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Writing the Pacific Northwest Into Canadian and U.S. Catholic History: Geography, Demographics, and Regional Religion

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Writing the Pacific Northwest Into Canadian and U.S. Catholic History: Geography, Demographics, and Regional Religion CCHA, Historical Studies, 66 (2000), 74-91 Writing the Pacific Northwest into Canadian and U.S. Catholic History: Geography, Demographics, and Regional Religion Patricia O’Connell KILLEN From its earliest settlement by Europeans three things have been true religiously about the Pacific Northwest (for purposes of this paper Oregon, Washington, Idaho, British Columbia, Alaska): 1) the region is largely unchurched; 2) the region is religiously diverse; and, 3) the region contains substantial numbers of people who express no interest in religion at all.1 One or more of these characteristics has been true of other regions of the United States and Canada during periods of their history, but the Pacific Northwest is distinctive because these characteristics have remained steady throughout the region’s history.2 Religious historians have not accounted for why these regional religious characteristics have persisted. Neither have they explored how these three facts have shaped institutional and individual forms of Christianity in the Pacific North- west. We badly need critical studies of specific denominations in the 1 This claim refers to those religious bodies most easily recognized, e.g., various denominations and sects of Christianity, Judaism, and Buddhism. Native American traditions are not a focus of this paper or the studies on which this claim is based. “Unchurched” refers to persons who do not attend church on any kind of regular basis (two times per month), including those who identify themselves as being a Baptist, or Buddhist, for example. See Churches and Church Membership in the United States 1990 (Atlanta, GA: Glengarry Research Center, 1992); and Barry A. Kosmin and Seymour P. Lachman, One Nation Under God: Religion in Contemporary American Society (New York: Harmony Books, 1993). 2 See Linda K. Pritchard, “A Comparative Approach to Western Religious History: Texas as a Case Study, 1845-1890,” Western Historical Quarterly 19 (1988): 416-30. — 74 — Pacific Northwest in order to begin to understand how these facts became characteristics of the region and how they have influenced the corporate practice of religion, molded the religious sensibilities of individuals, and obstructed and supported the establishment and survival of Christian denominations in the Pacific Northwest.3 This paper grows out of a critical study of one denomination, the Roman Catholic Church, in its first fifty years in the region. The study involves translating and critically editing the letter press books of Augustin Magliore Alexander Blanchet, first Catholic bishop of Walla Walla and Nesqually.4 The paper argues that in order to write the Pacific Northwest more fully into Canadian and U.S. Catholic history, historians must take cognizance of two factors that have contributed to the region’s omission from dominant narratives of Catholic history and that help to explain the region’s distinct religious character. These factors are geography and demographics. Three themes characterize U.S. narratives of Roman Catholicism when approached from the perspective of Catholicism in the West, including the Pacific Northwest: 1) absence; 2) a relentless east to west trajectory that is coupled with an entrenched English/U.S. master story; and, 3) in those narratives that do address the Pacific Northwest, a single organizing metaphor – the battle to establish and maintain ecclesiastical presence.5 Total absence or cursory mention characterize treatments of the Roman Catholic Church in the Far West and especially the Pacific 3 A host of questions about the nature of regional religiousness in the Pacific Northwest need to be explored through careful case studies of denominations in different locations and time periods in the region. Such questions as: What is the interaction between a denomination and its geographical and cultural region? How do regional factors shape the self-understanding and practice of denomina- tions in a region, or do they? How does a religiously pluralistic, largely unchurched, and religiously disinterested context influence the practice, commitment, rhetoric, style, and structure of religiousness for individuals and groups? 4 This paper grows out of a collaborative project between my colleague, Roberta Stringham Brown of the Department of Languages and Literatures at Pacific Lutheran University, and myself that involves translating and publishing a critical edition of the letter press books of A.M.A. Blanchet with an extensive historical introduction. An earlier version of a paper was presented to a joint session of the Canadian Catholic Historical Association and the Canadian Society of Church History on 4 June 1999. 