MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI, COLUMBIA THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State-Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1969, chapter 183, as revised 1978. OFFICERS, 1995-1998 H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid, President JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City, First Vice President SHERIDAN A. LOGAN, St. Joseph, Second Vice President VIRGINIA G. YOUNG, Columbia, Third Vice President NOBLE E. CUNNINGHAM, Columbia, Fourth Vice President R. KENNETH ELLIOTT, Liberty, Fifth Vice President ROBERT G. J. HOESTER, Kirkwood, Sixth Vice President ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer JAMES W. GOODRICH, Columbia, Executive Director, Secretary, and Librarian

PERMANENT TRUSTEES FORMER PRESIDENTS OF THE SOCIETY WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia FRANCIS M. BARNES III, Kirkwood Avis G. TUCKER, Warrensburg LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville

TRUSTEES, 1994-1997 JOHN K. HULSTON, Springfield ARVARH E. STRICKLAND, Columbia JAMES B. NUTTER, Kansas City BLANCHE M. TOUHILL, St. Louis BOB PRIDDY, Jefferson City HENRY J. WATERS III, Columbia DALE REESMAN, Boonville

TRUSTEES, 1995-1998 WALTER ALLEN, Brookfield R. CROSBY KEMPER III, St. Louis JAMES A. BARNES, Raytown VIRGINIA LAAS, Joplin VERA F. BURK, Kirksville EMORY MELTON, Cassville RICHARD DECOSTER, Canton DOYLE PATTERSON, Kansas City

TRUSTEES, 1996-1999 HENRIETTA AMBROSE, Webster Groves JAMES R. MAYO, Bloomfield BRUCE H. BECKETT, Columbia W. GRANT MCMURRAY, Independence CHARLES B. BROWN, Kennett THOMAS L. MILLER SR., Washington LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN, Rolla

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Eight trustees elected by the board of trustees, together with the president of the Society, consti­ tute the executive committee. The executive director of the Society serves as an ex officio member. WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington, Chairman JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City FRANCIS M. BARNES III, Kirkwood ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid Avis G. TUCKER, Warrensburg VERA F. BURK, Kirksville VIRGINIA G. YOUNG, Columbia LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN, Rolla MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

VOLUME XCI, NUMBER 3 APRIL 1997

JAMES W. GOODRICH LYNN WOLF GENTZLER Editor Associate Editor

KRISTIN KOLB ANN L. ROGERS Research Assistant Research Assistant

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW (ISSN 0026-6582) is published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298. Phone (573) 882-7083; fax (573) 884-4950; e-mail [email protected]. Periodicals are paid at Columbia, Missouri. POSTMASTERS: Send address changes to MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298. Copyright © 1997 by The State Historical Society of Missouri

COVER DESCRIPTION: Founded by Sidney A. Weltmer in 1897, the Weltmer Institute in Nevada, Missouri, was the most prominent and long-lived of several such area health care institutions where magnetic healing was taught and practiced. Patrick Brophy explores these healers' methods and influence in "Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest: Magnetic Healing in Nevada, Missouri," which begins on page 275. [Cover illustration from early twentieth-century post­ card in the collections of the State Historical Society of Missouri] EDITORIAL POLICY The editors of the Missouri Historical Review welcome submission of articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Any aspect of Missouri history will be con­ sidered for publication in the Review. Genealogical studies, however, are not accepted because of limited appeal to general readers. Manuscripts pertaining to all fields of American history will be considered if the subject matter has significant relevance to the history of Missouri or the West.

Authors should submit two double-spaced copies of their manuscripts. The foot­ notes, prepared according to The Chicago Manual of Style, also should be double-spaced and placed at the end of the text. Authors may submit manuscripts on disk. The disk must be IBM compatible, preferably in WordPerfect. Two hard copies still are required, and the print must be letter or near-letter quality. Dot matrix submissions will not be accept­ ed. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used, interpretation, and style are criteria for acceptance and publication. Manuscripts should not exceed 7,500 words. Articles that are accepted for publication become the property of the State Historical Society of Missouri and may not be published elsewhere without permission. The Society does not accept responsibility for statements of fact or opinion made by the authors.

Articles published in the Missouri Historical Review are abstracted and indexed in Historical Abstracts, America: History and Life, Recently Published Articles, Writings on American History, The Western Historical Quarterly, and The Journal of American History.

Manuscripts submitted for the Review should be addressed to Dr. James W. Goodrich, Editor, Missouri Historical Review, State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201-7298.

BOARD OF EDITORS

LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN SUSAN M. HARTMANN University of Missouri-Rolla Ohio State University Columbus

WILLIAM E. FOLEY ALAN R. HAVIG Central Missouri State University Stephens College Warrensburg Columbia

JEAN TYREE HAMILTON DAVID D. MARCH Marshall Kirksville

ARVARH E. STRICKLAND University of Missouri-Columbia CONTENTS

THE JEWISH HOSPITAL OF ST. LOUIS: ITS FORMATIVE YEARS. By Burton A. Boxerman 229

MISSOURI'S TURN-OF-THE-CENTURY FIRST COUPLE: LAWRENCE "LON" VEST AND MARGARET NELSON STEPHENS. PART 1. By Marian M. Ohman 250

WELTMER, STANHOPE, AND THE REST: MAGNETIC HEALING IN NEVADA, MISSOURI. By Patrick Brophy 275

IT FINALLY HAPPENED HERE: THE 1968 RIOT IN KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI. By Joel P. Rhodes 295

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Society Libraries: Western Historical Manuscript Collection 316

News in Brief 318

Local Historical Societies 319

Gifts 328

Missouri History in Newspapers 331

Missouri History in Magazines 335

In Memoriam 341

Graduate Theses Relating to Missouri History 342 BOOK REVIEWS 343

Hamby, Alonzo L. Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Truman. Reviewed by James N. Giglio.

O'Brien, Michael J. Paradigms of the Past: The Story of Missouri Archaeology. Reviewed by John W. Sheets.

Ambrose, Stephen E. Undaunted Courage: Meriwether Lewis, Thomas Jefferson, and the Opening of the American West. Reviewed by William E. Foley.

BOOK NOTES 349

Bagnail, Norma Hayes. On Shaky Ground: The New Madrid Earthquakes of 1811-1812.

Gilbert, Joan. The Trail of Tears across Missouri. James, Larry A., and Linda Petty James, comps. and eds. Diamond The Gem City: A History of Diamond, Missouri and Marion Township. Schatz, Darlene, and Ruth Dace. A History of Sullivan, Missouri and the Bank of Sullivan. The History of St. Clair County, Missouri, Families, Volume 1, 1995.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe, with introduction, maps, and appendixes by Milton D. Rafferty. Rude Pursuits and Rugged Peaks: Schoolcraft's Ozark Journal, 1818-1819. The Past in Our Presence: Historic Buildings in St. Louis County.

Bruce, H. C. The New Man: Twenty-nine Years a Slave, Twenty-nine Years a Free Man: Recollections ofH. C. Bruce.

Parkison, Jami. Path to Glory: A Pictorial Celebration of the Santa Fe Trail.

Talbot, Vivian Linford. David E. Jackson: Field Captain of the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade.

CONTRIBUTORS TO MISSOURI CULTURE: SALLY RAND Inside back cover Archives, BJC Health System

The Jewish Hospital on Delmar Boulevard After 1905 The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis: Its Formative Years

BY BURTON A. BOXERMAN*

In 1800 sickness and disease were treated at home, and hospitals in the United States served only paupers, the insane, or those struck by epidemic or accident in a strange city. The only two hospitals in the nation— Philadelphia's Pennsylvania Hospital and the New York Hospital—received patients early in the nineteenth century. But by the end of the century, med­ ical advances in the form of antisepsis, anesthesia, X rays, and the establish­ ment of the clinical laboratory had brought about great changes in the image and functions of hospitals. Physicians began to convince their patients that the hospital was the best place to undergo surgery and, in fact, to treat any acute ailment.1

*Burton A. Boxerman received the B.A. degree from Washington University, St. Louis, and the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from Saint Louis University. Boxerman has published numer­ ous articles on St. Louis and national Jewish history.

1 Charles E. Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York: Basic Books, 1987), 1-4, 342; Morris J. Vogel, The Invention of the Modern Hospital, Boston, 1870-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 1.

229 230 Missouri Historical Review

The dramatic increase in the number of hospitals during the nineteenth century also reflected changing living patterns. Even many affluent city dwellers no longer lived among extended family, and they found it necessary to enter the hospital when ill. By serving both the well-to-do and the indigent, the hospital, which had previously served only the latter group, became accept­ ed as a purely medical institution, and class distinction significantly lessened.2 According to a census of medical institutions, 4,359 hospitals had been founded in the United States by 1908, some run by public entities, some by religious groups, and others by private agencies.3 During the nineteenth cen­ tury, fourteen hospitals had been established in St. Louis: Sisters Hospital, which became DePaul Hospital, St. Louis City Hospital, Good Samaritan Hospital, Lutheran Hospital, St. Luke's Hospital, Alexian Brothers Hospital, St. John's Hospital, Missouri Pacific Hospital, St. Mary's Infirmary, St. Louis Children's Hospital, Bethesda Hospital, Missouri Baptist Hospital, Peoples Hospital, and Booth Memorial Hospital.4 Conspicuously absent from this list is a Jewish hospital. In 1848 large numbers of Germans began immigrating to the United States. While many German Jews remained in New York, their port of entry, others, especially the Reform Jews, migrated farther westward and settled in Cincinnati, Ohio. There, in July 1850, the first Jewish hospital in the United States was founded for the purpose of "alleviating the indigent poor sick of the Jewish faith."5 In 1852 two more Jewish hospitals were established: the Jews' Hospital, later known as Mount Sinai, in New York City, and the Touro Infirmary in New Orleans. By the end of the nineteenth century, eight addi­ tional Jewish hospitals were in operation—two in New York City, one in Philadelphia, one in Baltimore, two in Chicago, one in Boston, and one in Lebanon, New York.6 A variety of factors influenced the founding of Jewish hospitals. Some Jewish patients feared that they would have to eat nonkosher food and face ridicule for their appearance and rituals if they entered public or Christian- affiliated hospitals. Others believed that in moments of personal crisis efforts might be made to convert them to Christianity. Many Jews, as well as other

2 Rosemary Stevens, In Sickness and In Wealth: American Hospitals In the Twentieth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1989), 17. 3 Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 5. 4 David A. Gee, Working Wonders: A History of the Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 1891- 1992 (St. Louis: Jewish Hospital of St. Louis, 1992), 12. 5 Medical and Dental Staff Bulletin of the Jewish Hospital of Cincinnati, 7 July 1975, 5. Original copy located at the American Jewish Archives, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 6 Ibid.; Joseph Hirsh and Beka Doherty, The First Hundred Years of the Mount Sinai Hospital of New York: 1852-1952 (New York: Random House, 1952), 3; Gee, Working Wonders, 1. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 231 minorities, felt that the trauma of hospitalization might be reduced if the hos­ pital authorities and staff shared the same faith and ethnic background.7 The Jewish Hospital in Cincinnati had been founded for all of the above reasons. Solomon Levi, president of the Cincinnati hospital board in 1878, gave additional reasons for its founding. The local Jewish community believed they should care for their own sick and needy; many city hospitals did not admit noncitizens; and a Jewish hospital could also serve as a home for elderly invalids and poor people.8 Finally, Levi contended, Jewish hos­ pitals not only benefited Jewish patients, but also, like other ethnic and reli­ gious hospitals, offered material advantages to the sponsoring communities and their physicians. For example, such institutions furnished opportunities for internships, residencies, and staff appointments that Jewish physicians might be denied elsewhere. Thus, Jewish hospitals served as part of a chain that helped doctors at successive stages of their careers. Each of these fac­ tors played a key role in the founding of the Jewish Hospital of St. Louis in 1900, the twelfth such institution to be established in the nation, and the first to be created in the twentieth century.9 The St. Louis Jewish community had been in existence for two decades when, in 1863, Isidor Bush, one of the city's most prominent Jews, attempt­ ed to establish a Jewish hospital. City authorities agreed to donate a block of ground near the Marine Hospital at Gasconade and Kansas Avenues, with the stipulation that the proposed hospital be constructed within a two-year peri­ od. Bush and the Jewish community failed to raise the needed funds, and the land reverted to the city. According to a newspaper account, a dispute had arisen as to whether city authorities had even possessed the power to donate the ground. This uncertainty led those engaged in the project to give up, and all discussion concerning the construction of a Jewish hospital ceased for the next fifteen years.10 In 1871 a great fire in Chicago forced thousands of Jews to flee, and hun­ dreds sought shelter in St. Louis. Although the city's Jews were not prepared for this unexpected crisis, a small group of young Jewish men quickly orga­ nized a temporary relief committee. On October 17, 1871, the presidents of the three leading Jewish congregations—United Hebrew, Shaare Emeth, and B'nai El—met at the United Hebrew Temple, then located at Sixth and St. Charles Streets, to create a permanent organization aimed at relieving the suf-

7 Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 173-174. 8 Solomon Levi to Jacob Furth, 22 October 1878, reprinted in Gee, Working Wonders, 9. 9 Starr, Social Transformation, 174-175; Gee, Working Wonders, 1. 10 William Hyde and Howard L. Conard, Encyclopedia of the History of St. Louis (New York: Southern History Company, 1899), 2: 1044; J. Thomas Scharf, History of Saint Louis City and County (Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts and Company, 1883), 2: 1763; St. Louis Missouri Republican, 29 October 1878. 232 Missouri Historical Review

Isidor Bush instigated the first effort to establish a Jewish hospital in St. Louis.

