THE CONTEMPORARY POTRAIT OF “ANOTHER ”: DESCRIPTION ON ALCOHOLIC DRINKING CULTURE IN AFTER REFORMATION ERA

POTRET KONTEMPORER “JAWA YANG LAIN”: DESKRIPSI KEBUDAYAAN MINUMAN BERALKOHOL DI JAWA TENGAH PASCA-REFORMASI

Irfan Nugraha Center for Study, University of , University of Indonesia, Depok, West Java, Indonesia E-mail: [email protected]

Naskah diterima: 24 Juni 2017; direvisi: 17 Juli 2017; disetujui: 4 Agustus 2017

Abstrak Kebudayaan Jawa secara popular senantiasa terdeskripsikan dalam nuansa romantis. Deskripsi popular dapat terlihat pada pengimajinasian budaya Jawa selalu termanifestasikan dalam rupanya yang ideal. Pengamatan mengenai minuman beralkohol di Jawa Tengah menunjukkan pertentangan dalam pandangan wacana Kebudayaan Jawa secara popular, terutama ketika memperbandingkan keberadaan minuman beralkohol dengan manifestasi budaya Jawa yang dianggap ideal. Temuan etnografis menunjukkan ciu dan lapen sebagai minuman beralkohol lokal tidak terujuk sebagai representasi ideal, akan tetapi peminumnya memandangnya sebagai salah satu manifestasi budaya Jawa. Permasalahan mengemuka ketika acara tradisional seperti jagongan (seremoni sosial yang hadir saat ritus kehidupan) yang berfungsi untuk mewadahi terjadinya praktik konsumsi minuman beralkohol melenyap. Peminum minuman beralkhol lokal yang umumnya dirujuk sebagai kelompok kini tidak dapat mengonsumsinya secara terbuka akibat berkembangnya gerakan . Temuan dalam tulisan ini tidak sekadar mempertegas pembedaan konsepsi manifestasi budaya yang ideal dalam wacana kebudayaan Jawa secara popular, namun juga mengamati timbulnya ketegangan antara gerakan revitalisasi adat serta gerakan Islam di Jawa Tengah sebagai bagian dari proses demokratisasi di Indonesia. Kajian mengenai budaya dan konsumsi minuman beralkohol sekiranya dapat menggambarkan dinamika yang terjadi pada masyarakat Jawa kontemporer. Kata Kunci: kebudayaan Jawa, manifestasi budaya, praktik minuman beralkohol

Abstract The Javanese culture has been described in the popular discourse as having a romantic sense. Javanese cultural manifestation is imagined to always have an ideal form. My observation presents a paradox when I examine the disctinction between Javanese alcoholic drinks and another cultural manifestation that are perceived as an ideal. In my short ethnographic finding, I found out ciu and lapen as local alcoholic beverages are not considered as an ideal representation of Javanese cultural manifestation. The problem emerges when the traditional ceremony like jagongan (a form of social ceremony in rites of passage) that functions as a drinking haven in the past was faded. The drinker who is generally associated with abangan cannot publicly consume the local alcoholic beverages because the presence of Islam movement. I argue that my finding is not only to show the disctinction of cultural manifestation in the Java popular cultural discourse, but also to capture the tension between the revitalization of adat (customary law) and Islamic movement in Java which are part of the process of democratization in Indonesia. The study on alcohol drinking culture and practice could picture the dynamic of contemporary Java society. Keywords: Javanese culture, cultural manifestatin, alcholic drinking practice 17 A. INTRODUCTION become social-cultural phenomenon. However, there is no explanation about the consequences In this paper, the author presents a towards alcohol drinking issue, especially in contemporary portrait of Javanese culture and its Central Java which is dominated by devoted society after the collapse of ’s New Order moslem and Javanese ethnic group. Second, there regime. The author is trying to construct a portrait is no comprehensive anthropological research on based on the alcohol drinking culture in Java. the subject of alcohol drinking and its practice The author sees the alcoholic drinking culture in Central Java. It is interesting because in could give different framework in understanding Java there are two well-known alcohol drinks: Javanese culture and its society. The drinkers – Ciu in Solo and Lapen in , and also generally associated with abangan (Geertz: 1960) Oplosan – drinking from mixing alcohol with - as I observed cannot publicly consume the other substances. Furthermore, Ciu, Lapen, and local alcoholic beverages. In the past, there was Oplosan have attracted wide media attention as a traditional ceremony like jagogan where they they have been suspected to be a source of death. can drink ciu, but then it was banned in some Lastly, I find out that the alcoholic drinking and areas. The drinkers lost their drinking haven. its practice position would enrich the knowledge Today, the abangan have left such practices and about Javanese culture discourse. converted themselves to be a devoted moslem. However, in some cases, the idea and practice of This paper itself is divided into four parts. drinking alcoholic beverages still exist. I argue First, the author examines anthropological that this existence of drinking culture is related literatures that describe general perspective on to the tension between the revitalization of adat alcohol drinking subject. The second part, the (customary law) and Islamic movement in