Newt Gingrich on the 1994 Republican Revolution

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Newt Gingrich on the 1994 Republican Revolution ANNOUNCEMENT NEWT GINGRICH ON THE 1994 REPUBLICAN REVOLUTION NEW YORK, NY, January 5, 2015 – Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich sat down with Bill Kristol to discuss the 1994 Republican Revolution, when Republicans took control of both Houses of Congress for the first time in forty years. Gingrich also recalls his first political campaigns and how he began to influence Washington in the 1980s. Finally, the former speaker offers a personal take on mentors, allies, and rivals, including Gerald Ford, Jack Kemp, Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and Bill Clinton—as well as his reflections on presidents from Eisenhower to Obama. This is a must-see Conversation for anyone interested in contemporary American history and the origins of our current political landscape. Below are excerpts from the Conversation: [On “The Establishment” and “The Insurgents”] GINGRICH: The heart of the Republican establishment is to get as much as it can without being disruptive. The heart of the Republican insurgents, whether it's Goldwater or it's Reagan or it was Gingrich, is to be as disruptive as necessary to get what you want. [On his political agenda in the 1980s] GINGRICH: I basically had three goals. Defeat the Soviet empire, replace the welfare state, and replace the Democrats as the majority party in the House. And that's what I arrived with. I spent my day on those three goals. [On shaking up Washington] GINGRICH: I went to see Nixon at one point to get his advice. And it was very funny. He said “The House Republicans are boring. The House Republicans were boring when I was there in the 40s and unless you quit being boring, you're not going to attract enough energy to become a majority." So what I would do is I'd get a group together every week and I would try to think about how to be interesting. 350 WEST 42ND STREET, SUITE 37C, NEW YORK, NY 10036 [On Clinton and Obama] GINGRICH: Arthur Link wrote about Woodrow Wilson that he never understood the sinews of good fellowship which bind men unbound by any other tie...And I think Clinton understood it. That if you and he could laugh, you were halfway to a deal. And I don't think Obama has a clue about the human side of the business. Watch the Conversation here: http://conversationswithbillkristol.org/video/newt- gingrich/ About Conversations with Bill Kristol. Conversations with Bill Kristol is an online interview program hosted by Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol and produced by The Foundation for Constitutional Government. Conversations segments feature informal discussions between Kristol and guests on a diverse array of issues of public concern—from the American presidency and the Middle East peace process to the ideas that have shaped Western civilization. Recent guests include former vice president Dick Cheney, journalist Brit Hume, business founder Peter Thiel, and former U.S. Army Vice Chief of Staff General Jack Keane. New conversations are released bi-weekly. Users can access Conversations at www.conversationswithbillkristol.org to watch all conversations free-of-charge, read guest biographies, download podcasts and transcripts, and view additional footage. About the Foundation for Constitutional Government. The Foundation for Constitutional Government is a 501(c)(3) charitable organization devoted to supporting the serious study of politics and political philosophy, with particular attention to the Constitutional character of American government. The Foundation’s online programming includes Conversations with Bill Kristol, Great Thinkers, a comprehensive site devoted to political philosophers such as John Locke and Alexis de Tocqueville, as well as websites devoted to important contemporary thinkers such as Harvey Mansfield, Irving Kristol, and James Q. Wilson. Media Contact: Andy Zwick 917-423-1422 [email protected] 2 .