State Historical Society of Missouri fering of the recent arrivals from Chicago. They organized the United Hebrew Relief Association and chose Bernard Singer as president. The asso­ ciation tended to the needs of the Chicago refugees and became a major Jewish institution in St. Louis. It soon expanded its scope to care for all indi­ gent Jews, both transient and resident.11 Seven years later, when the United Hebrew Relief Association held its annual meeting on October 13, 1878, the members discussed constructing a hospital. At the urging of President Singer, the association pledged $1,620 to build a hospital for "old and infirm Israelites." A committee consisting of Rabbi Solomon Sonnesschein of Temple Shaare Emeth, Augustus Binswanger, and Jacob Furth called a meeting at the Harmonie Club for October 27 to organize a Jewish Hospital Association.12 The Jewish Hospital Association saw a definite need for a Jewish hospi­ tal in St. Louis. The United Hebrew Relief Association frequently had to send its sick applicants to City Hospital and other similar institutions. As the

11 Scharf, History of Saint Louis, 2: 1769. 12 Hyde and Conard, Encyclopedia of the History of St. Louis, 2: 1044; St. Louis Missouri Republican, 15 October 1878. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 233

committee stated, "We consider it our sacred duty to found an institution where we can extend to the sick and dying Israelites not only material aid, but also spiritual comfort."13 Still, the October 27 meeting proved only partially successful. A large num­ ber of people did come to the Harmonie Club and raised $870. The gathering organized a Jewish Infirmary and Hospital Association of St. Louis and chose Jacob Furth as president; William Goldstein, treasurer; and Augustus Binswanger, secretary. The committee believed, however, that the time was not right to con­ struct a hospital and determined instead to concentrate on establishing a home for the poor, ill, and elderly. This project proved difficult, and the committee mem­ bers decided they would not discuss it again until at least $5,000 had been raised.14 The Jewish Infirmary and Hospital Association continued to meet. Three years later, early in 1881, it passed a resolution providing that a sum of money be reserved to build "a home for aged and infirm Israelites." The association specified that the proposed structure be exclusively a "home for sick and elderly Jews," not a hospital.15 The United Hebrew Relief Association added its support to the project. In a letter to the Jewish community, Barney Hysinger, president of the UHRA, announced that the Ladies' Widows and Orphans Society, the Ladies' Zion Society, and the Young Ladies' Hospital Aid Society had promised financial aid to establish a "Home for Aged and Infirm Israelites," with a hospital as an appendage. Hysinger urged his fellow Jews to support the project and attend a meeting to be held on May 4, 1881.16 The Jewish Tribune, the leading Anglo-Jewish newspaper in St. Louis at the time, also urged the construction of the home and the hospital, "Let us begin the grand work, and the sooner the better."17 The association diverted all funds raised for the building of a hospital to the construction of a "Home." On May 19, 1882, the Home For Aged and Infirm Israelites was organized as a charitable corporation under Missouri laws. Immediately after obtaining its charter, the home acquired a large res­ idence at 3652 South Jefferson and held a formal dedication on May 28, 1882. The home, the predecessor of the Jewish Orthodox Old Folks Home and later renamed the Jewish Center for the Aged, occupied the building on South Jefferson until 1940. As clearly stated in its constitution, the home's purpose was "to cultivate and promote charity and benevolence among its

13 Copy of undated letter to Israelites of St. Louis found in Medical Papers Archives, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis; St. Louis Missouri Republican, 29 October 1878. 14 Hyde and Conard, Encyclopedia of the History of St. Louis, 2: 1045; Scharf, History of Saint Louis, 2: 1763. 15 St. Louis Jewish Tribune, 11 February 1881. 16 Barney Hysinger to St. Louis Jewish Community, 4 May 1881, copy at St. Louis Jewish Archives, St. Louis. 17 St. Louis Jewish Tribune, 20 May 1881. 234 Missouri Historical Review

members, especially by providing a home for aged and infirm persons of both sexes and of the Jewish faith."18 The success of the home for the aged did not diminish the need for a Jewish hospital. Beginning in 1886, large numbers of European immigrants left their native lands for America. Many were Jewish, and a number settled in St. Louis. These immigrants included young children who, along with their parents, oftimes resided in disease-ridden tenements. These immigrants could not cope by themselves; they needed a hospital where they would receive proper care. In late 1890, less than a decade after the home had opened, three Jewish doctors, Meyer J. Epstein, Jacob Friedman, and Henry Jacobson, acted on the need for a Jewish hospital in St. Louis. In early 1891, the three doctors called a meeting to discuss the feasibili­ ty of constructing a Jewish hospital.19 Although similar public meetings had been held previously, this one proved unique in many ways. It was reputed­ ly the largest gathering of Jews held up to that time in the city; even more importantly, leaders of both the established German-Jewish community as well as those of the recent arrivals from eastern Europe attended. Finally, every St. Louis Jewish doctor attended the meeting.20 Adolph Proskauer, a prominent businessman and the president of the Merchants and Cotton Exchange, presided while opponents and proponents debated the merits of constructing a Jewish hospital. When the debate con­ cluded, Rabbi Samuel Sale moved that a Jewish Hospital Association be formed to care for the city's sick and poor Jews, with the ultimate aim of establishing a hospital. Sale also moved that anyone could become a sub­ scriber to the new Jewish Hospital Association for the annual membership dues of $6.00. The motion carried with few dissenting votes.21 At a subsequent meeting held on March 1, 1891, the names of over 150 annual subscribers were reported. Additionally, the membership elected the following officers: Solomon A. Rider, owner of S. A. Rider Jewelry Company, president; David Rosentreter, clothing manufacturer, vice president; William Stix, executive of Rice, Stix and Company, treasurer; and Lewis Godlove, co-owner of Hellman-Godlove Mercantile Company, secretary.22

18 Constitution of Home for Aged and Infirm Israelites, St. Louis Jewish Archives; St. Louis Missouri Republican, 29 May 1882. 19 "First Annual Report," Jewish Hospital Association, 1893, Jewish Hospital Archives, Washington University Medical School Library, St. Louis; St. Louis Jewish Voice, 16 January 1891. 20 "First Annual Report." The thirteen Jewish doctors known to have been practicing medicine in St. Louis at that time included Bernhardt Block, M. J. Epstein, Jacob Friedman, A. Goldsmith, E. W. Haase, Henry Jacobson, E. D. H. Marks, A. Gratz Brown, H. Newland, Simon Politzer, Herman Tuholske, and Henry L. Wolfner. St. Louis Jewish Voice, 16 March 1888, 14 March 1913. 21 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 16 January 1891. 22 Ibid., 13 March 1891; St. Louis Missouri Republican, 2 March 1891; "First Annual Report." The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 235

On April 27, 1891, the state granted the association a charter to "afford medical and surgical aid, comfort and relief to deserving and needy Israelites and to such other denominations as the Board of Directors can provide for."23 On May 1, 1892, the Jewish Hospital Association held its first annual meeting and reported that it had raised $2,482.65—over half of it from an "enterprise" put on at the Olympic Theatre by the Jewish Young Ladies. The association also reported the purchase of a plot of land at the southeast cor­ ner of Ridge and Temple Avenues, a location considered favorable because of its proximity to streetcar lines.24 (No evidence exists as to the disposition of the land. Presumably, the money raised was later applied to the purchase of the Delmar property.) In spite of a promising beginning, the hospital association, because of a lack of funds, made little headway toward its goal. This caused great con­ sternation in many parts of the community. The Jewish Voice, the city's Anglo-Jewish newspaper, noted the inaction of the association: "Everyday more and more the urgent necessity of a Jewish Hospital in St. Louis becomes apparent. The mode and manner in which the officers of the so- called Jewish Hospital Association moves along is not encouraging for the

"First Annual Report"; St. Louis Jewish Voice, 29 May 1891. "First Annual Report"; Gee, Working Wonders, 13.

State Historical Society of Missouri

St. Louis Jewish leaders chose Jacob Furth as the first presi­ dent of the Jewish Infirmary and Hospital Association in 1878. 236 Missouri Historical Review near future. We do not blame the officers; they are wide-awake men; but what can they do with the extremely scant means on hands? If every Jewish lodge and benevolent organization . . . would . . . pitch in to the very best of their financial abilities, how rapidly could we advance to a final happy con­ summation ... in this direction!"25 The association accomplished little during the next two years, causing the Jewish Voice to become harsher in its criticism of their inaction. "Let us have a Jewish Hospital in St. Louis, no matter how small, and if it takes the nickels of the children and the pennies of the poor. . . . All there is necessary to accomplish something for the establishing of a Jewish Hospital in this community is agitation and an energetic band of workers. We need not rely on the wealthier classes in this matter; the masses of the middle—and even poorer classes are able and willing to support a Hospital; but the conduct of its affairs must at all times be kept before the public."26 External forces also caused the movement for a Jewish hospital to run into difficulties during the 1890s. Historians have called this decade the Gilded Age, a period in American history characterized by both extravagance and flaunted affluence. A crushing depression brought about by overexpan- sion and overspeculation also struck the nation. This depression, which last­ ed from 1893 to 1897, was perhaps the most serious financial panic to hit the nation up to that time.27 This economic crisis may very well have impeded fund-raising efforts for a Jewish hospital in St. Louis throughout most of the decade. A new momentum began in 1899 when the Jewish Hospital Aid Society, a women's adjunct to the hospital association, decided to act. The society, under the leadership of Mrs. Rebecca Kahn, Mrs. Julius Weil, and Miss Ida Kohn, called a mass meeting for June 11. All Jewish lodges and charitable and fraternal organizations were urged to send representatives.28 At the meet­ ing, the delegates passed a resolution to adopt the charter of the old hospital association. They chose August Frank, a prominent Jewish businessman and a brother of former Congressman Nathan Frank, as president, and Ida Kohn, Jacques Levy, and Mrs. Julius Weil as vice presidents.29 For over a year, the association made little headway. Then, on April 13, 1900, members adopted a new constitution to broaden its scope to "afford medical and surgical aid and nursing to sick or disabled persons of any creed or nationality. The religious services of the hospital shall be conducted in

25 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 15 September 1893. 26 Ibid., 1 March 1895. 27 Thomas A. Bailey, The American Pageant: A History of the Republic (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1965), 574, 632-634; John D. Hicks, George E. Mowry, and Robert E. Burke, History of American Democracy (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1964), 451. 28 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 2 June 1899. 29 Ibid., 16 June 1899; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 12 June 1899. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 237

By 1900 August Frank led the revived effort to establish a Jewish hospital.

State Historical Society of Missouri conformity with the doctrines and forms of the Jewish religion." August Frank remained president, and other officers elected at this meeting included Isaac Schwab, vice president; William Stix, treasurer; and Lee Sale, secretary.30 Money, however, was still needed to finance construction of the hospi­ tal. In the early summer of 1900, Gertrude Mathes, Ida Kohn, and Mrs. Julius Weil met at the home of Rebecca Kahn and initiated a drive to raise funds for the hospital. The women approached Elias Michael, an executive of Rice, Stix and Company and one of the city's most prominent Jews. Michael pledged $10,000 toward the construction of a hospital. Other merchants, including Isaac Schwab, William Stix, David Eiseman, Nathan and Louis Bry, Max and Leon J. Schwab, and Nicholas Scharff, each pledged $1,000. By the end of 1901, the remainder of the funds had been secured.31 In March 1901, ground was broken for the hospital at 5415 Delmar Boulevard. The Jewish Voice, a longtime critic of the delays in establishing such a hospital, rejoiced that after more than two decades of talking and hoping, a hospital would become a reality. "In spite of all doubts and pessimistic question­ ing, the Jewish Hospital of St. Louis will be opened and the reproach removed from us as being the only Jewish center in the country which cannot independently take care of its sick and suffering. The location of the new Hospital is an ideal one, being near beautiful 'Forest' Park, and in one of the best sections of the city."32

30 Gee, Working Wonders, 15; Constitution and Bylaws of Jewish Hospital of St. Louis, 1902, Jewish Hospital Archives. 31 "Short History of Jewish Hospital of St. Louis," 1924, 37, Herman Schachter Collection, St. Louis Jewish Archives. 32 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 22 March 1901. 238 Missouri Historical Review

The cornerstone was laid on May 16, 1901, and the building completed the following year. A severe thunderstorm interrupted the dedication services held on May 4, 1902, which were then rescheduled for May 18. Major speakers included August Frank, Rabbi Leon Harrison, Governor David R. Francis, Mayor Rolla Wells, Dr. Herman Tuholske, chief of the medical staff, and Rabbi Samuel Sale.33 The original hospital plans called for three side-by-side connected build­ ings, but available funds limited the construction to only one building. It mea­ sured forty feet across the front and seventy feet in depth, with a columned front porch and a small cupola on top. Its three stories accommodated thirty beds, a kitchen, and administrative and service facilities. An operating room, the furnace, and quarters for student nurses occupied the basement.34 A few months prior to the dedication of the hospital, a dispensary, locat­ ed at the southwest corner of Ninth and Wash (today Carr) Streets had been opened. Operating under the auspices of the Jewish Charitable and Educational Union, which had been established in 1901, the dispensary pro­ vided free treatment to St. Louis's immigrant population, particularly the large number of Jews who resided primarily north of the downtown area from Sixth Street west to Jefferson. The dispensary served as the outpatient arm

33 Gee, Working Wonders, 157; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 17 May 1901. 34 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 19 May 1902; St. Louis Jewish Voice, 2 May 1902; Gee, Working Wonders, 19.