Java author examines the established discourse on which is part of the process of democratization in Javanese culture and its society. The third part Indonesia (Klinken, 2007: 36-38). shows the monograph of structuration process of alcohol drinking culture in Central Java. The last By the study of drinking culture, I would like part points out the contemporary picture of alcohol to reveal, firstly, the sophistication of Javanese drinker in Java. As discussion and conclusion, recipes of alcohol beverages that has become the revitalization of adat and the rise of Islamic simpler and more practical, and secondly the movement bring dynamics into Javanese culture problems of becoming a more devoted Moslem in discourse through the lens of alcohol drinker. Solo and Yogyakarta. The tradition of consuming By focusing on the alcoholic drinking culture alcohol as part of adat practices, the piety of being in Central Java, this paper intends to contribute good Moslem, and social-economic background to describe present Javanese culture discourse, of the drinkers have made the drinking culture especially to show a dynamic in constant portray in Central Java a complex thing and lead to a of the “sophisticated Java.” picture of a different Java as described in many literatures1 . There are two major questions to be examined, basically corresponding with the four It is an appropriate time to address these section of this paper: (1) How, and to what extent, questions for several reasons. First, the could the alcoholic drinking culture describe a democratized post-New Order does not only dynamic of Javanese culture and its society after affect the political aspect, but also the social and Soeharto’s era? (2) How did the revitalization cultural aspects. In some area, the revitalization of adat and the rise of Islamic movement after of adat and the rise of Islamic movement have Soeharto’s era give an impact towards Javanese 1 The content of paper has been presented in the abangan’s alcohol drinker? 3rd Kuala Lumpur International Conference for Education, Language and Social Science Conference on 28 Febuary 2016. The acknowledgment goes to Dr. Semiarto Aji Purwanto for the valuable support. B. LITERATURE REVIEW that the intoxicated individuals would remember past grievances and act upon them. Alcoholic drinking and its consumption have always been an anthropology research In other word, the alcohol drinking practice subject. Johansson (2001: 3846-2849) described is affected by community members’ beliefs that anthropological viewpoints have played about alcohol as well as the individual’s own a part to show a rich variation in multitude of more idiosyncratic beliefs and expectations, the cultural context. In various groups, societies, or disinhibiting qualities of alcohol, the individual’s communities, alcohol drinking can be identified emotional state, and the circumstances as legitimate symbol for an existing necessary. surrounding a drinking episode. It could be seen However, Johansson concluded there is no in the situation in which “being drunk” that way to stipulate a cultural level of tolerance of encourages an individual to bring out grievances alcohol; and anthropology has no immediate and conflicts and address them through physical solution to the problem of alcohol as a health confrontation. In this manner, alcohol acts as hazard. Aside from this, alcoholic drinking and a conduit for the playing out of conflicts and its practice could describe the form of relation tensions within the community. between culture and its agent. In this context, he However, Singer (1986: 113-110) took sees a social control in which socialization plays different lens to explore alcohol issue. She a role in the relation between the drinker and suggested toconsider global-economic forces. She community. Socialization will be the efficient argued that global political-economic forces have way to control drinker’s alcohol abuse and the reshaped social relations and drinking practice norms of community. cross-culturally. It reflected in privatization of It is interesting to look upon Nagasawa, Qian, alcohol monopolies in United State of America and Wong (2000: 581-603) research about social opinion ??. Room (1987: 509-530) noted in control and alcohol use among Asian and Pacific the history, government monopoly of valued Americans. In their research, Japanese, Koreans, commodities as a means of revenue raising has Filipinos, and Pacific Islanders think that family, a long history. friends, and teachers do not take part in keeping The idea of monopolizing alcohol arose in the them to drink alcohol as it does for other ethnic mid-19th century and in part of consideration of groups. For Chinese and Asian Indians, families public health. The consequence towards market play a very important preventive role. For structure of alcoholic commodities is that the Southeast Asia, teachers play a very important government only publish the license to agencies as preventive role. In that sense, Johansson’s an attempt to limit the distribution and to prevent observation about the variation in multitude of alcohol hazard health effects. However, when the cultural context and social control seems relevant