Recommended publications
  • The Long Red Thread How Democratic Dominance Gave Way to Republican Advantage in Us House of Representatives Elections, 1964
    THE LONG RED THREAD HOW DEMOCRATIC DOMINANCE GAVE WAY TO REPUBLICAN ADVANTAGE IN U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ELECTIONS, 1964-2018 by Kyle Kondik A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Baltimore, Maryland September 2019 © 2019 Kyle Kondik All Rights Reserved Abstract This history of U.S. House elections from 1964-2018 examines how Democratic dominance in the House prior to 1994 gave way to a Republican advantage in the years following the GOP takeover. Nationalization, partisan realignment, and the reapportionment and redistricting of House seats all contributed to a House where Republicans do not necessarily always dominate, but in which they have had an edge more often than not. This work explores each House election cycle in the time period covered and also surveys academic and journalistic literature to identify key trends and takeaways from more than a half-century of U.S. House election results in the one person, one vote era. Advisor: Dorothea Wolfson Readers: Douglas Harris, Matt Laslo ii Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………....ii List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………..iv List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………..v Introduction: From Dark Blue to Light Red………………………………………………1 Data, Definitions, and Methodology………………………………………………………9 Chapter One: The Partisan Consequences of the Reapportionment Revolution in the United States House of Representatives, 1964-1974…………………………...…12 Chapter 2: The Roots of the Republican Revolution:
    [Show full text]
  • "Always Good to Keep the Record Straight" - Bernard Shaw Reporting on the IRS Clearing Gingrich on CNN in February of 1999
    TO: INTERESTED PARTIES FROM: R.C. Hammond, Press Secretary SUBJECT: Fact Sheet: Newt Gingrich Ethics Committee Investigation In an Interview with Talking Points Memo today former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi implied she knows "a lot about him" [Newt Gingrich] that is currently not a matter of public record. How soon the Congresswoman forgets that 83 of the 84 politically motivate charges filed against Speaker Gingrich were dismissed. And furthermore, the IRS found that Newt did nothing wrong! As CNN's Bernard Shaw reported, "Always Good to Keep the Record Straight." We agree. "Always Good To Keep The Record Straight" - Bernard Shaw reporting on the IRS clearing Gingrich on CNN in February of 1999 Fact Sheet on the Ethics Committee Investigation of Newt Gingrich and the Ensuing Decision by the IRS that Gingrich’s Activities Were Perfectly Legal 84 politically motivated ethics charges were filed against Newt when he was Speaker of the House regarding the use of tax exempt funds for a college course he taught titled “Renewing American Civilization.” 83 of the 84 were found to be without merit. The remaining charge had to do with contradictory documents prepared by Newt’s lawyer supplied during the course of the investigation. Newt took responsibility for the error and agreed to reimburse the committee the cost of the investigation into that discrepancy. The agreement specifically noted the payment was not a fine. In 1999, after a 3 ½ year investigation, the Internal Revenue Service (under President Bill Clinton, nonetheless) concluded that Gingrich did not violate any tax laws, leading renowned CNN Investigative Reporter Brooks Jackson to remark on air “it turns out [Gingrich] was right and those who accused him of tax fraud were wrong.” Transcript of CNN Report below: CNN INSIDE POLITICS 17:00 pm ET February 3, 1999 And up next: vindication at last? The Internal Revenue Service finally weighs in on the former speaker's college controversy.
    [Show full text]
  • Speakers of the House: Elections, 1913-2021
    Speakers of the House: Elections, 1913-2021 Updated January 25, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL30857 Speakers of the House: Elections, 1913-2021 Summary Each new House elects a Speaker by roll call vote when it first convenes. Customarily, the conference of each major party nominates a candidate whose name is placed in nomination. A Member normally votes for the candidate of his or her own party conference but may vote for any individual, whether nominated or not. To be elected, a candidate must receive an absolute majority of all the votes cast for individuals. This number may be less than a majority (now 218) of the full membership of the House because of vacancies, absentees, or Members answering “present.” This report provides data on elections of the Speaker in each Congress since 1913, when the House first reached its present size of 435 Members. During that period (63rd through 117th Congresses), a Speaker was elected six times with the votes of less than a majority of the full membership. If a Speaker dies or resigns during a Congress, the House immediately elects a new one. Five such elections occurred since 1913. In the earlier two cases, the House elected the new Speaker by resolution; in the more recent three, the body used the same procedure as at the outset of a Congress. If no candidate receives the requisite majority, the roll call is repeated until a Speaker is elected. Since 1913, this procedure has been necessary only in 1923, when nine ballots were required before a Speaker was elected.