Jewish community leaders laid the cornerstone for the hospital in 1901.

Archives, Washington University School of Medicine The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 239

The building at 5415 Delmar Boulevard housed thirty beds, an operating room, and a kitchen. A 1905 expansion added two wings to this original building (right). The dispensary (below) served as an outpatient clinic for Jewish Hospital.

State Historical Society of Missouri

of Jewish Hospital.35 The impor­ tance of this dispensary is evi­ denced in the constitution of the hospital, which required a Committee on Dispensary to visit it and report periodically to the hospital's board of directors.36 The dispensary remained in its original location until a fire State Historical Society of Missouri destroyed the building in 1921. From 1921 to 1927, the clinic referred patients to the Washington University Clinic. In 1927 a new Jewish Hospital Clinic opened on Kingshighway.37 In addition to a written constitution and bylaws, the hospital board adopted rules and regulations for the protection of the patients and the guid­ ance of employees. Some of these rules now appear quite humorous. Patients were forbidden to use profane or indecent language, play cards, smoke or use tobacco in any form, or procure or use intoxicating liquors. Lights in the wards had to be lowered at 9:00 P.M. in the summer and at 8:00 P.M. during the winter months.38

35 Since 1926 this organization has been known as the Jewish Federation of St. Louis. Gee, Working Wonders, 21; St. Louis Jewish Voice, 31 October 1902. 36 Constitution and Bylaws of Jewish Hospital of St. Louis. 37 Gee, Working Wonders, 21. 38 "Rules and Regulations of Jewish Hospital of St. Louis," 1902, 27, Jewish Hospital Archives. 240 Missouri Historical Review

The board appointed Dr. Herman Tuholske as the hospital's first presi­ dent of the medical staff. Born in Meseritz, Prussia, in 1848, Tuholske immi­ grated to America and settled in St. Louis in 1865. He graduated from the Missouri Medical College in 1869 and served as physician to the city dis­ pensary. For several years, he was the examining physician for the police force and the jail. In 1873 Tuholske's alma mater appointed him professor of anatomy, a post he held for ten years. When the Missouri Medical College became the medical school for Washington University, Tuholske served as professor of surgery. While president of the medical staff of Jewish Hospital, Tuholske also headed the department of surgery. He died on May 2,1947.39 A number of distinguished doctors practiced medicine on Dr. Tuholske's staff, including Jacob Friedman, physician; Henry Wolfner, ophthalmologist; Max A. Goldstein, otologist; Sidney I. Schwab, neurologist; Louis J. Wolfort, associate visiting physician; Aaron Levy, associate visiting physician; and Hanau W Loeb, laryngologist. Loeb succeeded Tuholske as chief of staff in 1920.40 In December 1902, President August Frank made his first report to the hospital board of directors and subscribers. "We have erected and finished the main, or administration building of our hospital. Have furnished it com­ plete in a substantial manner," he stated. "Our building is not large enough to accommodate all who apply. We have been compelled to refuse admission to patients owing to the fact, that the hospital was full. It is, therefore, very desirable to immediately build our first pavilion."41 The School of Nursing also began in 1902, with the first class of five nurses graduating in 1905. Originally called the Jewish Hospital Training School for Nurses, the name was changed to the Jewish Hospital School of Nursing on October 13, 1925.42 Paying patients were not sufficient to keep Jewish Hospital in the black. In January 1905, President Frank told the Jewish community that two addi­ tional wings were immediately needed to care for the influx of indigent immigrants who sought medical attention. Frank appointed Moses Fraley as chairman of a committee to raise additional funds for the hospital. Julius Lesser, who succeeded Frank as president of the hospital in 1907, personal­ ly contributed $25,000 of the $250,000 ultimately raised for a seventy-room addition.43 The latest round of fund-raising proved very difficult. To pay off expenses incurred during the construction program, a private bond sale became necessary. Lesser, who had originally made a substantial contribu-

39 "Memento of Medical Staff of the Jewish Hospital of St. Louis, 1902-1980," Jewish Hospital Archives. 40 "Rules and Regulations of Jewish Hospital." 41 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 19 December 1902. 42 Gee, Working Wonders, 18. 43 "Short History of Jewish Hospital," 37. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 241 tion, bought $4,000 worth of bonds. Some of the city's leading Jewish mer­ chants, including Aaron Waldheim, Morris Glaser, Moses Shoenberg, David May, J. Arthur Baer, and Aaron Fuller purchased the remaining bonds.44 Raising the funds necessary for the general maintenance and construc­ tion provided the first major challenge for the Jewish Hospital. Next was the issue of a kosher kitchen. When the hospital had been constructed, kosher food was not what made the hospital "Jewish." Rather, it was because the bulk of the funds came from Jews (in this case primarily the Reform contin­ gent) and the administration welcomed Jewish medical personnel on the staff. Because the institution did not attempt to provide kosher food to Jews who observed the dietary laws, many pious Jews either refused to go to the hospital or ate food provided by their families or friends.45 The hospital did provide kosher food for a brief period in 1909 but soon discontinued the practice.46 For this reason, leaders of the Orthodox Jewish community organized a Kosher Hospital Association in 1912 with the intent to create a strictly orthodox hospital within the confines of Jewish Hospital, if

44 Gee, Working Wonders, 19. 45 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 3 May 1912; Rosalind M. Bronson, Bnai Amoona For All Generations (St. Louis: Bnai Amoona, 1982), 124. 46 Gee, Working Wonders, 103.

Dr. Herman Tuholske (bearded, center) in Surgery

Archives, Washington University School of Medicine 242 Missouri Historical Review possible, or to build a separate Orthodox Jewish facility.47 Officers of the Kosher Hospital Association held numerous meetings with Aaron Waldheim, the vice president of Jewish Hospital, who opposed a divided Jewish communi­ ty and was willing to compromise by creating a kosher kitchen at the existing facility. Leaders of the Kosher Hospital Association wanted Jewish Hospital to serve strictly kosher food to all patients, Jews and non-Jews alike, and to hire a Jewish superintendent and only Jewish nurses to make Jewish patients feel "at home" in their surroundings. The effort at compromise failed.48 The issue of a kosher kitchen would come up repeatedly. Late in 1912, the association changed its name to the Orthodox Jewish Hospital and attempted to raise money to build its own strictly kosher institution. Although the site for the new hospital had not been selected, rumor hinted that it would be located adjacent to the Jewish Orthodox Old Folks' Home at East Grand and Blair Avenues. The $25,000 needed to erect this building could not be raised.49 While the controversy over a kosher kitchen continued, Jewish Hospital faced a third challenge—the need for additional space. In 1915, upon the death of David Eiseman, Aaron Waldheim became president of the hospital. Waldheim, a native of Cincinnati, was active in both the banking and real estate businesses in downtown St. Louis. His holdings included the Chemical Building at Eighth and Olive Streets and the Equitable Building at Sixth and Locust Streets. In addition to his business interests and his deep involvement in all phases of St. Louis Jewish communal life, Waldheim had been one of the leaders in the construction of the Jewish Hospital.50 After he became the president, Waldheim began to implement an ambitious plan for enlarging the hospital—sell the hospital property and build a modern, up-to- date edifice at a site yet to be determined. At the 1915 annual meeting of the board of directors, specific proposals for a new building, not to cost in excess of one million dollars, were introduced. Upon announcement of the building plans, the issue of a kosher kitchen once again arose. Louis Cohen, president of the Orthodox Jewish Hospital, asked that the orthodox community be represented on the hospital board. This representative would press for a wing in the proposed new hospital to be devoted to orthodox patients where all related practices—especially the dietary laws—would be observed. Waldheim assured Cohen that a decision about including a kosher ward in the proposed new building had yet to be

Kosher Hospital Association Incorporation, book 48, City Clerk's Office, St. Louis City Hall. 48 Bronson, Bnai Amoona, 124; St. Louis Jewish Voice, 3 May 1912. 49 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 15, 22 November 1912. 50 For a brief portrait of Waldheim's early career see Burton A. Boxerman, "Portrait of Aaron Waldheim: Early Jewish Leader," St. Louis Jewish Light, 17 July 1985. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 243 made and that the matter would be given thorough consideration before the final adoption of any plans.51 Two elements of the community pressured Waldheim to include kosher facilities in the new hospital. The Modern View, the contemporary Anglo- Jewish journal, argued that Jewish Hospital had been established to meet the physical and spiritual needs of the Jews in St. Louis and that it would be an "injustice" not to include kosher facilities. "In a new and larger hospital to be built with ample funds and spacious area, what excuse can be offered to refuse to make good a long-standing injustice and wrong? None whatever."52 Rabbi Bernard Abramowitz, chief rabbi for the Orthodox Jewish com­ munity, went even further in his demands for the new hospital. In an open letter to Waldheim, Abramowitz, who spoke for the ten thousand Orthodox Jewish families of St. Louis, asked: "Wherein is the Jewish Hospital Jewish? By what is it distinguished from St. Luke's or Missouri Baptist?" Rabbi Abramowitz disputed Waldheim's claim that the Jewish Hospital was Jewish because of the high percentage of Jewish physicians on staff. "I have always regarded medical science as far removed from religion. I would as soon call a Gentile physician to attend to my ailments as I would a Jewish physician if the Gentile physician was the better of the two," wrote Abramowitz. The rabbi insisted that the proposed hospital should be an institution where all ail­ ing Jews could come in good conscience. He urged Waldheim to either turn over to orthodox management the old, outgrown Jewish Hospital building, which would then be operated according to Jewish religious principles, or add a completely Jewish wing to the new hospital, along with a maternity ward where circumcision could be conducted. "We hope you will agree to one or the other of our requests and give us the opportunity we seek to aid in so laudable a purpose," pleaded Abramowitz.53 In the meantime, Waldheim reported that the fund-raising drive to construct a new hospital had been successful. Because of the generosity of the Jewish com­ munity's leading citizens, pledges exceeded the required one million dollars. Gifts of $10,000 or more came from Ben Harris, Marcus Harris, Samuels Shoe Company, Colonel Moses Shoenberg, David Sommers, and E. J. Marx. Stix, Baer, and Fuller, one of the city's leading department stores, pledged $50,000; Aaron Waldheim pledged $75,000; and the Lesser-Goldman families, $100,000.54 The proposed fifteen-acre site for the new hospital lay on the west side of Skinker Boulevard, approximately eight hundred feet north of Clayton Road. The cost of the property was $6,600 per acre, for a total of $99,000. Opposition to building a hospital on this site immediately arose. On May 27,

51 Gee, Working Wonders, 103; Modern View, 12 September 1919. 52 Modern View, 28 November 1919. 53 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 12 December 1919; Modern View, 12 December 1919. 54 St. Louis Jewish Voice, 28 November 1919. 244 Missouri Historical Review