privatization of alcohol was implemented, some (Johansson, 1987). agencies have not drawn significant attention Another research that elaborate about to prevent alcohol problems. Furthermore, it anthropological perspective on alcohol is Shore also addresses the effects of consumption and and Spicer (2004: 2509-2521). They found the alcohol-related problem of both experimental and alcohol drinking and its consumption does not unplanned changes in monopoly system. In other only represent the existence of a community, but word, the process of “reshaped of social relations also as an integrated part of the way in which and drinking practices cross-culturaly” does not conflict played out in the community. Based come up from the society or their culture system ethnographic and survey data collected in an itself. Australian Aboriginal community, the members Based on the description, we could see there believe that the effect of alcohol in individual is a puzzling link when study an anthropological behavior and emotion bring about the expectation aspect of alcohol drinking and its consumption. I view the puzzling comes from the moral value in This is why I choose “classic” as a word to define alcoholic drinking practice. It is hard to separate what kind of discourse that is operated. The the “health hazard,” “physical confrontation,” or method that I use to deliver a classic portrait is “as instrument of everyday life pressure” from to conclude selecta narration from “authoritative” alcohol. Overlapping between alcoholic drinking Javanese literatures and also popular books. as “a culture” and the impact show the lack of Interestingly, “authoritative” literature and abstraction in anthropological perspective. In popular books have similar structure of narration conclusion, I want to give an explanation to fill in to tell about Javanesse culture and its society. It this absence, to bridge between anthropological is starting from the historical description to the abstraction and the empirical data. categorization of cultural system and its variants. Solo and Yogyakarta occupy a unique position, particularly associated with the presence C. RESEARCH METHOD of Sunanate Solo and that In this research, the author used to applied have been instrumental in shaping the culture ethnographic method. The time of research is of Java. However, in the study of socio-cultural, approximentely one month for field research and “Javanese Culture” does not only refer to the two around two month for literature and research institutions above, but also refers to “the Java writing in the greater area of Solo and Yogyakarta. community” which includes the Central and East Ethnography means participating in the social Java, the area kejawen located in Banyumas, world and refleting on the process and products Kedu, Yogyakarta, Solo, Madiun, and of that participation. Ethnographic research is an Kediri alongside coastal areas and the eastern active process, in which accounts of the world end which is outside the region kejawen. Based are produced through selective observation and on the study above, “Javanese culture” is often interpretation (Hammersley and Atkinson: 1995). categorized based on (a) interaction with other The used of ethnographic method implicated to cultures; (b) human ecology; (c) behavior, data finding. First of all, the author has selecting knowledge, and form material; and (d) based on informants based on snow ball method which in the social structure and system of symbols. the informant is a person who had legitimacy in Category (a) of Javanese culture is seen as a the alcohol drinking practice. Second, the relation result of interaction with elements of cultures of between author and informants is important non-Java (Sedyawati, 2006: 425-429). Sedyawati in the way author is not only asking questions, sees the original elements of Javanese culture is but also observe and participate in their daily none other than the current pre-Hindu culture activity. And the last, the data was validating by a (native Java). The encounter with the Hindu- triangulation approach, especially in comparing Buddhist culture and Islamic causes become the informants’s naratives with literature review. syncretic culture. Meanwhile, western culture brings Javanese culture “tends materialistic.” D. RESULT AND DISCUSSION Meanwhile, the Javanese culture (b) with D.1. The Classic Portrait of Javanese Discourse regard to human ecology can be seen from typology assembled by Rochwulaningsih. She Java is exotic subject for cultural research. divided the Javanese culture into three typologies The intensive research and academic literatures of culture, the culture palace which is seen as an becomes classic portrait of Javanese culture and urban area with the characteristics of syncretic its society. Despite of the dyamic that happened religious life among the mix of Hindu-Buddhist in Java, the classic portrait projecting Javanese and Islam. Second, agrarian culture which has discourse has not changed. The Javanese the characteristics of agrarian customs and discourse is not a formation of knowledge, traditions, but more egalitarian and not rigidly although it constructs an established portrait.