    [Show full text]
  • Today in Georgia History November 6, 1998 Newt Gingrich Suggested Reading “Newt Gingrich (B. 1943).” New Georgia Encyclope
    Today in Georgia History November 6, 1998 Newt Gingrich Suggested Reading “Newt Gingrich (b. 1943).” New Georgia Encyclopedia. http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1384&sug=y “Newt Gingrich Biography.” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=G000225 “The Long March of Newt Gingrich,” PBS, Frontline. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/newt/ Amy D. Bernstein and Peter W. Bernstein, eds., Quotations from Speaker Newt: The Little Red, White, and Blue Book of the Republican Revolution (New York: Workman Publishing, 1995). Elizabeth Drew, Showdown: The Struggle between the Gingrich Congress and the Clinton White House (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996). Steven M. Gillon, The Pact: Bill Clinton, Newt Gingrich, and the Rivalry That Defined a Generation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). Linda Killian, The Freshmen: What Happened to the Republican Revolution? (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1998). David Maraniss and Michael Weisskopf, Tell Newt to Shut Up!: Prizewinning Washington Post Journalists Reveal How Reality Gagged the Gingrich Revolution (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996). Mel Steely, The Gentleman from Georgia: The Biography of Newt Gingrich (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 2000). Image Credits November 6, 1998: Newt Gingrich “Gingrich Gears Up For Possible New Position As Speaker Of House” November 9, 1994 Article courtesy of the Savannah Morning News, http://savannahnow.com/ “Republicans Bid for Congressional Control” November
    [Show full text]
  • Sam Brownback
    Sam Brownback Born to Robert and Nancy Brownback, Sam grew up on the family farm near Parker, Kansas. His parents still live and work on the family farm. Growing up, Sam learned the importance of hard work, responsibility and family. He watched his parents persevere during droughts and heavy rains. He worked alongside his family to bring in the crops and take care of the livestock. Education Sam’s passion for public service began when he attended Prairie View High School when he was elected state president of the Future Farmers of America and then later national FFA vice-president. His participation in FFA taught him about leadership. After graduating for Prairie View in 1974, Sam attended Kansas State University in Manhattan where he served as KSU student body president his senior year. He also belonged to the Alpha Gamma Rho Fraternity. He received his degree in Agricultural Economics in 1978. After working for a year hosting a radio show, Sam attended the University of Kansas Law School where he was his class' president before completing his law degree in 1982. Family Sam met his wife Mary while they were both in law school. They have been married for 28 years. Sam calls Mary “the glue that holds our family together”. They live in Topeka and have five children – Abby, Andy, Liz, Mark and Jenna. After their own adoption experience, the Brownbacks helped establish the Building Families Fund to assist Kansas families with adoption expenses. After law school, Sam and Mary moved to Manhattan where Sam went to work for a local law firm and Mary commuted to Lawrence to finish her law degree.
    [Show full text]
  • True Conservative Or Enemy of the Base?
    Paul Ryan: True Conservative or Enemy of the Base? An analysis of the Relationship between the Tea Party and the GOP Elmar Frederik van Holten (s0951269) Master Thesis: North American Studies Supervisor: Dr. E.F. van de Bilt Word Count: 53.529 September January 31, 2017. 1 You created this PDF from an application that is not licensed to print to novaPDF printer (http://www.novapdf.com) Page intentionally left blank 2 You created this PDF from an application that is not licensed to print to novaPDF printer (http://www.novapdf.com) Table of Content Table of Content ………………………………………………………………………... p. 3 List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………. p. 5 Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………..... p. 6 Chapter 2: The Rise of the Conservative Movement……………………….. p. 16 Introduction……………………………………………………………………… p. 16 Ayn Rand, William F. Buckley and Barry Goldwater: The Reinvention of Conservatism…………………………………………….... p. 17 Nixon and the Silent Majority………………………………………………….. p. 21 Reagan’s Conservative Coalition………………………………………………. p. 22 Post-Reagan Reaganism: The Presidency of George H.W. Bush……………. p. 25 Clinton and the Gingrich Revolutionaries…………………………………….. p. 28 Chapter 3: The Early Years of a Rising Star..................................................... p. 34 Introduction……………………………………………………………………… p. 34 A Moderate District Electing a True Conservative…………………………… p. 35 Ryan’s First Year in Congress…………………………………………………. p. 38 The Rise of Compassionate Conservatism…………………………………….. p. 41 Domestic Politics under a Foreign Policy Administration……………………. p. 45 The Conservative Dream of a Tax Code Overhaul…………………………… p. 46 Privatizing Entitlements: The Fight over Welfare Reform…………………... p. 52 Leaving Office…………………………………………………………………… p. 57 Chapter 4: Understanding the Tea Party……………………………………… p. 58 Introduction……………………………………………………………………… p. 58 A three legged movement: Grassroots Tea Party organizations……………... p. 59 The Movement’s Deep Story…………………………………………………… p.