1920, the residents of the area made a formal protest to the St. Louis Board of Aldermen, arguing that a hospital should not be constructed in a primarily res­ idential area. The board of directors of the St. Louis Chamber of Commerce sided with the residents and passed a resolution opposing the construction of the hospital.55 Why the chamber opposed the construction has never been doc­ umented, but one can surmise that anti-Semitism played a major role. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch opposed the resolution passed by the cham­ ber of commerce. It stated that while the city ought to adhere to strict zoning laws, certain philanthropic institutions such as the Jewish Hospital should be given different consideration than commercial projects. "Nothing should stand in the way," editorialized the Post-Dispatch, "of obtaining the best pos­ sible location and ample area for a great institution such as is planned for this hospital. It is designed for large humanitarian service to both rich and poor."56 Despite the newspaper's support, on June 27, 1920, the board of alder­ men sided with area residents and voted down the rezoning needed to con­ struct the building. Shortly thereafter, however, the construction permits for St. Mary's Hospital, to be built just five hundred feet west of the property sought by Jewish Hospital, quickly passed without incident.57 Again, one can speculate that anti-Semitism played a major role in the lack of consistent enforcement of zoning ordinances. Since the Jewish Hospital had already sold its building on Delmar to the Masonic Home for $150,000, the decision of the board of aldermen created a tremendous problem. The Masonic Home had originally given the hospi­ tal five years to vacate the premises; however, the home's board increased the time to seven years, allowing the hospital two additional years to find a site and complete construction of a new building. Waldheim informed the hospital board of two available sites—a five- acre lot on Oakland Avenue opposite Forest Park and a two-acre site on Kingshighway. Despite the larger size of the Oakland Avenue site, the board decided to purchase the site on Kingshighway because of its proximity to three major hospitals, St. John's, built in 1912; Barnes, built in 1914; and St. Louis Children's Hospital, which had relocated in 1914. Four hospitals would now be located in a three-block area. On October 28, 1920, Jewish Hospital bought the Kingshighway property. Deaconess Hospital subse­ quently purchased the property on Oakland and relocated there in 1929.58 After the completion of the plans and specifications for the new Jewish Hospital, the officers and board of directors realized that additional funds would be required to construct a building that could meet the institution's

Ibid., 25 June 1920. St. Louis Post-Dispatch editorial reprinted in St. Louis Jewish Voice, 25 June 1920. Gee, Working Wonders, 31. Ibid., 45-46. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 245 needs for expansion. Therefore, the board decided to conduct yet another fund-raising campaign. This campaign netted slightly more than $700,000, and with ample funds in sight, ground was broken for the new hospital on April 17,1924.59 The Jewish community unanimously agreed that Aaron Waldheim was responsible for the success of the Jewish Hospital. Waldheim's close associates noted that he took a more active interest in the hospital than in many of his varied business undertakings. Every day, Waldheim and his wife, Hattie, could be found making rounds of the wards, personally visiting hospital patients. Waldheim mod­ estly denied having exerted such a marked influence upon what he called "his pet project," noting that his connection with Jewish Hospital had begun only fourteen years earlier and that he had been president for only seven years. Waldheim recognized that many women deserved credit for the hospi­ tal's success. He specifically mentioned Rebecca Kahn and Gertrude Mathes, two who had created sentiment for a Jewish hospital in St. Louis. He then praised the efforts of such leaders as Elias Michael, whose initial con­ tribution of $10,000 had provided incentive for others to contribute to the present building. He also acknowledged the hard work and devotion of the hospital's first three presidents, August Frank, Julius Lesser, and David Eiseman. "It was much harder in those days to get liberal support for social undertakings, and I am sure that my predecessors had to worry a great deal more than I did about how to make ends meet."60 Waldheim was confident that the St. Louis Jewish community would help finance the construction of the new hospital. "I stand ready," he added, "to make an additional contribution myself, and feel sure that most of the original contributors would do likewise."61 At the same time, Waldheim announced that provisions would be made in the new hospital to supply kosher food to patients who wanted it through a kosher kitchen. This kitchen would contain separate refrigerators and pantries. Waldheim added that while this plan was experimental in nature, an earnest effort would be made to indefinitely continue this service. "However," said Waldheim, "in view of the fact that no hospital throughout the United States has yet been able to successfully conduct a separate kosher kitchen, the board of directors of the hospital reserves the right to discontin­ ue this service whenever in its opinion it is advisable to do so."62 Waldheim's announcement that a new Jewish Hospital would be con­ structed in St. Louis received plaudits from two of the city's prominent rab­ bis. Rabbi Leon Harrison, spiritual leader of Temple Israel, an ultraliberal

"Short History of Jewish Hospital," 7; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 17 April 1924. Modern View, 22 February 1924. Ibid. Ibid. 246 Missouri Historical Review

congregation, stated: "The Jewish Hospital represents the heart and soul of our Jewish religion, its tenderness to the stricken, its love of the destitute, its broad humanity. Let us put our shoulder to the wheel and both give and gath­ er every dollar that is necessary for the splendid completion of this great enterprise." Rabbi Abraham Halpern, religious leader of the traditional con­ gregation, B'nai Amoona, who had been instrumental in achieving the inclu­ sion of a kosher food service, also praised the construction of a new Jewish Hospital, noting its importance to the Jewish community. "Regardless of whether one was orthodox or reform, we all believe in the ethical and moral code of our religion which has been handed down through the ages."63 The new Jewish Hospital opened at 216 South Kingshighway in 1926, with separate facilities for preparing kosher food. Rabbi Halpern looked upon the kosher kitchen as one of his proudest achievements. He served until the end of his life as the mashgiach, or supervisor of the kitchen, making cer­ tain that all the laws of kashrut were observed.64 Rebecca Kahn, another prime mover for a Jewish hospital in St. Louis, told the Women's Auxiliary of the Jewish Hospital one year after the new facility had opened that the kosher kitchen had succeeded. She noted that she had dreamed and talked of a kosher hospital for more than thirty years, but "willing hearts and a determination not to fail have helped us out." She thanked Aaron Waldheim's sister, Mrs. Leopold, for a gift of $400 to pur­ chase Passover dishes and cooking utensils. She then turned over $2,251.41

63 Ibid. 64 Bronson, Bnai Amoona, 125; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 28 April 1956.

Dignitaries gathered to dedicate the new Kingshighway building.

Archives, BJC Health System The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 247 to Waldheim, representing funds plus interest that had been collected years before for a kosher hospital.65 Much credit for the kosher kitchen in the new Jewish Hospital—like the construction itself—must go to Aaron Waldheim. Waldheim was not an Orthodox Jew, and he did not observe the Jewish dietary laws. He had even omitted a kosher kitchen from the original plans of the new Jewish Hospital. When he realized that the older Orthodox Jewish hospital patients would not eat nonkosher food even if it imperiled their health, Waldheim changed his position and insisted on the installation of the best equipment for kosher cook­ ing. Not only did he advocate a kosher kitchen for the St. Louis Jewish Hospital, but he also promoted such a facility in other cities as well. At a fund- raising dinner in Kansas City for a Jewish hospital, Waldheim spoke on behalf of a kosher kitchen. "Your Jewish Hospital must be Jewish. It must have a kosher kitchen. If it will not have that you had better not open its doors, because without such a kosher kitchen, it will never be a Jewish hospital, nor a non-sectarian hospital. . . . you must provide amply for those patients who feel they must have food prepared for them according to the dietary laws."66 When the new Jewish Hospital of St. Louis was constructed, the hospi­ tal's nursing section was housed on the building's first floor, with only lim­ ited space for living quarters and classroom facilities. In 1927 business leader Sydney M. Shoenberg and his mother, Mrs. Moses M. Shoenberg, donated $300,000 for the construction of a new nurses' residence located at 206 South Kingshighway, directly across from the hospital. Dedicated on June 10, 1929, as a memorial to the late Moses M. Shoenberg, the structure was acclaimed the "last word" in residences for nurses because of its com­ plete educational facilities, beautiful furnishings, and homelike atmosphere.67 Shortly after the completion of the new Jewish Hospital, the Great Depression hit the United States, and the hospital, like the entire nation, was adversely affected by it. First, the administration decreased all salaries by 10 to 15 percent, resulting in an annual savings of $21,000. Next, they cut stipends for student nurses, interns, and residents. In February 1933, an addi­ tional 10 percent salary cut was enacted, saving $14,000. Finally, in 1934, the Jewish Hospital made a decision that greatly angered the Jewish Federation, the philanthropic arm of the Jewish community. Employees of the Federation had always received a 25 percent discount on hospital expens­ es; the depression forced the reduction of this discount to 10 percent.68 Fortunately for the Jewish Hospital, the worst part of the depression had

65 Talk by Rebecca Kahn to Women's Auxiliary of Jewish Hospital, May 1927, copy in author's possession. 66 Modern View, 23 November 1928. 67 Gee, Working Wonders, 36; "Short History of Jewish Hospital of St. Louis," n.d., 2, St. Louis Jewish Archives; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 10 June 1929. 68 Gee, Working Wonders, 36. 248 Missouri Historical Review

Archives, BJC Health System

Aaron Waldheim ceased by the early 1940s as the war in Europe brought some measure of prosperity to the country. On March 7, 1938, Aaron Waldheim died at the age of seventy-four, and ten days later, a day of mourning was proclaimed at Jewish Hospital. Rabbi Ferdinand Isserman of Temple Israel, who had officiated at Waldheim's funeral, eulogized the president, "Through his labors for the Jewish Hospital, which ministered to all creeds, he expressed the quality of mercy, his sym­ pathy for suffering."69 Aaron Waldheim had firmly established the Jewish Hospital of St. Louis as a major medical institution in the city. He successfully found a location for the hospital on South Kingshighway and enjoyed the longest tenure of any of the institution's presidents, holding that position for twenty-three years. In

Boxerman, "Portrait of Aaron Waldheim"; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 8 March 1938. The Jewish Hospital of St. Louis 249 addition, Waldheim had served on the board for three years prior to his term as president. To many, he was the personification of the Jewish Hospital.70 Waldheim may have personified the Jewish Hospital, but the institution developed due to the combined efforts of literally hundreds of Jewish resi­ dents of St. Louis. It began with the pioneer St. Louis Jews who felt a Jewish hospital to be as vital to the community as a synagogue or a burial society. Throughout the last half of the nineteenth century, the leadership of the St. Louis Jewish community worked hard to make a hospital a reality. Finally, the success of the hospital can be traced to the philanthropic efforts of many of the city's leading Jewish merchants. They not only gave their own money, but also their time, raising additional funds and providing leadership through service on various boards and committees. By 1938 the Jewish Hospital of St. Louis had taken its place as one of the nation's finest medical institutions.

Gee, Working Wonders, 146.

THE RICHARD S. BROWNLEE FUND

In 1985 the executive committee of the State Historical Society of Missouri established the Richard S. Brownlee Fund to honor the longtime executive director upon his retirement. Income from the corpus of the fund is used annually to provide cash awards for individuals and organi­ zations proposing to publish, or make other tangible contributions to, the history of Missouri and its citizens. Individuals, local historical societies, museums, and governmental and nongovernmental agencies are eligible to apply for funding. Residency within the state is not a requirement. Applicants for Brownlee Fund monies should direct their proposals to James W. Goodrich, executive director of the Society. A cover letter out­ lining the goals and presenting a synopsis of the project should be accom­ panied by an itemized budget detailing the manner in which the requested funds will be used. The deadline for 1997 applications is July 1. State Historical Society of Missouri Missouri's Tum-of-the-Century First Couple: Lawrence "Lon" Vest and Margaret Nelson Stephens Parti

BY MARIAN M. OHMAN*

Lon Stephens celebrated his pioneer Missouri heritage: "To the manner born," he proudly claimed.1 His great-grandfather, Joseph Stephens, begot the Missouri lineage when he transplanted his family from Tennessee to the

*Marian M. Ohman received the B.S., M.A., and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Missouri-Columbia. From 1973 until 1988, she worked in the Extension Division at the University; she is now a freelance researcher and writer.

1 The phrase comes from Shakespeare's Hamlet: "But to my mind, though I am native here and to the manner born." (1.4.14-17). It refers to the habit, practice, or custom of a peo­ ple either by birth or by rearing. When misspelled as manor, which sometimes happens, it gives rise to the misinterpretation of high rank or aristocracy. Stephens, who was familiar with the classics, probably knew the source. Several newspaper articles related to or quoting Stephens used the phrase. A Jefferson City writer, for example, quoted him: "As a Missourian to the manor born, I recognize no greater honor could be paid me." Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 17 April 1896.

