challenges, opportunities and crises that mark this time impact our own lives and our congregations and communities. Unfortunately, in times of crises and change None of this could happen without your OF CON- — when rhetoric of fear and defensiveness collective support, as congregations and dominate — it is all too common for people individuals. The UUA is the embodiment and institutions to break down, or to turn of the covenant we make to each other as inward and protective. But it is precisely in Unitarian Universalists to build something times of change and urgency when we need stronger than any of us could be alone. more courage, more love, more commitment When the UUA shows up for congregations in order to nurture the hope that is found following hurricanes and wildfires, when in seeing the possibilities that live within we help congregations find and call new TENTS humanity and community.
    [Show full text]
  • Outstanding Performance in Triple Science
    Outstanding performance in triple Science Abigail Deutsch Leader of Science George Dixon Academy Context of the Academy • Inner city Birmingham Academy • An area that experiences significantly high levels of socio-economic disadvantage • Proportion of students eligible for free school meals is almost 3 times the national average • Proportion of students with special educational needs and/or disabilities is well above average • Students and staff come from an exceptionally diverse range of cultural backgrounds; a very large majority of students are from minority ethnic groups; almost three quarters of students speak English as an additional language with more than 40 different home languages spoken. • Student mobility is extremely high • There are 181 newly arrived students who have not attended a primary school in England and who have little or no English. • The average points score (APS) upon entry is significantly negative in all year groups (<25pts) 3 year results GCSE 2013 GCSE 2014 GCSE 2015 Total Total 3+ 4+ Total Total 3+ 4+ Total Total 3+ 4+ A-C % A-C % A-C % Entries FSM Progress Progress Entries FSM Progress Progress Entries FSM Progress Progress Biology 36 21 89% 83% 47% 40 29 90% 90% 56% 48 37 92% 83% 46% Chemistry 36 21 92% 89% 68% 40 29 90% 85% 48% 48 37 88% 79% 34% Physics 36 21 89% 86% 42% 40 29 83% 80% 38% 48 37 83% 70% 30% The key to success Planning Teaching & Assessment Learning Planning Curriculum Staffing Student selection Planning: curriculum KS3 • Tailored KS3 curriculum to prepare students for GCSE • Across 3 years
    [Show full text]
  • Rothbard's Time on the Left
    ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself.
    [Show full text]
  • The Essential JOHN STUART MILL the Essential DAVID HUME
    The Essential JOHN STUART MILL The Essential DAVID HUME DAVID The Essential by Sandra J. Peart Copyright © 2021 by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The author of this publication has worked independently and opinions expressed by him are, therefore, his own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Fraser Institute or its supporters, directors, or staff. This publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate. Printed and bound in Canada Cover design and artwork Bill C. Ray ISBN 978-0-88975-616-8 Contents Introduction: Who Was John Stuart Mill? / 1 1. Liberty: Why, for Whom, and How Much? / 9 2. Freedom of Expression: Learning, Bias, and Tolerance / 21 3. Utilitarianism: Happiness, Pleasure, and Public Policy / 31 4. Mill’s Feminism: Marriage, Property, and the Labour Market / 41 5. Production and Distribution / 49 6. Mill on Property / 59 7. Mill on Socialism, Capitalism, and Competition / 71 8. Mill’s Considerations on Representative Government / 81 Concluding Thoughts: Lessons from Mill’s Radical Reformism / 91 Suggestions for Further Reading / 93 Publishing information / 99 About the author / 100 Publisher’s acknowledgments / 100 Supporting the Fraser Institute / 101 Purpose, funding, and independence / 101 About the Fraser Institute / 102 Editorial Advisory Board / 103 Fraser Institute d www.fraserinstitute.org Introduction: Who Was John Stuart Mill? I have thought that in an age in which education, and its improvement, are the subject of more, if not of profounder study than at any former period of English history, it may be useful that there should be some record of an education which was unusual and remarkable.
    [Show full text]
  • The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Vol 3 of 3) by John Morley
    The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Vol 3 of 3) by John Morley This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license Title: The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Vol 3 of 3) Author: John Morley Release Date: March 20, 2010 [Ebook 31711] Language: English ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE (VOL 3 OF 3)*** The Life Of William Ewart Gladstone By John Morley In Three Volumes—Vol. III. (1890-1898) Toronto George N. Morang & Company, Limited Copyright, 1903 By The Macmillan Company Contents Book VIII. 1880-1885 . .2 Chapter I. Opening Days Of The New Parliament. (1880)2 Chapter II. An Episode In Toleration. (1880-1883) . 14 Chapter III. Majuba. (1880-1881) . 26 Chapter IV. New Phases Of The Irish Revolution. (1880-1882) . 53 Chapter V. Egypt. (1881-1882) . 81 Chapter VI. Political Jubilee. (1882-1883) . 97 Chapter VII. Colleagues—Northern Cruise—Egypt. (1883) . 123 Chapter VIII. Reform. (1884) . 138 Chapter IX. The Soudan. (1884-1885) . 162 Chapter X. Interior Of The Cabinet. (1895) . 191 Chapter XI. Defeat Of Ministers. (May-June 1885) . 211 Chapter XII. Accession Of Lord Salisbury. (1885) . 226 Book IX. 1885-1886 . 245 Chapter I. Leadership And The General Election. (1885)245 Chapter II. The Polls In 1885. (1885) . 275 Chapter III. A Critical Month (December 1885) .