20 structured. Lastly, coastal culture, which is Mangkunagara, even an informant traced it was based on marine economy and cultural values of since the conflict in Mataram era. At this time, the Islam dominates rituals and ceremonies, but still term “Wong Solo” with “Wong Yogya” are not there is a genuine and Hindu cultural syncretism only stain in history of the two Javanese central (Rochwulaningsih: 2015). culture that generate customary characteristics to the society, that applies as well to contemporary Meanwhile, the category (c) the behavior, context. An interesting example can be seen in the knowledge, and a form of material can be seen opposition between football supporters of PSIS in the study by (1985: 11- Solo with PSS Sleman. Fights between supporters 12). Koentjaraningrat saw Javanese culture becomes a moment to express the identity of the as concept of values and importance for the city, while observing the difference of “Wong Javanese that serve as a guidance for life. Solo” and “Wong Yogya” in a contemporary Furthermore, he suggested that Javanese context. The emergence of prejudice also can cultural system comprises some elements, such also be seen as a signal of this dichotomy in as language and communication, art, literature, the contomporary context. It is common to hear religious beliefs, rituals, witchcraft, and some that “wong solo” is lacking of professionalism institutions in the social organization that have compared to the “wong Yogya”, or when the typical characteristics and distinguish from other attitudes of Solo people are considered to be more cultures (Koentjaraningrat, 1985) “friendly” than the people of Yogyakarta. Furthermore, category (d) regarding the Particularly in Yogyakarta, there is another social structures and systems of thought symbol category that emerge, “Orang Jogja”. It is often reflected by Geertz (1983). Geertz categorized uttered by immigrants, either as college students Javanese culture as a frame of three sub-culture, or migrant workers in Yogyakarta. This category namely Abangan were growing in rural areas can be considered as a sub-variant of the “Wong that possess some aspects of animism in ritual Yogya.” However, these people do not identify life, were growing in the area of trade and themselves to be “Java.” Yogyakarta is deemed market while emphasizing the aspects of Islam, to have “culture” of its own. Characteristic of and were growing in the central region the “culture of Jogja” is nothing but a culture municipalities and have a root into the ancient of youth subculture, either music, lifestyle, or Hindu-Java kingdom. consumption styles. In the contemporary context, as seen during In conclusion, the culture of Java has been the study, Solo and Yogya society continue seen as a manifestation of diachronic and to preserve the categorization of culture as syncretic process. However, the manifestation mentioned above: rural-urban, students-abangan, does not include alcoholic drinking issue. It or penggede-grassroots. Solo and Yogya when happens because the discourse that I described people refer to how to interact, patterns of has established, and the dynamic has been seen as thought and action in everyday life, people subculture or even unregocnized. It is astonishing always refer to “tradition.” At first glance, though because alcoholic drinking in Java is a common Javanese culture has not changed, people of Solo thing. I argue that the alcoholic drinking in Java and Yogya prompted to associate them with the has different pattern and context. I would show development of the second area of the city, it my argument by describing the structuration looks as self-reflection to their identity that based process in 19th-20th centery based on informant on the Geertz’s variants in the contemporary perspective and the contemporary empirical data period. based on my observation and indepth interview. Variants that emerged is “Wong Solo” and “Wong Jogja.” Two terms that may have emerged since colonial era: the reign of Kasunanan and D.2. The Folklore of Alcoholic Drinking in of ciu in Java is varied. As alcoholic drinks that Java: The Structuration Process in 19th-20th are made of fermented sugar, ciu has existed since colonial era. The existence of ciu is related to the To discuss the alcoholic culture in Java, I installation of sugar factory in Mangkunegara tend to consider it as folklore. It is not appropriate area during colonial era. The leader of alcohol to verify all story related to alcoholic drinking industry association who inherit the factory as a fact. It is a combination of verbal history, from his grandfather told that the industry of experience, rumour or just lies. As we see in ciu started in the late of 19th century. He told previous chapter, ciu, lapen, and oplosan are not that the ciu industry started in the time of sugar part of Javanese discourse, although alcoholic boom during colonial era. Sugar was a valuable drinking and its practice are noted in some of commodity during colonial era. The industry was , ancient or modern, like in built by priboemi, native people. The technology Serat Centhini and Serat Dharmagandul. As was using an old-time destilation process. If the if their existence is being forgotten. However, priboemi was producing ciu, the China migrant alcohol drinking and its practice is not taboo theme was producing Arak with the similar technology in daily conversation at all. The moral judgement but it differs in the process and the alcohol is embrace only when