250 Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 251 territory in 1817. Although in his fifties, Joseph undertook the formidable challenge of starting over once again. A Virginian by birth, perhaps in 1763, he had first moved to Kentucky around 1800, then on to Tennessee in 1815, but apparently neither place entirely suited him. Friends and his wife's rela­ tives already situated in the Missouri Territory encouraged the westward move, but the most significant lure was the assurance of abundant, fertile land. Joseph, his wife (the former Rhoda Cole), and most of their children joined the massive migration of settlers seeking opportunities in the prospec­ tive state of Missouri. Prior to moving, Stephens purchased a homesite sev­ eral miles south of present-day Boonville, near Bunceton, on the waters of the Petite Saline Creek. A hastily constructed rude shelter housed the fami­ ly through the first winter. Nearby, a spring bubbled potable water while adjacent woods offered provisions of wildlife, honey, nuts, and berries.2 About the time of the Stephenses' arrival, Asa Morgan and Charles Lucas founded the town of Boonville. Its central location on a soaring bluff overlooking the Missouri River made it an ideal port. Boonville became the seat of Cooper County and blossomed into a flourishing village.3 Joseph farmed, raised livestock, prospered, bought more land, acquired slaves, lost his first wife, married Catherine Dickson, and fathered more chil­ dren, twenty-four altogether. After his long, illustrious journey, death came in 1836. Before he died, Joseph gave each of his sons a tract of land and a few animals, consigned to each daughter a slave, and provided all a small collec­ tion of necessities for beginning independent lives. The father warned them to take care of and add to the property as it was all he ever intended to give them.4 Several descendants continued his practice of farming and raising livestock, but in the 1840s one grandson, Joseph Lafayette Stephens, took a different turn. He completed high school in Boonville, briefly taught school, then volunteered for the Mexican War in 1846. By now twenty years of age and a tall, com­ manding figure, Joseph seemed a natural leader. Although the youngest of 110 volunteers, his fellow soldiers unanimously chose him captain of their compa­ ny, on which occasion he gave them a spirited, eloquent address. To their regret, the war ended before the courageous volunteers saw active duty.5 Joseph studied law under Boonville attorney John G. Miller, which pre­ pared him for admission to the bar in 1847. He established his residence and

2 Henry C. Levens and Nathaniel M. Drake, A History of Cooper County, Missouri (St. Louis: Perrin and Smith, 1876), 197-198; History of Howard and Cooper Counties, Missouri (St. Louis: National Historical Company, 1883), 626-627. 3 Robert L. Dyer, Boonville: An Illustrated History (Boonville, Mo.: Pekitanoui Publications, 1987), 24-31. 4 Levens and Drake, History of Cooper County, 198-199. 5 "Joseph Lafayette Stephens," United States Biographical Dictionary, Missouri Volume (New York: U.S. Biographical Publishing Company, 1878), 205. For an account of the com­ pany's activities during this period see Levens and Drake, History of Cooper County, 90-95. 252 Missouri Historical Review began his practice in Boonville, a community ripe for growth and economic development. The youthful attorney found business as appealing as law and engaged in diverse and lucrative enterprises, including banking, real estate, railroads, mining, and ferry service. People respected him for his demon­ strated leadership, alongside his legal and business acumen, and admired his optimistic temperament and unassuming manner.6 On May 10, 1853, Joseph married Martha Gibson. Six years later their family included three sons: William Speed, born in 1854 and called Speed; William Gibson, born in 1856, nicknamed "Gip"; and on December 21, 1858, Lawrence Vest, called "Lon," the namesake of his grandfather, Lawrence Cole Stephens, and his father's friend and antebellum law partner, George Graham Vest. Civil War conflicts disrupted life around Boonville and stifled progress. According to the 1860 census, the town's population numbered 2,596, which included 409 slaves. Confederate sympathizers were counterbalanced by a sizable number of Union supporters, principally German immigrants. In an 1861 skirmish when Confederates threatened to attack, the Home Guard troops under the command of Colonel Joseph A. Eppstein arrested Joseph Stephens and several other prominent Boonville citizens thought to be south­ ern sympathizers and used them as hostages, positioning them subject to Confederate gunfire. Under a white flag, one of the hostages met with the Confederates to arrange a withdrawal agreement. After the militia retreated, Eppstein released the hostages.7 Shortly thereafter, Stephens left for Washington, D.C, where he became a member of the bar and practiced in the U.S. Supreme Court and the Court of Claims.8 He signed oaths of loyalty in Missouri in 1862 and 1863, and in 1864 he signed a petition calling for a Union state convention as an "Unconditional Unionist."9 In 1864 Stephens resumed business and political activities in Missouri and established a privately owned bank in Boonville. The following year he

6 For other biographical sketches of Joseph Lafayette Stephens see Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 26 November 1875; Illustrated Atlas Map of Cooper County, Missouri (St. Louis: St. Louis Atlas Publishing Company, 1877), 62-63; Editorial Notices on the Life and Character of Joseph L. Stephens (Boonville, Mo.: Advertiser Steam Print, 1881). 7 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 30 April 1886, 20 December 1889; Dyer, Boonville, 114-115. 8 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 26 November 1875. The National Archives in Washington, D.C, Records of the Supreme Court of the United States, Record Group 267, confirms Joseph L. Stephens's admission to the bar of the Supreme Court on December 8, 1863, and lists his resi­ dence as Boonville. The National Archives found no information relative to lawyers being admitted to the bar of the U.S. Court of Claims. John K. Vandereedt, letter to author, 6 December 1994. 9 Joseph L. Stephens, oaths of loyalty, 16 September 1862, 1 April 1863, Cooper County Papers, fol. 26, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, University of Missouri-Columbia (hereinafter cited as WHMC-Columbia); Liberty Tribune, 18 March 1864. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 253

Joseph L. Stephens played a prominent role in the business and political arenas in Missouri following the Civil War.

State Historical Society of Missouri joined other shareholders to found the Central National Bank in Boonville, a leading financial institution in central Missouri. Stephens served as its pres­ ident for many years.10 Stephens's Washington experience may have spurred his ambition for elective office. He entered the race for state senator in 1866 and, although defeated by George W. Boardman, ran ahead of his ticket. In 1872 the Democrats considered him as a possible gubernatorial candidate. At the nom­ inating convention held in Jefferson City during August, Stephens and two other candidates, James S. Rollins and William H. Hatch, remained viable after the third ballot, each assured of strong support, but none tallying an ade­ quate majority. Before the fourth ballot, R. H. Rose tentatively suggested another candidate, Silas Woodson, the presiding officer of the Democratic State Convention. An immediate swell of affirmation animated the audience, surprising even the nominator. Woodson withdrew from the chair and hand­ ed the gavel to another. Excitement rippled through the hall as the noisy group chanted in unison, "Woodson, Woodson," enthusiastic about this sudden and most acceptable option. Woodson received the nomination and subsequently won the office.11 In spite of these losses, Stephens remained involved in pub-

Jefferson City Peoples Tribune, 11 October 1865. The bank was chartered in October 1865. 11 Columbia Missouri Statesman, 30 August 1872. Some people attributed Stephens's 1866 defeat to the prevailing prescriptive system of registration, U.S. Biographical Dictionary, 205. See Martha Kohl, "Enforcing a Vision of Community: The Role of the Test Oath in 254 Missouri Historical Review lie affairs, collegial, frequently mentioned as a possible U.S. Senate candidate, and the recipient of several honorary appointments.12 Joseph, a loving, attentive father, kept close to his seven children, espe­ cially the boys. The family lived in a house near the center of Boonville on a large lot containing a variety of fruit trees and flowers. Their library contained about three thousand books, reportedly many rare volumes, along with auto­ graphed letters from notable celebrities, valuable paintings, and engravings.13 The trio of bright, ambitious Stephens boys received their early education in Boonville at Cooper Institute and the Kemper Family School. As part of their early training, their father introduced them to the fundamentals of finance and business administration and encouraged their active participation. Together, Speed and Gip began higher education at Washington and Lee

Missouri's Reconstruction," Civil War History 40 (December 1994): [292]-307. Assessing the 1872 nomination, the Boonville Weekly Eagle contended that trickery and clever strategy foisted the name of Woodson upon the convention and snatched the nomination from Stephens because Stephens did not belong to any "ring politicians" and ran contrary to mandates. Party regulars, the paper said, sought revenge because Stephens refused to "contract with the lobbyists" in Jefferson City and had defied the "ring politicians' " control of the party by allowing his name to be considered without first seeking their permission. Boonville Weekly Eagle, 30 August, 6 September 1872. 12 Life and Character of Joseph L. Stephens, 63. Stephens was appointed colonel and aide-de-camp by Governor John S. Phelps. State Almanac and Official Directory of Missouri (St. Louis: John J. Daly and Company, 1879), 9. 13 U.S. Biographical Dictionary, 206.

The Joseph L. Stephens Residence, Boonville

State Historical Society of Missouri Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 255

University in Virginia in 1875, a school with close connections to the Kemper Family School. During the summer vacation following their school year in the East, Gip worked alongside his father, who had been appointed one of the receivers for the bankrupt Missouri Pacific Railroad. Then Gip, the exceptional young man beloved by parents and community, died of typhoid fever, devastating the family. Five months later his mother died. Speed never returned to school.14 Lon's turn at Washington and Lee came in 1877, where for one session he studied law but left without graduating. He thought about continuing his education, possibly in Europe, but claimed his father opposed any additional formal instruction. Joseph exerted great influence over his sons and wanted them close to him, involved in family business and local undertakings. They willingly complied.15 Joseph, still a vigorous fifty-one-year-old man, took a second bride, Fannie E. Jones, a twenty-four-year-old St. Louis schoolteacher. They mar­ ried in April 1878. Several members of the Stephens family and many friends, including Governor John S. Phelps, attended the ceremony.16 The couple honeymooned in Europe, where Joseph officially represented Missouri at the Paris Exposition of 1878. Lon and his uncle, John D. Stephens, traveled with them. All spent time together in Paris before Lon and his uncle left to tour Italy, Switzerland, France, and England. Periodically, Lon and his father submitted accounts of their experiences to Boonville and Jefferson City newspapers.17 Lon and Speed learned to set type and operate the telegraph key at an early age, and for years Lon demonstrated exceptional skill with the key and a precocious talent for journalism. In August 1877, Joseph bought the Boonville Weekly Advertiser and became sole owner and proprietor, arousing

14 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 20 December 1889, 1 September 1876. F. T. Kemper founded the Kemper Family School in 1844. Washington and Lee awarded a scholarship to an outstanding student at the Missouri school. Kemper was originally from Virginia, which may explain the close connection. 15 Registrar, Washington and Lee University, Lexington, Va., letter to author, 14 September 1994. Lon was back in Boonville in December 1877 and left in April 1878 for Europe. Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 1 March 1878. From Europe on May 31, 1878, he wrote to his sister Mittie: "I am half inclined to go to college even here but father, doesn't want me to." Lon Stephens Letters, fol. 1, WHMC-Columbia. Lon became auditor of the Boonville, St. Louis, and Southern Railroad in 1877 when only nineteen, but his father was president of the company. Boonville Daily Advertiser, 12 March 1877. 16 Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 4 April 1878. The bride originally came from Baltimore, where the couple built a home after their marriage and lived part-time. Life and Character of Joseph L. Stephens, 67. 17 Stephens may have been appointed an honorary commissioner by the president of the United States. Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 16 January 1878. For accounts of their travels see Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 12 April, 7, 21 June 1878. 256 Missouri Historical Review suspicion that he would use the newspaper to promote his own ideology and foster family political opportunities. He advised readers of the paper's poli­ cy: "The ADVERTISER will continue to be democratic in politics, and true to all the great material industrial and educational interests of the State." On a few occasions, Lon served as editor and thereafter maintained an interest in the publication, frequently contributing essays.18 Lon's lively writing produced good copy. His opinionated commentary aroused widespread public interest and debate. Other newspapers accepted and even solicited material from him. W. J. McQuitty, editor of the Rocheport Democrat, contacted him after a dry period and encouraged a sub­ mission: "The more caustic you write the better. Your honest fight on the wrong doers is what has made my circulation what it is."19 Both Lon and Speed showed aptitude for finance. They acted as finan­ cial agents in bond transactions for Cooper and Morgan Counties, and Lon served as auditor for the Boonville, St. Louis, and Southern Railroad in 1877. All the Stephens men held positions of importance in the Central National Bank.20 Business undertakings interested them as well. They operated the Stephens Insurance Company and held stock in the Boonville Water Company, which was constructed in 1883. In the same year, the brothers established Boonville's first telephone exchange with company offices above the bank and forty subscribers.21 James Martin Nelson, born and raised in Virginia, moved to Missouri with several other family members in the 1840s, and he quickly became one of the wealthiest men in Cooper County. Nelson acquired vast landholdings, and he and Joseph Stephens, friends and sometimes partners, engaged in extremely profitable ventures.22 Margaret was the last of Nelson's surviving four children; her twin brother died in 1859, shortly after birth. From childhood Margaret exhibited a unique dignity and concern about proper demeanor. She kept diaries for