    [Show full text]
  • Bob Michel Oral History About Bob Dole
    This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas. http://dolearchives.ku.edu ROBERT J. DOLE ORAL HISTORY PROJECT Interview with Rep. ROBERT H. (“BOB”) MICHEL May 24, 2007 Interviewer Brien R. Williams Robert J. Dole Institute of Politics 2350 Petefish Drive Lawrence, KS 66045 Phone: (785) 864-4900 Fax: (785) 864-1414 This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas. http://dolearchives.ku.edu Michel 5-24-07—p. 2 Williams: This is an oral history interview with former Republican Leader Bob Michel, for the Robert J. Dole Institute of Politics at the University of Kansas. We are in the Washington [D.C.] law offices of Hogan & Hartson, and today is Thursday, May 24, 2007, and I’m Brien Williams. Mr. Michel, it strikes me that you and Bob Dole shared a lot in terms of where you came from and what you did. Can you just— Michel: Well, goodness. Of course, Bob was from Russell, Kansas. We all know that, you know. And I was from Peoria, or am from Peoria. I still regard it as my hometown. I know Bob always has a warm affection for Russell, Kansas. Gosh, all through the years he would make reference to it. I think we all feel, at least he did and I did, felt real strongly about the people who initially sent us into the big arena of politics, and we’re always appreciative of that start we got. I share Bob’s view that, boy, we never want to forget those roots back there in Kansas or Peoria, Illinois.
    [Show full text]
  • Can Party Governance Endure in the U.S. House of Representatives? a Personal Essay by Donald R
    Can Party Governance Endure in the U.S. House of Representatives? A Personal Essay By Donald R. Wolfensberger A Congress Project 120th Anniversary Roundtable on Woodrow Wilson’s Congressional Government Monday, November 14, 2005 I was first introduced to Woodrow Wilson’s 1885 treatise, Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics, as a graduate student in political science at the University of Iowa in the mid-1960s. That same course also included on its reading list Congressional Government’s contemporary counterpart, James MacGregor Burns’s Deadlock of Democracy: Four Party Politics in America (1963), and Alexander and Juliette George’s psycho-biography of Wilson, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House: A Personality Study (1964). I bundled my findings and opinions from these and other readings into a review essay titled (as I recall it), “James MacGregor Burns’s Deadlock of Democracy and Anglophilia in American Politics .” In the paper I traced the love affair many political scientists have had over the years with Wilson’s idealized notion of transplanting a British-like parliamentary system in American soil. Most notable among these was the report of the Committee on Political Parties of the American Political Science Association in 1950 titled, “Toward a More Responsible Two Party System.”1 I concluded in my review essay that any such transplant attempt would never take root and flourish here because our constitutional soil and evolving political environment were quite different from Britain’s, notwithstanding similar institutional traits. The reason the transplant would not take, I argued, was that our constitutional system of representative government was based, first and foremost, on the geographic representation of the people, whereas the British parliamentary system was based primarily on the representation of political parties, with constituency representation a secondary concern.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Discourse and the Pennsylvania Constitution, 1776 - 1790
    Virtuous Democrats, Liberal Aristocrats: Political Discourse and the Pennsylvania Constitution, 1776 - 1790 Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie im Fachbereich 10 – Neuere Philologien der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität zu Frankfurt am Main vorgelegt von Thomas W. Clark aus Frankfurt am Main 2001 If we can agree where the liberty and freedom of the people lies, that will do all. - Colonel Ireton, The Putney Debates But, notwithstanding this almost unanimous agreement in favour of liberty, neither were all disposed to go the same lenghts for it, nor were they perfectly in unison in the idea annexed to it. - Alexander Graydon, Memoirs of a Life, Chiefly passed in Pennsylvania Fraud lurks in generals. There is not a more unintelligible word in the English language than republicanism. - John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren CONTENTS PREFACE vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xi 1. PART I REVOLUTIONARY PARADIGMS 1.1 Ex Uno Plures or The American Revolution as a Discourse Community 1 1.1.1 Truth and Difference, Republicans and Scholars 1 1.1.2 Revolutionary Pennsylvania as a Discourse Community 18 1.2 Revolutionary Ideology between Republicanism and Liberalism 36 1.2.1 Liberalism Versus Republicanism 36 1.2.2 Classical Republicanism 42 1.2.3 Liberalism 55 1.2.4 Transformation, Opposition, Permeation 61 1.3 Social as Political Conflict: The Few, the Many, the People 75 1.3.1 Rhetoric, Reality, and Radicalism 75 1.3.2 The Discourse of Popular Sovereignty 87 1.3.3 Limiting and Affirming the People: an Exemplary Analysis 96 1.4 Deference to Diversity: Politics and Society in Pennsylvania 105 1.4.1 Quaker Conflict and Hegemony 107 1.4.2 Ethnocultural Pluralism, Sectionalism and the Politics of Heterogeneity 115 1.4.3 Social Diversity and the Emergence of Popular Radicalism 124 1.4.4 Power Struggles, 1776-1790 136 2.