the discussants were asked composition is higher than ciu. Aside from that, about their opinion. It refers to popular general ciu has been recorded in colonial tax archive discourse of alcoholic drinking in Indonesia: and also the photograph of old time Java street- the alcoholic drinking could make the drinker merchant. behavioral tend to morally corrupt. I would first describe the folkore of alcoholic drinking in Java Bekonang and Ngombakan then became from the history of their existence. central industry of ciu. In that time, Bekonang and Ngombakan were part of Most of all informants guess that the governance, one of colonial vassal in central Java. existence of ciu and lapen can be traced back to The centralization of ciu industry was a formed era. It is a common presumption. Budi of David Ricardo’s comparative advantage Soetiyono, anthropology lecturer in University practice in Java. Each of industrial villages has oSebelas Maret, Solo, give an explanation about specialized in production of commodity, such this presumption when the interview conducted. as , furniture, etc. Beside of the central Based on his research, the communal practice industry, Bekonang and Ngombakan was also in jagongan that is related to life cycle—such as the central for distrubtion of ciu. It can be seen birth, married, death rituals where people in the from the naming of street as “jalan ciu” and ciu neighborhood would stay up all night in host’s shops were open in street yarns. The distribution place—has been practiced since Majapahit era. He of ciu were also done by street merchants. The also found that it is related to life cycle ceremony distribution of ciu, and also candu, by street among Dayak community in Borneo. His finding merchants have expanded to a distant village in is based on ancient literature. However, he said Solo Raya area. It is an explanation why ciu has there is no further information in the literature become a massive commodity. about what kind of alcoholic drinks it is. He made a shrewd guess that the possible alcoholic drinks Massive distribution has played part in in that time is a fermentation made of palm sugar forming alcohol drinking culture in Central liquid, pisang batu (banana variety) or maybe Java. Ciu became a common commodity. Men, based on mangar (coconut flower) that still young, old and people have intimated by ciu produced and distributed in some area of Java in brief time. The communalization of ciu (legen). He also believes that the today’s ciu is a represents the structuration process (Giddens, legacy of Majapahit alcoholic drinks. 1984: 9, 189). Giddens tried to explain that the creation and reproduction of social system is However, the information about the existence based on the relation between both structure and

22 agency. Furthermore, he said, “the structuration However, the process of structuration is built is not a mechanical outcome, rather as an active up in the social system that exists. If we see, the constituting process, accomplished by and distribution process and ciu become a common consisting in, the doing of active subject.” commodity for Javanese society, they can not be separated from each other. This is what I see It is interesting to see the process of in the alcoholic drinking culture in Java. Yet, it structuration of alcoholic drinking culture in does not mean that the “old” social system was Javanese culture and its society. First of all, the giving a room for alcoholic drinking. I argue that structuration process was operating in the present ciu was creating a different part of culture and its social system in that time. The distribution practice. Its absence in Javanese culture discourse process happened in village, market and also shows us that the classical discourse is not being a Javanese neighboorhood. Furthermore, the a cultural reference. I argue that it could be an distribution was constructing a market structure explanation why it is difficult to find historical between seller and buyer. Lastly, the buyer drinks narration of alcoholic drinking culture in Java as ciu, both in social activity and ceremony. The brought up in informant’s assumption. In other buyer practice when ciu is becoming a common words, the alcoholic drinking culture in Java consumption shows to us the development of is not linked historicaly and culturaly with the agency capability. Secondly, the process of dominant discoure. Although, alcholoc drinking structuration of ciu as colonial commodity is are always part of the Javanese folk culture, also address in the fabrication of culture.. Ciu is such as Ludgrug or Tayub, the popular discourse not only an alcoholic commodity, but creating sometimes consider to omit the presence of a cultural meaning and new knowledge that not alcoholic drinking. included in classic Javanese discourse. I think the second process has establishing the structuration Why I used the phrase of “unregocnized”? In process. 