5 I was limited largely to U.S. scholarship for this paper because of the difficulty of securing Canadian scholarly publications. — 75 — Northwest in secular histories of the United States. This absence has persisted in what is referred to as the “new Western History” represented in the works of scholars such as Patricia Nelson Limerick, Richard White, and Clyde A. Milner.6 D. Michael Quinn’s “Religion in the American West” stands out for addressing religion as a topic in its own right and not as an intrusive addition to ethnic or community studies. What Quinn’s essay does not do, (and the task still may be impossible at this point), is offer causal explanations or interpretations of western religiousness.7 Catholicism in the Pacific Northwest is absent in religious histories of the United States as well. The single reference to the early history of Catholicism in the Oregon Country that I could locate in any general history of U.S. religion was in Sydney Ahlstrom’s thousand-plus-page A Religious History of the American People. Ahlstrom notes: “In 1846, at a time when the Oregon question was still unsettled, a new stage in American hierarchical history was reached. A second metropolitan see was erected with the French-Canadian Francis N. Blanchet as arch- bishop, his brother as suffragan in Walla Walla, and another French- Canadian as bishop of Vancouver. In both fact and theory this province was at first an extension of the Canadian Church.”8 6 See Patricia Nelson Limerick, Clyde A. Milner II, and Charles E. Rankin, eds. Trails: Toward a New Western History (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1991). 7 D. Michael Quinn, “Religion in the American West,” in William Cronon, George Miles, and Jay Gitlin, eds. Under An Open Sky: Rethinking America’s Western Past (New York: W.W. Norton, 1992). While Quinn’s essay draws attention to the presence of religions in the West, he does not succeed in providing a coherent interpretive frame for the religions he describes. In their The American West: A Twentieth-Century History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1989), Michael Malone and Richard Etulain provide a brief overview of religion as a category of culture (193-205). Ferenc M. Szasz is the western historian who has written most about religion, but his work is not incorporated in any significant way into the thinking of the new western historians. See his “The Clergy and the Myth of the American West,” Church History 59 (December 1990): 497-506. 8 Sydney Ahlstrom A Religious History of the American People (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1972), 544. Mark Noll’s A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm.B. Eerdmans, 1992) acknowledges the pluralism of religion in the West from the beginning (325-6) but ends his discussion there. Edwin Scott Gaustad in his A Religious History of the American People (New York: Harper and Row, 1990) devotes a four and one-half page section to Catholicism on the frontier without managing to say anything about Catholics in the Oregon country (151-6). — 76 — Save for Ahlstrom’s brief mention, why the absence? The answer falls into two parts, both implicit in Ahlstrom. First, the region’s historical fate was shaped by geography and demographics. Second, because of the region’s geography and demographics, it does not fit readily into the standard or consensus narratives used for the religious and social/political history of the United States, including those used for Catholic history. The Apostolic Vicariate and later Ecclesiastical Province that included the Oregon Country, or Columbia District as it was called by the Hudson’s Bay Company, came into being during a fluid time on the North American and world scene. It was carved out of the Ecclesiastical Province of Quebec which covered 3,000,000 square miles, an area larger than all of Europe with a Catholic population of a little over 200,000. Francis Norbert Blanchet and Modeste Demers were sent to the mission of the Columbia in 1837. In December 1843 the mission was made an Apostolic Vicariate that included the area between the Rocky Mountains to the East, the Mexican and later U.S. border to the south, the Pacific Ocean to the West, and the boundary with Russia and Arctic Pole to the north. Due to distance and available technologies for communication, Francis Norbert Blanchet did not find out about the action or that he had been made bishop of the area for a year.9 The significance of distance and geographic location becomes clear when one notes that Bishop Signay had contemplated having the Columbia mission placed under the Vicariate of East Oceana.10 Blanchet’s Apostolic Vicariate was raised to the Ecclesiastical Province of Oregon in 1846 with Blanchet appointed to the archiepisco- pal see of Oregon City. Modeste Demers was assigned the diocese of Vancouver Island and Francis Norbert’s brother, Augustin Magliore Blanchet was assigned to the diocese of Walla Walla. Five other districts, potential dioceses, were named and placed under the three dioceses: Nesqually, Fort Hall, Colville, Princess Charlotte, and New Caledonia. Oregon was the second Ecclesiastical Province established in what is now the United States. All this for an area that, by F.N.
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