    [Show full text]
  • We Need to Ban the Evil Santas Leonard E
    We need to ban the evil Santas Leonard E. Burman The Washington Times, December 22, 2009 'Tis the season to tell stories of Santa Claus. Not jolly old Document date: December 22, 2009 Saint Nick, who delights children, but the two Santa Clauses Released online: January 18, 2010 who borrow from children to give gifts to their parents. The two Santas came to Washington in 2000 and threaten to never leave. If we don't send them packing, Christmas Future could be very bleak indeed. Supply-side icon Jude Wanniski came up with the idea of the two Santas as a way to revive the Republican Party in the 1970s. He argued that the Democratic Party won elections because it always played Santa -- promising more and more new government programs without worrying about who would pay for them. Republicans back then were the party of fiscal responsibility, playing Scrooge to the Democrats' Santa. Mr. Wanniski forgot that Republican Richard M. Nixon expanded both the social safety net and the military, and that Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower created the national highway system. But his simple explanation for why the Democrats had controlled Congress for so long resonated with his audience. Mr. Wanniski told the Republicans that if the Democrats were going to play Santa, the Republicans had to be Santa, too. When the Democrats promised more spending, the Republicans should promise lower taxes. And, for heaven's sake, don't worry about the deficit. Mr. Wanniski believed in many magical things -- not just two Santa Clauses, but also supply-side economics.
    [Show full text]
  • House Officer, Party Leader, and Representative
    The Speaker of the House: House Officer, Party Leader, and Representative Valerie Heitshusen Analyst on Congress and the Legislative Process February 11, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-780 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Speaker of the House: House Officer, Party Leader, and Representative Summary The Speaker of the House of Representatives is widely viewed as symbolizing the power and authority of the House. The Speaker’s most prominent role is that of presiding officer of the House. In this capacity, the Speaker is empowered by House rules to administer proceedings on the House floor, including the power to recognize Members on the floor to speak or make motions and the power to appoint Members to conference committees. The Speaker also oversees much of the non-legislative business of the House, such as general control over the Hall of the House and the House side of the Capitol and service as chair of the House Office Building Commission. The Speaker’s role as “elect of the elect” in the House also places him or her in a highly visible position with the public. The Speaker also serves not only as titular leader of the House but also as leader of the majority party conference. The Speaker is often responsible for airing and defending the majority party’s legislative agenda in the House. The Speaker’s third distinct role is that of an elected Member of the House. Although elected as an officer of the House, the Speaker continues to be a Member as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Democrats Fail to Impress in First 100 Days
    NEWS Release 1615 L Street, N.W., Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20036 Tel (202) 419-4350 Fax (202) 419-4399 FOR RELEASE: THURSDAY, MARCH 29, 2007, 2:00 PM Government Faulted on Vets’ Care, Military Ratings Slip Post-Walter Reed DEMOCRATS FAIL TO IMPRESS IN FIRST 100 DAYS Also inside… Reps see McCain, Giuliani and Romney as more moderate than “self” Hillary and Obama Backers differ little on Iraq Few Can Cite Congress’s Accomplishments Dems not seen as over-investigating FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Andrew Kohut, Director Carroll Doherty and Michael Dimock, Associate Directors Scott Keeter, Director of Survey Research Pew Research Center for The People & The Press 202/419-4350 http://www.people-press.org Government Faulted on Vets’ Care, Military Ratings Slip Post-Walter Reed DEMOCRATS FAIL TO IMPRESS IN FIRST 100 DAYS As the Democratic-led Congress approaches the 100- Congressional Leaders, day mark, pluralities of Americans approve of the way that Then and Now House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Reps Dems Harry Reid are handling their leadership roles. However, the Policies & proposals 1995 2007 of leaders % % public gives Democrats mixed reviews for delivering on their Approve 44 37 campaign promises and for their policies and proposals. Disapprove 43 42 Don’t know 13 21 Slightly more disapprove of the Democrats’ policies than 100 100 Gingrich/Pelosi job approve (42% disapprove vs. 37% approve). Approve 43 48 Disapprove 42 22 Don’t know 15 30 Today’s Democratic congressional leaders are far less 100 100 visible – but also less controversial – than former House Dole/Reid job Approve 59 32 Speaker Newt Gingrich was at a similar point early in the Disapprove 25 22 104th Congress.
    [Show full text]