19th and 20th when Ciu became massive, there was no significant resistance to this intoxicated Furthermore, the establishment process of drinking. The 19th and 20th is the century for cultural meaning and knowledge has created modern Islamic movement in Java (Rifklefs, a unique approach in Javanese discourse. If we 2006). As we know, alcoholic drinking is compare with other commodities, such as , haram (forbidden), but the structuration became Javanese herbal drinks, or even the process to established. The rumor assumption to explain the create , there is sophisticated process that phenomenon was Solo’s political strategy. embodied with Javanese “high-context” culture. The Kraton Solo wanted to create political Ciu is believed by informants to be made of stability between Islam group and abangan. In natural ingredients. Informants seem deny particular, ciu represented a popular practice and the industrial process. However, thebelieve in a counter discourse to the Islamic movement in “natural ingredients” is the process of cultural 19th and early 20th century. translation to make ciu fits with Javanese cultural framework. As in “high-context” commodity, the alcohol drinkers also have sophisticated D.3. The Contemporary Potrait: in Between knowledge to assess the quality. Informants Revitalization of Adat and Islamic Movement said that the best quality of ciu can be seen in In the late 20th century, one of phenomena in its color, fragrant and taste, it also applies in Java related to alcoholic drinking is the existence assessing Jamu. Aside from that, ciu is believed of lapen (a mixed alcoholic drinks with other to be medical tonic like Jamu. Some of the elders substance). The term has begun to disappear believe that ciu can cure cough, become a stamina among drinkers, Solo identified the manufactured booster, and cure muscle-ache by wiping it on the drinks as “minuman Depkes (a labeling drinking sick body. from Ministry of Health). Drinkers in Solo who

23 prefer non-alcoholic manufactured beverage due booming is that there was a pedicab driver who to personal prevention from ciu, which “has too happen to mix it with medical alcohol too cut off strong smell or taste.” the cost. His beverage was apparently getting a good response from his friends. Gradually, it Among drinkers, beverages are generally is getting recognized day after day and widely identified not by its manufactured brand, but distributes, until he could build a business and based on the type of drink, such as vodka, wine, market the products to almost every corner of whiskey or beer. Drinkers have purchased the Yogyakarta. An overview of the boom can be seen alcoholic beverage’s brand; mentioning brands of in Sayidian’s lapen. At the time, Sayidian became alcoholic beverages does not imply the product place to hang out among youth in Yogyakarta. brand loyalty. However, it is more due to widely When the young people wanted to drink lapen circulated term of alcoholic beverage brands. For in Yogyakarta, all they had to do is “ngeprok” example, among older adults, the most mention (clapping hands) on a bridge. The lapen seller manufactured brand of alcoholic drinks are drum who kept the beverages under the bridge will (vodka), old wine (Wine Red “Cap Orang Tua”), soon deliver it. armature, green sand (alcoholic), and stars. When someone wanted to buy a beer, for example, they In the beginning of 2000s, lapen began to would get the beer with “star” brand and they lose its market. The news about the health effects would not protest. of lapen began to flourish. Lapen buyers began to switch to ciu, later known as ciplas (plastic ciu), However, at this time, the knowledge and Arak Jawa (although often referred to Arak among drinkers about manufactured brands Klaten). Lapen S, made of ciu mixed with spices and types of beverage in Solo were widespread began to become one of the alternative beverages after blooming of cafes or karaoke that provide among lapen drinkers due to the assumption that various brands and types of beverages that are it is harmless. In 2013, it became the turning not available in the general market. However, point for lapen to decline, especially in Pajeksan drinkers were concerned about the authenticity and near one of the hospitals. Since the death case of manufactured alcoholic beverage as there are of several people simultaneously, Lapen began to many cases of imitation, even if they are sold get extensive news. in the cafe or karaoke. Whiskey has been the most frequent type of alcohol to get imitated. Pajeksan and near Sarjito Hospital suddenly An informant told, if the alcoholic beverages became target of gropyokan - penggerebekan- are “aspal” (imitation), they are manufactured in police raid. The lapen makers also divert their Solo. His friend, imitation alcohol maker, say that business into famous traders or kiosks while there is only few kinds of beer that have never selling the manufactured alcoholic drinks. been imitated until now. Someone told this story that the kiosks/ angkringan/ grocery shops would take over the Talking about contemporary alcoholic lapen “smoothly” as most of the time the “boss drinking culture can not be separated from of lapen makers” were setting aside the benefit Lapen that is inseparable from the existence to develop their business. This way, the makers Madukismo plant, especially the development of would not experience economic difficulty for spirtus processing from the plant in the 1950s, or quitting from making mixed lapen. after the second world war. A number of drinkers speculate, lapen circulation in the 1950s was a Meanwhile, there are only few of lapen response to the difficulty of obtaining alcoholic sellers that remain. In the beginning of June, beverages at that time, however, lapen were not Lapen S was raid by the police. Previously, Lapen widely distributed. Meanwhile, new lapen boom S were sold in kiosks, although the police forbade occurred circa 1980s-1990s in Yogyakarta. it. Later, it is sold by vendors who travel using motorcycle. In addition, “Mr. Beard” lapen is still One of the myths concerning this lapen