18 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 10 August 1877. Lon was closely associated with the paper for many years, but he served only briefly as editor, from December 24, 1877, until April 1, 1878, when he quit for the European tour. Ibid., 1 March 1878. He again served as editor in 1879-1880. History of Howard and Cooper Counties, 926. 19 Record Group 3, Governors Papers, Lon V Stephens, Public Correspondence, box 48, fol. 10, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City. 20 Boonville Daily Advertiser, 12 March 1877; Official Manual of the State of Missouri, 1891-92 (Jefferson City, Mo.: Tribune Publishing Company, 1891), 349-350. 21 Dyer, Boonville, 170. 22 History of Howard and Cooper Counties, 904-905. Among their common interests were banking, investments, stocks, bonds, real estate, railroads, ferryboats, construction, coal mining, farming, and livestock. When Stephens transferred his Exchange Bank of Boonville into the Central National Bank of Boonville in 1865, he became president; James M. Nelson served on the board. Jefferson City Peoples Tribune, 11 October 1865. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 257

many years, and repeated examples from her youthful entries illustrate her devotion to family and a desire to please.23 She accepted responsibility, maintained high academic standards, sang well, and performed as an accom­ plished pianist. On occasion she exhibited playfulness, but always within the bounds of propriety. Lon and Margaret played together as children, a time when family and friends called her "Maggie." They matured as friends, then teenage sweet­ hearts. References to seeing "her" appear in Lon's youthful diary. One snowy evening in Boonville when the streets were filled with horse-drawn sleighs and sleds, this smitten youth confided: "I saw Maggie—and spoke to her. Oh don't I wish I was in that sled!!" Margaret's diaries and Lon's let­ ters reveal that, although intensely attracted to one another, until marriage their relationship weathered some difficult moments.24 Margaret graduated from high school in Boonville and completed her education at a finishing school in New York, from which she emerged a more sophisticated young woman. Lon visited her there before departing on his European tour and presented her a secret engagement ring. On a few occa­ sions Margaret permitted others to make entries in her diary. Lon opened the year of 1880 by writing that many things had happened both to strengthen and deteriorate their relationship.25 The couple apparently resolved all major differences before their marriage on October 5, 1880, which united two of Boonville's most notable families in a simple, early morning ceremony at the Nelson home in the presence of immediate family. The weddings of promi­ nent citizens frequently received front-page coverage in the local newspaper, and the account of their ceremony detailed the numerous gifts, describing them as "very costly and rich." Margaret wore a sage green silk dress with matching hat. In view of subsequent years, it is surprising that she had such a simple wedding, perhaps in deference to Lon's brother, Speed's, elaborate June nuptials. They honeymooned in Montreal.26 Margaret, a rather tall, slender woman, moved gracefully, found pleasure in dancing, and throughout her life learned contemporary steps. She kept her

23 Margaret Nelson Stephens's diaries are in a private collection at Ravenswood Farm, Bunceton, Missouri. The diaries rarely reveal intimate reflections or confidences. She regu­ larly documented matters related to her health, social contacts, shopping excursions, and house­ hold affairs. 24 Lon Stephens diary, 11 February 1875, Nathaniel Leonard Papers, reel 2; Stephens Letters, fol. 1, both in WHMC-Columbia. 25 St. Louis Post-Dispatch Sunday Magazine, 14 November 1897. 26 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 8 October 1880. Speed had proposed a double wedding, but Lon laughed at the idea. Margaret firmly rejected any thought of a double wedding: "I never would consent to such a thing—Jennie Thompson and I brides together!!" Margaret Stephens diary, 2 August 1880, Ravenswood. 258 Missouri Historical Review

Both Speed and Lon Stephens were associated with Central National Bank, founded by their father in 1865.

State Historical Society of Missouri reddish-brown hair stylishly arranged and effectively used her large, bright hazel eyes. She spoke with a soft southern accent reminiscent of her fami­ ly's Virginia background and laughed frequently, a merry, infectious sound. While a girl, her mother and sister guided her education in fashion, and as a mature woman, Margaret took great pride in her appearance. She wore care­ fully chosen costumes, sometimes originals from prominent designers, accented with jewelry encrusted with pearls and diamonds of contemporary Edwardian design. Although reserved and sometimes aloof, or occasionally imperious, she enjoyed social events and graciously presided.27 Lon, a small-framed man, weighed about 150 pounds. In the late 1880s, a reporter described him as youthful, even boyish looking. For a brief peri­ od, he grew a small dark moustache, possibly to convey a more mature appearance. He dressed conservatively; Margaret often selected his clothing. A reporter described his distinctive manner of speaking as "a peculiar drawl in piping treble," although another wrote that he spoke rapidly. One observ­ er noted that most young men would have been turned by such wealth and success, but that he remained without affectation.28 In 1881 Joseph Lafayette Stephens died unexpectedly at age fifty-five, leaving his second wife, Fannie, with their two infant sons and minor chil-

27 St. Louis Post-Dispatch Sunday Magazine, 14 November 1897; diary entries and unidentified newspaper clippings from Margaret Stephens scrapbook, Ravenswood, [7], [44]. 28 St. Louis Post-Dispatch article quoted in Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 2 December 1887. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 259 dren from his first marriage. The Advertiser painfully announced: "[N]o death notice ever appeared in this paper in the forty-one years of its publica­ tion, that will be read with greater feelings of regret, sorrow, and affliction."29 Flags on the state house and armory were lowered to half-mast. From that day forward, the reputation and image of the father hovered about his sons. Fifteen years later, newspaper accounts would compare Lon's "inflexible, Roman-like character" to his father and grandfather or designate him a "son worthy of his noble sire."30 Lon shared his father's expertise in financial mat­ ters and attraction to political affairs, but he lacked his father's genial man­ ner and fell short of his imposing physical stature. Photographs suggest that both of Lon's brothers had finer facial features. Lon publicly acknowledged his physical appearance: "They say I am not handsome, fine-looking of com­ manding personal mien and aspect. ... No I am not a handsome man I am not an Adonis ... not an Apollo. ... It is sad, very sad; but I can't help it." When he was about twenty-five, a writer described him as industrious almost to a fault but predicted a man of great promise.31 Their father's sudden death placed great responsibility upon Lon, age twenty-three, and Speed, twenty-seven, who were named executors of his estate, estimated at a million dollars or more. The youthful brothers assumed management not only for the bank and extensive business interests but also some responsibility for their sisters and younger brother. Joseph and his sec­ ond wife had entered into a prenuptial agreement.32 For three generations politics and public service attracted Stephens men. Lon's namesake grandfather represented Cooper County in the Missouri leg­ islature for several terms and served as a judge of the county court. Lon's relatives, in-laws, and friends opened many doors to state officials for him. At the beginning of his term in 1885, Governor John S. Marmaduke tapped Lon for his aide-de-camp, with the rank of lieutenant colonel.33 Lon's expe­ rience in finance and contacts with influential people positioned him for an

29 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 12 August 1881. 30 Thomas Jefferson Lowry, A Sketch of "Lon " Vest Stephens and Why He Should Be the Democratic Nominee for Governor of Missouri in 1896 (St. Louis: Great Western Printing Company, 1896), [1]; Jefferson City Weekly Tribune, 29 April 1896. 31 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 10 July 1896; History of Howard and Cooper Counties, 926. 32 Columbia Missouri Statesman, 23 September 1881. Ten years later Fannie Stephens brought suit against the estate on behalf of her children for entitlement to equal educational opportunities and comparable monetary advances given by Stephens to his other children. Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 2 December 1898. 33 History of Howard and Cooper Counties, 1083; Columbia Missouri Statesman, 6 February 1885. Even though Lon was a familiar figure in Jefferson City, family connections may have helped: Margaret's brother Arthur married Governor Marmaduke's niece, Lavinia "Lola" Marmaduke. 260 Missouri Historical Review unexpected and unique opportunity for one so young. In 1887 the U.S. Comptroller of Currency investigated the financially troubled Fifth National Bank in St. Louis and, upon the recommendation of Missouri financiers, appointed Lon as receiver. While working on assignment in St. Louis, some­ one mistook him for the son of the Stephens assigned to the project. Nonetheless, he handled the resolution of the bank's finances so capably that it catapulted his reputation.34 When Governor David R. Francis reorganized the adjutant general's office at the beginning of his term in 1889, he named Stephens paymaster general, a new position. The following year when embezzlement charges forced the resignation of State Treasurer Edward T. Noland, Governor Francis appointed Stephens as interim treasurer.35 Two years later, in 1892, voters elected William Joel Stone their governor and Lon Stephens treasurer. Stephens defeated Fred J. Wilson, a banker from Kirksville, for the post. Stephens's meteoric rise in financial circles led to rumors that President Grover Cleveland might appoint him U.S. Comptroller of Currency. The National Bank Act of 1863 had established this position, whose responsibil­ ities included supervision of all national banks and regulation of their orga­ nization, operation, and liquidation. The comptroller also served as one of three members of the board of directors for the Federal Deposit Insurance. Stephens denied being an applicant but, with a tinge of arrogance, conceded that if Cleveland offered the position he would consider it: "I have devoted my life to national banking. Have held every position in a national bank from messenger to president. For a man of my age and as full of ambition and energy and life, I do not feel that the mention of my name in connection with this office can in any way injure me."36 John A. Cockerill, editor of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, speculated that Stephens might have received the appointment if Cleveland and George Vest, a member of the Senate, had not quarreled. Even though Stephens and Vest sometimes held contrary views, Lon declared: "I have no better friend, since my father's death, than Senator Vest. He has been a father to me."37 The St. Louis Mirror asked Stephens why he favored the Democratic Party. First and foremost, he said, he was born a Democrat, had drawn democ-

34 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 2 December 1887. 35 Article reprinted from the Columbia Missouri Statesman in Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 26 April 1889; Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 13 March 1890. The day after Stephens received the appointment, March 12, 1890, he posted the required bond of $3,500,000. 36 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 10 March 1893. 37 Lon Stephens Scrapbooks, Personal Scrapbook, Missouri Historical Society Library, St. Louis. On the silver issue, Vest advocated a 24-1 ratio; Lon favored 16-1. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 261

Appointed state treasurer in 1890, Lon Stephens won election to the post in 1892.

State Historical Society of Missouri racy from his mother's breast, and absorbed it from a fond father's right hand. Later, he continued, it was his study of the cardinal principles of the various political parties that convinced him he ought to be a Democrat. He provided the reporter a passionate discourse pledging to hold aloft the people's banner, fight the battles of masses against classes, and bear the Jeffersonian standard. Equal rights for all, he argued; no discrimination between the young and the old; none should receive special privileges; and taxes should be levied on lux­ uries, not necessities. He advocated protection for the workingman, but held no tolerance for anarchy, and despised demagoguery.38 Chicago hosted the World's Columbian Exposition in 1893, one of the century's most exciting events. The World's Congress of Bankers and Financiers scheduled a coincidental meeting, and the president of the National Bankers Association asked Governor Stone to appoint a Missourian to deliv­ er an address on Missouri's banking and finance system. Stone chose Stephens, who delivered a well-received address, subsequently widely pub­ lished and printed in several languages.39 In another session when asked to express his views on the national panic, Stephens voiced resolute opinions. He maintained that the contemporary panic affecting the country was without

38 Article reprinted from the St. Louis Mirror in Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 19 September 1894. 39 Sedalia Evening Democrat, 14 April 1896. For Stephens's presentation at the bankers meeting see Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 30 June 1893. 262 Missouri Historical Review reason, contrived by some of New York's banker-politicians to influence the South and the West over the "gold-theory." Stephens joined the "Silverites" in believing that the European Rothschild family and the banking houses of New York, London, Paris, and Berlin had the power to control the economy of the United States. A New York bank had once rebuffed Stephens when he sought help with Missouri bonds, and the slight led him to preach indepen­ dence from their domination. He encouraged small banks to conduct their business with midwestern city banks, such as those found in Chicago, Dallas, and St. Louis. The eastern bankers' command of most of the gold in the United States infuriated him, and he believed they had the capability of depleting the nation's treasury. His inflammatory statements created a sensa­ tion. Stephens told the audience that President Cleveland identified the con­ temporary situation as a "condition" that confronted the nation; Stephens rebutted: it was not a condition, but a "theory" that confronted the people.40 Following his election as treasurer, Lon and Margaret moved to Jefferson City. At first she had not been pleased about relocating. In Boonville Margaret felt comfortable among friends and family, where she enjoyed an established reputation and familiar society. Once in the capital city, however, she quickly adjusted to her prominent role. The Stephenses brought William "Billie" Hood with them. Born in Georgia in 1857, Billie came to Missouri as a child and started working for the Nelson family while a youth. After Lon and Margaret married, he joined their household as butler and houseman. Although apparently never a slave, Billie had grown up among slaveholders: according to the 1860 census, Margaret's parents owned fifty-three; the Stephenses, eight. In small towns and rural areas following the Civil War, blacks' dependency on whites often persisted; few options existed for them outside of working for wealthy fam­ ilies, who were often bound by southern heritage and tradition. Freed blacks faced uncertain futures. So great was Billie Hood's identification with the Nelson-Stephens families that the idea of independently pursuing other employment seemed inconceivable. The Stephenses cared for him and treat­ ed him as their property, and he once poignantly expressed his disjointed sense of belonging.41

40 Lloyd W. Welden, "Rhetorical Aspects of the Silver Debate in Missouri: 1896" (mas­ ter's thesis, University of Missouri, 1947), 55; Sedalia Evening Democrat, 14 April 1896; Lon Stephens, Silver Nuggets (n.p.: Missouri Democratic State Central Committee, [1896]), 7, 30. 41 In 1896 a reporter wrote that Billie was regarded as one of the family and described him as "industrious, faithful and intelligent." Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 11 December 1896. While the Stephenses lived in Jefferson City, Billie was discharged for some unnamed offense, but he refused point-blank to leave, saying to Margaret, "Law, Miss Maggie, I belongs here." The unidentified newspaper clipping is titled "Governor Stephens Pet," Margaret Stephens scrapbook, [29], Ravenswood. Hood moved with the Stephenses to St. Louis, lived in servants quarters on the property, Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 263