    [Show full text]
  • Businessmen in the British Parliament, 1832-1886
    Businessmen in the British Parliament, 1832-1886 A Study of Aspiration and Achievement Michael Davey A thesis submitted for the Degree of Master of Arts in the School of History and Politics University of Adelaide February, 2012 Contents Abstract i Declaration ii Acknowledgements iii Introduction 1 1. Getting There 17 2. Surviving 40 3. Doing 60 4. Legacies 94 Conclusion 109 Bibliography 116 Abstract The businessmen who were elected to the British Parliament after the First Reform Act had not acquired country estates or rotten boroughs as had their predecessors. They were critical of the established aristocratic dominance and they had policies they wanted to promote. Few succeeded in exerting any real influence due to the entrenched power of the landed gentry, their older age when elected and their lack of public experience. This thesis identifies six businessmen who were important contributors to national politics and were thus exceptions to the more usual parliamentary subordination to the gentry. They were generally younger when elected, they had experience in municipal government and with national agitation groups; they were intelligent and hard working. Unlike some other businessmen who unashamedly promoted sectional interests, these men saw their business activities as only incidental to their parliamentary careers. Having been in business did however provide them with some understanding of the aims of the urban working class, and it also gave them the financial backing to enter politics. The social backgrounds and political imperatives of this group of influential businessmen and how these affected their actions are discussed in this thesis. Their successes and failures are analysed and it is argued that their positions on policy issues can be attributed to their strong beliefs rather than their business background.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    BIBLIOGRAPHY This biography aims to list the major sources of information about the history of the British Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat parties. It concentrates on published books. Some references are made to archival sources for major figures but a guide to archive sources can be found elsewhere on the website and the books listed will guide towards collections of articles. It is organised in four sections: § The philosophic and policy background § The history of the party and Liberal governments § Elections § Biographies and autobiographies of leading party members The list does not attempt to be comprehensive but most of the major works included in this list will contain references to other relevant works. Those new to the subject are referred to our shorter reading list for an introduction to the subject. Unless otherwise indicated, the place of publication is usually London. THE PHILOSOPHIC AND POLICY BACKGROUND GENERAL R Bellamy, Liberalism and Modern Society: An Historic Argument, (Cambridge University Press, 1992) Duncan Brack and Tony Little (eds) Great Liberal Speeches (Politico’s Publishing, 2001) Duncan Brack & Robert Ingham (eds) Dictionary of Liberal Quotations (Politico’s Publishing, 1999) Alan Bullock (ed), The Liberal Tradition from Fox to Keynes, (Oxford University Press, 1967). Robert Eccleshall (ed) British Liberalism: Liberal thought from the 1640s to 1980s (Longman, 1986) S Maccoby (ed), The English Radical Tradition 1763-1914, (1952) Conrad Russell An Intelligent Person’s Guide to Liberalism (Duckworth,
    [Show full text]
  • Free Trade Then and Now, Or Still Manchester United Maimon Schwarzchild
    University of San Diego Digital USD Law Faculty Works Law Faculty Scholarship Fall 2015 Free trade then and now, or still Manchester United Maimon Schwarzchild Follow this and additional works at: http://digital.sandiego.edu/law_fac_works Part of the Economics Commons, and the Law Commons Digital USD Citation Schwarzchild, Maimon, "Free trade then and now, or still Manchester United" (2015). Law Faculty Works. 17. http://digital.sandiego.edu/law_fac_works/17 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Faculty Scholarship at Digital USD. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital USD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Per. K ~~~; 2 A.N DIEGO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 • No. 5 • FALL 2015 Free Trade Then and Now, or Still Manchester United MAIMON SCHWARZSCHILD* Liberal thinkers from at least the eighteenth century onwards were firm supporters of free trade, on grounds that it promoted prosperity, peace, and mutual knowledge, and tolerance among people and between peoples. In a sense, support for international free trade was, and is, a subset or a particular instance of support for free markets generally, and for the legal and cultural frameworks that enable and are in tum enabled by economic freedom: these include the rule of law, property rights, enforcement of contracts, and freedom of movement. But the idea of international free trade in particular was near the heart of Enlightenment and post- Enlightenment liberal thought; it could fairly be called a defining element of it. In the eighteenth century, Montesquieu emphasized the nexus between international free trade and peace.
    [Show full text]