24 sold at the old location. Lapen named “Mr. Beard” in many social activities such as Jagongan has similar characteristics with lapen S, which is or mere gathering events, enables experience made of ciu mixed with herbs and spices. sharing between drinkers and non-drinkers. A non-drinker in Solo can share the experience In the wider context, based on my research, of a drinker or even clearly identify trends of I observe the influence of contemporary culture beverage type, which location and who drinkers to the “indigineous” in Java. The term of local- are. The presence of shared experiences related contemporary refers to the assumption among to the culture of drinking alcohol become the drinkers that they have been influenced by special characteristics of the contemporary local knowledge and practice of contemporary culture, community in Solo. While the consumption of but that does not mean the old cultural traditions alcohol drinks among drinkers in Yogyakarta is and practices have faded. The current local an exclusive activity. Among drinkers, the group communityinSoloandYogyakartapredominantly restricts the relationship to just acquaintances. put Javanese culture as a reference of knowledge, There is no drinker in Yogyakarta who is difficult way of life and everyday interactions. Although, to tell drinking culture in the city, they mostly drinkers do not constrain themselves from new just retell general information or rumors. This practices and knowledge of different cultures, for shows that the drinking culture in Yogyakarta example ciu consumption patterns in Solo. is limited to drinker only. The exclusive nature Among the drinkers that have known ciu does not lead to the establishment of a communal in everyday life, most of them claimed ciu as a experience of drinking culture in Yogyakarta. first taste of alcoholic beverages. Further ciu One point of interest in the findings of the consumption among drinkers is interpreted as field in Solo and Yogyakarta is the meaning of typical beverage Solo, Solo cultural identity, space. Solo and Yogyakarta society continue to drinking it also considered to be an expression of do the division of space based on the relationship cultural identity. However, this linkage between between cities and villages. The space is divided consumption of ciu and Solo cultural identity into three, namely: City (Urban) - Village or does not necessarily limit the consumption of Suburb (sub-urban) - Rural (Rural). Solo restricts other alcoholic beverages. Among drinkers alcohol consumption in public spaces, especially ciu is considered to have tried to imitated the in areas that experienced improvements. People manufactured beverage, it has even explored other are led to other location in the city to consume type of beverage by combining the traditional alcohol to a more private space in which the with the manufactured or with other substances drinkers are residence. Back on the meaning of - oplosan. In other words, the contomporary space, there is also a difference in what is called cultural context of local community in drinking as private space between the city and suburbs. If has provided space for the convergence of in the city, private space is often limited to just tradition with dynamism, traditional drinks with the front yard, back yard or inside the house. manufactured drinks or other substances. While in the suburbs, the private sphere has a There are differences in cultural experience wider scope such as the road in front of the house, between Solo and Yogyakarta drinks. the alley in front of the village, security post, and Drinkers in Solo have experience which is so even diners. closely linked to daily life in the case of ciu Aside from consumption practices, consumption. Ciu consumption that has begun improvement of the city led to a change in since several generations back and transcended obtaining ciu. If the ciu vendors used to sell the social boundaries among drinkers is causing products by traveling from village to village, the consumption of alcohol as an act of socially today, the sellers can only be met in the suburbs. “deviant”. It ts even assumed that way by the The selling pattern differs from the grocery shops close relatives of the drinkers. Ciu presence as the ciu is being sold by street hawkers who use

25 bicycle. Drinkers in Solo would not be able to revival organization of Islam, although they are find ciu vendors around their residence. Drinkers practicing more Islamic rituals, they worry about from Solo should go to a village in Bekonang in the violence action by other radical Islamic group. order to find ciu sellers directy. I argue Java has a paradox in their culture In Yogyakarta, improvements also result in foundation. In the sophisticated Java, ciu and changes to the practices of alcoholic beverages lapen, alcoholic drinks are considered to be consumption. Nowadays, drinkers tend to choose banal commodity. However, ciu and lapen are a private room located in the suburbs than public not acknowledged or even commodified as other space because of the police patrol in campus area Javanese cultural manifestation. Furthermore, it and students are frequently caught in action while also shows us that in contemporary Java there is drinking and bringing it in to the university. a social category shifting: the abangan who are Contrasting with the strict surveillance of Solo, associated with revival organization of Islam, but drinkers in Yogyakarta consider their city