In 1893 the Stephenses built "Ivy Terrace," a large home on a Jefferson City corner lot, typical of late-nineteenth-century domestic architecture, embellished with turrets, porches, bays, and multiple entrances. Local archi­ tect Charles Opel designed the house; construction costs totaled approxi­ mately ten thousand dollars.42 From their home's central location, the Stephenses could walk to the capitol, the penitentiary, and their church, the Methodist Episcopal South— institutions that figured significantly during their Jefferson City years. They visited various denominations and participated in special services. Their life­ long generosity to the church, church-affiliated schools, and the personal favors they extended to the church hierarchy assured them considerable recognition. But if Margaret disagreed with a tenet or the behavior of a pas­ tor representing her denomination, she expressed disapproval. Lon's toler­ ance did not extend to the Northern Methodists: "I have as yet to find a mem­ ber of that branch of the Methodist Episcopal church who is anything but a mean radical."43 The Stephenses' home offered a delightful setting for elaborate social affairs such as the wedding of Lon's younger sister, Margaret, to Paul B. Moore, an attorney from Charleston, Missouri, representative to the General Assembly, and later Lon's personal secretary. The wedding, described as the most brilliant in the history of Jefferson City, took place on October 5, 1895, Lon and Margaret's fifteenth wedding anniversary. Only a few close friends and family attended the ceremony, but seventeen hundred persons received invitations to the glorious reception that followed.44 Even though Jefferson City was a very small town with few significant buildings or paved streets, Margaret planned sophisticated festivities. St. Louis decorators and caterers enhanced the charming setting with exquisite floral displays and culinary masterpieces for special events.45 Lon took great

and assisted in interviewing applicants for positions and supervising other household staff. When he became ill, Lon arranged admission to Barnes Hospital, where he remained until he died in 1916 of a heart condition. One of his last concerns was that the servants care for the governor and "Miss Maggie." Never again would the Stephens household run so smoothly. Lon wrote a touching obituary honoring their faithful friend and servant for more than thirty- five years: "I write with eyes red with weeping, as a laurel wreath upon the grave of my dear old friend and faithful servant, Billie." Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 3 March 1916. No word about Billie's personal life was noted in any of the diaries or personal papers of the Stephenses, although his name frequently occurred. Not until his obituary does one learn that he had been married thirteen years, had a son, and owned a home in Boonville. 42 Stephens to George Vest, 31 December 1894, Lawrence "Lon" Vest Stephens Papers, Stephens Personal Papers, microfilm, manuscript collection, box 91, Missouri State Archives. 43 Stephens to Mike, 9 March 1889, Capitol Fire Documents, fol. 15708, ibid. 44 Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 6 October 1895. 45 Ibid., 11 December 1896. 264 Missouri Historical Review pride in her accomplishments, acutely aware of the political benefits of an attractive wife with such elegant taste and social grace. Margaret's circle of friends included attractive, unmarried, young women and a niece from the East who lived with them for a few years. Some thought Margaret's infatu­ ation with youth, romance, and gaiety inappropriate for a woman of her age and stature. For special occasions, bachelor senators, representatives, and others in the political milieu acted as escorts for these young ladies. Adversaries questioned her motives and speculated about the opportunity for the fair sex to unduly influence the lawmakers.46 By 1896 Stephens's reputation, experience, and connections placed him among Missouri's prominent politicians. His hometown newspaper had encouraged him to become a candidate for governor as early as 1894, although his ambition scarcely needed kindling. Margaret vehemently opposed his entering the race. A reporter once chanced upon them while they waited for a train and asked Stephens if he would be a gubernatorial candi­ date. Before he could respond, Margaret interrupted: "No Sir, I am not going to let him run for governor. ... It looks too scary."47 In addition to the tribu-

46 Throughout her life, Margaret kept young, attractive women and nieces close, living with the Stephenses or accompanying them on vacations. St. Louis Star, 8 July 1897. 47 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Lon Stephens Scrapbooks, vol. 2: 88, Missouri Historical Society Library.

The Stephenses'Ivy Terrace in Jefferson City

State Historical Society of Missouri Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 265 lations associated with an election, Margaret adamantly opposed consump­ tion of alcoholic beverages and had detected what she regarded as excessive drinking among politicians. She feared such an environment would be a tempting influence upon her husband.48 When the nation's monetary system became a political issue, the oppor­ tunity to be a principal in the debate proved irresistible for Lon.49 Disagreement about whether gold should be the only standard for United States currency arose in the 1870s and simmered for twenty years. Discontent swept across the southern and western sections of the nation where special interest groups, such as agrarian and mining interests, believed they were not receiving a fair share of the national income. Farmers espe­ cially felt that national policies had failed to address their need for addition­ al currency. Missouri Congressman Richard P. "Silver Dick" Bland emerged as a prominent figure after he coauthored an 1877 bill for the free and unlim­ ited coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. The bill passed in 1878 as the Bland-Allison Act but was later amend­ ed with limitations. The amended legislation authorized the treasury to pur­ chase a specified amount of silver bullion each month and to coin dollars for legal tender. The 1890 Sherman Silver Purchase Act almost doubled the allo­ cation, but during President Cleveland's second term, his inclination toward the gold standard and his attempt to deal with mild inflation prompted repeal of the Sherman Act in October 1895, but only after a protracted Senate strug­ gle. The issue polarized the Democratic Party before it exploded as an issue in the 1896 election. Cleveland's position helped unify his opposition, bring­ ing together several organizations, notably the Greenback and the Populist political parties and the agrarian Granger movement. Enthusiastic Missouri silver Democrats (Governor Stone, Senators Vest and Francis M. Cockrell) agitated for a state convention where they might consolidate the views of what they believed to be a party majority and gain control of the party machinery. Gold Democrats, including ex-governor David R. Francis and the state central committee, who were wary of disrupt­ ing the status quo, opposed the meeting. But the preponderance of silver advocates forced the gold interests to acquiesce.

48 Both families apparently had drinking problems. "Touch not, taste not, handle not," Margaret admonished. She said her brother thought her a "crank" on the subject. In Jefferson City she feared for Lon, "May God help me to keep my husband out of the evil temptation." On occasion she suspected he had been drinking and confronted him. Margaret Nelson Stephens Diary, 23, 26 August, 5 September 1897, 1 February 1898, typescript, fol. 1-2, WHMC- Columbia. During the Stephens administration, alcohol was not served in the mansion, but at social events, men made frequent trips across the street to the Madison House bar. St. Louis Star, 25 February 1899. Years later, as an ardent supporter of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Margaret cheered when prohibition finally came in 1919. Margaret Stephens diary, 16 January 1919, Ravenswood. 49 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 5 October 1894. 266 Missouri Historical Review

Democrats assembled for a potentially volatile encounter on August 6, 1895, in Pertle Springs, a resort near Warrensburg. Instead, a lively spirit prevailed, rivaling a religious camp meeting or a Fourth of July celebration. By 423 to 93, Democrats voted to reorganize the state central committee; sil­ ver advocates reinforced their ranks by adding nineteen new committee members, one from each congressional district and four from the state at large, thereby controlling the party. Stephens's contribution to the party reor­ ganization garnered him additional respect and political clout.50 "Silverite" Democratic newspaper editors joined hands to provide statewide support for the issue. Stephens wrote a series, "Silver Nuggets," for the Boonville Advertiser, which other Democratic papers reprinted. In the articles, he pulled together various historical arguments favoring bimetallic currency gleaned from a vast array of contemporary newspapers and histori­ cal texts dating back to the Greeks. Opposing Democrats, the "Goldbugs," also distributed pamphlets explaining their position, but with little effect.51 In spite of the perception, and probable reality, that Stephens had been strategically aligning himself for the nomination, and in the tradition of coy aspirants, he asked: "Am I a candidate for governor? Well, I am not seeking the nomination, nor asking, nor intriguing for it. But I am not running from it."52 In April 1896 party leaders included his name among a field of luke­ warm contenders.53 He brought to the ticket an esteemed career in finance, a popular stand on silver, and support for agrarian interests. In his campaign, he appealed to his constituency by alleging affinity with rural and small-town Missourians: "I am not an orator, but in plain language I can talk to my kind of folks—the plain people," and by disavowing his privileged rank: "I am . . . simply a plain, hard-working, Missouri country boy."54 Again Margaret expressed her anxiety: "I am opposed to Mr. Stephens for governor. I dislike politics, and it seems Mr. Stephens has been forced into it. I wouldn't care if he could be appointed, but I dread political cam­ paigns with their attending difficulties, and then you know he might be

50 Maynard Gregg Redfield, "The Political Campaign of 1896 in Missouri" (master's the­ sis, University of Missouri, 1946), 14-20. See also Donald E. Konold, "The Silver Issue in Missouri Politics" (master's thesis, University of Missouri, 1950). The Lamar Industrial Leader believed that Stephens was chiefly responsible for initiating the Pertle convention. Reprinted in St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 27 October 1896. 51 Redfield, "Political Campaign," 20-21. 52 Jefferson City Weekly Tribune, 22 April 1896. See also Welden, "Rhetorical Aspects," 62-63. 53 Strongest among the contenders would probably have been Richard Bland; others men­ tioned included Richard Dalton, Alexander M. Dockery, Mont Cochran, James Gibson, James R. Waddill, and David Ball. Lon Stephens Scrapbooks, vol. 4, Missouri Historical Society Library; Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 17 April 1896. 54 Welden, "Rhetorical Aspects," 62, 63. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 267

State Historical Society of Missouri

The resort at Pertle Springs was the site of the 1895 Democratic Party convention in which the silver advocates seized control of the state committee. defeated. When he was appointed treasurer I did not object to that so much, and when his enemies said he could not be elected treasurer it made me angry and I told him to get elected if he could, and he was. Then Mr. Stephens' eyes are bad, and I fear if he gets into the campaign it may hurt his health."55 At a St. Louis conference on April 25, 1896, Democrats appointed Stephens to a committee promoting Bland for president, a campaign enthusi­ astically led by Governor Stone and James Beauchamp "Champ" Clark, Missouri's congressman from the ninth district. At the July national conven­ tion in Chicago, Bland at first seemed an exceptionally strong candidate, but then negatives arose. Populists would not likely support a candidate from a former slaveholding state and judged him a "Bourbon Democrat," too south­ ern and too conservative; his wife's Catholic faith troubled the anti-Catholic contingent; pragmatists regarded him as too old; his uninspiring personality added yet another impediment. The enthusiasm for Bland withered follow­ ing William Jennings Bryan's charismatic oratory and unforgettable metaphor, the "cross of gold." After Bland failed to capture the nomination, a coterie of admiring Missourians pressured him to enter the race for gover­ nor. Stephens, deferring to Bland's popular appeal, personally called on him at his home in Lebanon and offered to withdraw in his favor. But Bland only

Unidentified newspaper clipping, Margaret Stephens scrapbook, [10], Ravenswood. 268 Missouri Historical Review wished to be in Congress, where he could work for all people and render the greatest good to the greatest number.56 A rival for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, David Ball, tried to smear Stephens with evidence that contradicted Stephens's position regard­ ing national banks. But Stephens himself raised the issue in one of his first campaign speeches and offered an explanation: when about twenty-three years of age, just beginning his banking career, he did support national banks and had attended one of Senator Vest's forums on banking policies. Vest spotted Stephens in the audience, called him "my boy," and taunted his defense of national banks, provoking public laughter at Stephens's expense. Stephens vowed revenge and addressed Senator Vest through an open letter that he had printed in several newspapers. In time, Stephens said, as he gained wisdom, he changed his position, and fortunately, Vest treated him as he would have a son and graciously overlooked his youthful impudence. Someone had forwarded a resurrected copy of that ill-fated letter to David Ball. Now, having confessed the embarrassing incident and confident that he had won over his constituents, Stephens chided Ball: "Hammer it, Davy, to your hearts content. Chew it up and spit it out. ... If my trueulent [sic] and bloody-minded friend, Hon. David Ball can find any pleasure in pounding and thumping this helpless and friendless little memento to my youthful van­ ity, then it has not lived in vain."57 In spite of sweltering August heat, the Democratic nominating convention packed the House of Representatives hall in Jefferson City. After Stephens's nomination elicited broad support, Ball and James Waddill, his two closest contenders, withdrew. When Stephens received the convention's vote by acclamation, the cannons on the lawn roared as the two bands in the gallery played "Dixie," and an attractive group of Jefferson City "belles" gaily twirled their colorful, open parasols, creating a kaleidoscopic effect. Amidst cheers and prolonged applause, Stephens mounted the podium to accept the nomina­ tion. He appeared pale and somewhat agitated as he mopped his face and neck almost constantly with a handkerchief. He reminded the conventioneers that his election came not as a personal triumph, but as a triumph for the remone- tization of silver, a principle for which he had long contended. No greater honor could befall him, Stephens told his fellow Democrats, than to be gov­ ernor of his beloved state. Then with astonishing candor, he confessed: "Next to the time, something like fifteen years ago, when the sweetheart of my boy-