to be they are worried with the activity of other more “more tolerance” especially in tourist area of radical group. However, the alcohol drinkers in Jalan Malioboro. Police officers patrol around the Java have always find ways to consume their area at 21.00 upwards. But, changes of the city liquier. It might represent the resistance in the does not have an impact on the distribution of middle of the tension between the revitalization of alcoholic beverage either in Solo and Yogyakarta. “adat” and Islam movement in Java which is part The distribution of local beverages in Solo comes of the process of democratization in Indonesia from the rural areas into the cities, whereas in (Klinken: 2007, 36-38). Yogyakarta local drinks are distributed from the The revitalization of “adat” is unique for city area to the village. alcohol drinkers in Java. They demand their practice to be acknowledged as part of Javanese tradition. However, their demand faces an E. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION intrigueing condition, especially when opposed E.1. Conclusion withtherevivalmovementofIslam.Mydescription The alcohol drinkers in Java generally about the contemporary local drinkers of Java associated with abangan, a nominal Moslem. represents how the structuration of Javanese While I am doing research, consumers cannot alcoholic drinking culture is shifting by them. In publicly consume local alcoholic beverages. The the past, Java was dominated by moslem area, but communal ceremony (called jagogan, rites of never declared as puritan area. Javanese culture passage ceremony), where they can drink ciu or has given a different color to Islam. However, lapen, was banned in some areas. The drinkers the reformation era has changed the landscape of lost their drinking haven. It is contrast with some moslem Java. the revival of Islamic movement. of Javanese cultural manifestations in art or The distinction between tradition and religion culinary as they become more of commodification becomes clearer. The moslem radical groups today. can show their political pressure on traditional society as represented in the case of my study. In However, the contemporary situation in the conclusion, the process of democratization in late 20th and 21th century have shown us the Java also has been followed by revitalization of genealogycal link. The current alcohol drinkers adat (culture norm) and Islam. In some areas in in Java are difficult to address themselves as Indonesia, the revitalization of adat and Islam has abangan. However, most of the drinkers have been manifested in destructive form: the violence left the abangan practices. Some of them are conflict. However, Solo and Yogyakarta have associated with revival organization of Islam, shown another form of manifestation. but they are stick on the alcoholic drinking habit. In the case of drinkers who are associated with

26 E.2. Suggestion Pacific Drug and Alcohol Nonuse”. in Journal Socialogical Perspective, Vol 43, I find out that the alcoholic drinker in Java No. 4 pp. 581-603. is not only part of traditional practice, but they also show the piety of being good Moslem. Then, Ricklefs, M. C. 2006. Mystic synthesis in Java: A social-economic background of the drinkers history of Islamisation from The Fourteenth have made the drinking culture in Central Java a to The Early Nineteenth Centuries. White complex thing and lead to a picture of a different Plains, New York: Eastbridge. Java as described in many literatures. In this Rochwulaningsih, Yety. 2015. Indigenous moment, I would like to give a question to discuss: Diversity and Tradition in Central Java is this a new or different variation of abangan? It from Time to Time, Department of History, would be appropriate to arrange a research on the Faculty of Letters, University, 4- tradition and dynamic of culture to describe the 5 accessible in undip.ac.id on 09/07/15. contemporary culture. Shore, Jay H. and Paul Spicer. 2004. “A Model for Alcohol-Mediated Violence in An Australian REFERENCE Aboriginal Community”. in Social Science & Medicine. Volume 58, Issue 12. Geertz, Clifford. 1960. The Religion of Java. Chicago: Univesity of Chicago Press. Singer, Merril. 1986. “Toward A Political- Economy of Alcoholism: The Missing Link ______. 1983. Abangan, Santri, dan Priyayi. in The Anthropology of Drinking” in Social Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya. Science and Medicine Journal. Giddens, Anthony. 1984. The Constitution of Society: Outline of The Theory of Sedyawati, Edi. 2006. Budaya Indonesia: Kajian Arkeologi, Seni dan Sejarah. Jakarta: Raja Structuration. Berkeley and Los Angeles. Grafindo Persada. University of California Press. Hammersley, Martyn and Paul Atkinson. 1995. Ethnograpy, Principles in Practices. Second Edition. London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francies Group. Klinken, Gery. 2007. Perang Kota Kecil: Kekerasan Komunal dan Demokratisasi di Indonesia. Jakarta: KITLV-Jakarta and Yayasan Obor Indonesia. Koentjaraningrat, 1985. Javanese Culture. Oxford University Press: . Johansson, G. 2001. “Anthropology of Drinking”, pp. 3846-2849 in International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. ______. 1987. “Alcohol Monopolies and Alcohol Control”. Journal of Public Health Policy, pp 509-530, Palgrave Macmillan Journals. Nagasawa, Richard, Zhenchao Qian, and Paul Wong. 2000. “Social Control Theory as a Theory of Conformity: the Case of Asian/

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