56 Redfield, "Political Campaign," 42-66; St. Louis Republic, 13 July 1896. Bland served in Congress from 1873 to 1895, ran unsuccessfully in 1894, and served again from 1897 until his death in 1899. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1971 (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1971), 602. 57 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 10 July 1896. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 269

hood days looked me in the eyes and told me that she loved me and would be mine forever, this is the proudest moment of my life."58 Stephens's platform for the 1896 election focused on the silver issue and sound financial management. The Missouri Democratic State Central Committee compiled and printed "Silver Nuggets" in pamphlet form. The Sedalia Democrat reported that there was not a township in the state where "Silver Nuggets" had not been read. The newspaper credited Stephens as a primary force in galvanizing the party's bimetallic position.59 But distrust in Stephens's position persisted. Opponents charged him and other Democrats with disingenuously using the white metal for political purposes by support­ ing free silver in the country and gold in the city. Skeptics accused him of seeing the world through corporate spectacles and giving the issue mere lip service while sitting among those "who dine on champagne and truffles, and get their political views moulded at the cashier's counter."60 Silver miners eagerly anticipated a bonanza, stirring reporters' curiosity about Stephens's personal mining investments. Stephens woefully reported that his Colorado landholdings would bring no more than five dollars per square mile, and there remained only empty holes puncturing the ground and broad acres to remind him of an estimated ten thousand dollar investment.61 Another attempt to besmirch Stephens's campaign harkened back to his handling of the St. Louis Fifth National Bank receivership. A discontented stockholder claimed that Stephens had urged him to sell early at a price con­ siderably below the amount ultimately paid of about ninety-six cents on the dollar, and he further accused Stephens of letting his brother-in-law, St. Louis banker Lewis C. Nelson, purchase undervalued stock. Stephens refuted the accusations. At the beginning of the investigation in 1887, the bank examin­ er had told Stephens he would be lucky to get one-third on the dollar. Stephens had urged creditors to be patient and hold their claims, and he had advised depositors not to sell until the investigation proceeded. Stephens now reminded voters there had been no complaints about his work until ten years later when the guilty cashier and his lawyer plotted to ruin his character and

58 Ibid., 7 August 1896; St. Louis Republic, 6 August 1896; Kansas City Times, 6 August 1896. 59 Sedalia Democrat, 14 April 1896. A profile of Stephens suggested that the wide dis­ tribution helped elect him. Reedy's Mirror, 18 December 1914. For a copy of Silver Nuggets see Francis Asbury Sampson Collection, fol. 19, WHMC-Columbia. 60 The Mirror, 27 October, 3 November 1898. Ed Butler, the political boss of St. Louis whose word could not be trusted, claimed Stephens admitted to being a goldbug, but a free sil- verite for political purposes. According to Butler, Stephens had said that he wanted gold Democrats to endorse him because he anticipated moving to St. Louis after his term and engag­ ing in the banking business. St. Louis Star, 3 April 1899. 61 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Lon Stephens Scrapbooks, vol. 2: 89, Missouri Historical Society Library. 270 Missouri Historical Review discredit his work. Republican E. S. Lacey, comptroller of the currency, who had been consulted at every step of Stephens's resolution of the complicated affair, rose to his defense.62 Stephens's only credible challenge in the November election came from Republican Robert E. Lewis, who derived his principal support from the cities. Lewis presented clear and reasonable campaign speeches, but party disorganization and infighting debilitated his effectiveness.63 When addressing audiences, Stephens repeatedly acknowledged his lim­ ited speaking skills, offering folksy apologies: "I am only a plain, every-day kind of a fellow who has some business to attend to and whose time has been too much taken up with the activities of life to acquire the graces of oratory, or graces of any kind except those which come from a profound belief in the principles of the Christian religion and the Democratic party. No, gentlemen, I am not an orator."64 Lon's precarious physical condition justified Margaret's apprehension. A recurring eye disease, probably some form of trachoma, worsened during the campaign. Light intensifies the devastating pain associated with tra­ choma, and for weeks during the campaign, Stephens stayed in a darkened room.65 In spite of her bout with rheumatism and sciatica during the cam­ paign (she habitually complained, sought doctors' attention, and took med­ ication for a litany of vague symptoms), Margaret remained his constant companion, assisting with political and business affairs and taking care of urgent correspondence. In 1897 she described their frustration and her role:

62 For Stephens's account and his defense see Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 28 December 1897. Lacey wrote that Stephens had handled the affairs of the trust with marked ability and fidelity, with results that could hardly have been expected by the most sanguine creditors. According to Lacey, no receiver he ever knew had discharged the duties with more satisfaction. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 October 1896. Stephens later revealed that the Central National Bank in Boonville had held as much as twenty-five thousand dollars for the Fifth National Bank for several years, available to loan with interest while he worked on the account. Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 16 August 1918, supplement. 63 Redfield, "Political Campaign," 97, 121; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 21 September 1896. Other parties on the ballot included People's (Populist), Prohibition, Socialist-Labor, National Democratic, and National. The People's candidate, Orville D. Jones, withdrew in October 1896, too late for a replacement. 64 Welden evaluates Stephens's style, analyzes one of his speeches, and concludes: "It would seem that Mr. Stephens had little cause to deplore his ineffectiveness in oratory if the written composition alone is sufficient proof of his ability." Welden, "Rhetorical Aspects," 62, 64-72; Jefferson City Tribune, 24 June 1896, supplement. 65 Stephens said he had suffered an attack of fever, the most serious illness of his life. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 29 October 1896. Reporters mentioned an eye condition early in his career, and Margaret made numerous references to the recurring problem but never mentioned the cause or diagnosis. Based on the available description of symptoms and treatment, oph­ thalmologist L. D. Schoengarth, M.D., Columbia, Missouri, speculates that Lon had some form of trachoma. Schoengarth, letter to author, 26 July 1994. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 271

". . . the vexations of politics. I share the latter with my husband! In all of his trials and joys I have been his confidential friend and shared them even before he was governor."66 Missourians elected Stephens their twenty-ninth governor on November 3, 1896, with a plurality of 43,333 votes. His Republican opponent received 307,729 votes, Stephens 351,062, running about 9,000 votes ahead of his state ticket.67 The inauguration took place on January 11, 1897, in the crowded House of Representatives hall. The Stephens family, prominently seated, could be readily distinguished by their "rich costumes and metropolitan bearing," wrote an observant newsman. As the cannon's blast announced the begin­ ning of the ceremony, the old building's windows reverberated. The proces­ sion began as the senators marched down the aisle to their seats, and the house rose to honor that august body. Groups of lesser dignitaries and gov­ ernment officials followed, which brought to the fore Governor Stone and Governor-elect Stephens. Judge Shepard Barclay administered the oath to Stephens, who presented a fine appearance, handsomely clad in black, a sharp contrast to his pale face and gold-rimmed eyeglasses.68 In his inaugural address, Governor Stephens spoke for about half an hour. He had no intention, he forewarned, of making brilliant or startling innova­ tions during his administration. Many of his pronouncements reiterated the customary virtues found in preceding and following governors' messages. None would argue with his call for practical, prudent, efficient government, with exacting integrity in the discharge of public duty. Traditionally, Missourians have opted for conservative fiscal policies, a restrained economy, and appropriations commensurate with revenue, which he recommended. No more important duty can be imposed upon any legislative body than that of making laws, Stephens maintained, but laws should be enacted solely to pro­ mote the general welfare. Meddlers should not tinker with legislation to satis­ fy unworthy motives or selfish interests, and the mere accumulation of statutes does more harm than good. Stephens urged legislators to revise tax laws; alle­ viate the burden of farmers and kindred industries; and extract additional taxes

66 Encyclopedia of the History of Missouri (New York: Southern History Company, 1901), 6: 73. Margaret apparently assisted Lon throughout his career. In 1889 she conducted his immense correspondence when he worked from an office in the Southern Hotel in St. Louis, confined to his room and unable to use his eyes. Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 22 February 1889; Margaret Nelson Stephens Diary, 1, 15 July 1897, typescript, fol. 1, WHMC-Columbia. Year after year in her diaries, Margaret regularly documented her perpetual complaints of ill health, describing symptoms, medications, and frequent visits to different doctors. 67 Official Manual of the State of Missouri, 1897-98 (Jefferson City, Mo.: Tribune Printing Company, 1897), 11. 68 Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 12 January 1897. 272 Missouri Historical Review

Stephens took the oath of office for the governorship in the state House of Representatives hall on January 11, 1897.

State Historical Society of Missouri from those granted privileges by law and upon which they made an inade­ quate return. He concurred with the increasingly widespread concern about the possible deleterious effects emanating from irresponsible trusts and the importance of checking their power. The incoming governor recommended formation of a banking bureau whose responsibility would be to oversee state banks, building and loan associations, and trust companies. The proposed bureau, to be headed by a commissioner, would consolidate twenty-two departments scattered throughout state government.69 Stephens encouraged additional support for public education, especially the state university, and voiced concern about the rising costs of criminal jus­ tice. Finally, he wished officeholders would rise above petty partisanship to promote the interests of the people and admonished lawmakers not to be influenced by or obligated to those who for selfish reasons connive to either secure or prevent legislation.70 Bursts of cheers punctuated his address, most vigorously when he said, "The man who is not absolutely free to do what he thinks is right is unfit for public station."71

69 Sarah Guitar and Floyd C. Shoemaker, comps. and eds., The Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of the State of Missouri (Columbia: State Historical Society of Missouri, 1926), 8: 287-288, 446-447. Two other governors agreed on the importance of the legislation, yet the department was not authorized until 1907 and began operation in 1909. Clara H. Clevenger, "Legislative Control of Banking in Missouri since 1889" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1934), 245. Curiously, Joseph Lafayette Stephens had been president of the first Missouri Bankers Association, which met in 1879 but existed for only two years. Timothy W. Hubbard, Banking in Mid-America (Washington, D.C: Public Affairs Press, 1969), 123 n. 70 Guitar and Shoemaker, Messages and Proclamations, 8: 284-292. 71 Ibid., 8: 285. For inaugural account see Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 12 January 1897. Missouri's Turn-of-the-Century First Couple 273

Missouri's first couple extended an open invitation to an evening recep­ tion. Margaret wore a gown of heavy pearl white satin, brocaded in a dainty blue vine pattern, accentuated by large silver marguerites, and complemented with blue kid slippers and gloves. A diamond necklace and a superb tiara enhanced by diamonds and pearls suggested royalty. Her elegant taste and genteel manner ushered in the aura of her reign.72 Journalists frequently described Margaret in terms suitable for the wife of a monarch; one captioned her "Queen of Missouri." An 1897 newspaper illustration presented her in regal pose and costume, wearing a headpiece reminiscent of a crown. The role of first lady, the sumptuous settings, and her striking costumes underlined her sense of drama. Although the governor did not share her level of enthusiasm for social affairs, he willingly partici­ pated, basking in her radiance.73 Newspaper accounts often detailed these lavish affairs and her dazzling appearance, but in a feature story for a women's journal, Emma Davison Nuekols revealed a more serious side of Margaret's character. The author learned about the first lady's formal schooling

72 Boonville Weekly Advertiser, 15 January 1897. Margaret's wardrobe inspired a thesis: Irene Brown Janke, "Regal Beyond Description" (master's thesis, University of Missouri- Columbia, 1991). 73 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 14 November 1897; St. Louis Star, 29 October 1899, illustrat­ ed magazine.

State Historical Society of Missouri

As first lady, Margaret Stephens's ele­ gant dress and demeanor led one journalist to label her "Queen of Missouri." 274 Missouri Historical Review and her continuing education through reading and the study of fine arts and commerce. The writer discerned executive ability and sound business sense and found it understandable that this first lady took a more active role in state affairs than had her predecessors.74 Both Lon and Margaret relished living in the governor's mansion with its parklike grounds, and they especially appreciated the spectacular site overlooking the Missouri River.75 There Lon lounged in the hammock, play­ ing with their beloved toy black-and-tan dogs, their preferred breed. Margaret masterminded a major interior redecoration of the mansion, com­ bining elegance with the coziness of a home, and felt gratified by the numer­ ous compliments she received. Margaret's portrait became the first to hang in the mansion, establishing the custom for her successors. John Wilton Cunningham of St. Louis received the commission, and Missouri women paid the five hundred dollar cost.76 Lon and Margaret cherished their lifetime of romantic marriage. She prepared a scrapbook with "The Romance of Maggie and Lon" printed on the cover.77 On the first long-distance telephone connection between St. Louis and Kansas City, Lon spoke from St. Louis: "Mrs. Stephens is at the Midland Hotel in Kansas City. I want you to send her word that I love her in the same old way." Women listening on the sixty handheld instruments connected to the wire applauded his overt affection.78

[to be continued]

74 Jefferson City Daily Tribune, 19 January 1898. The Tribune reprinted the Nuekols article, which first appeared in The Norns, a women's journal published in Kirksville. 75 Margaret Nelson Stephens Diary, 26 September 1900, typescript, fol. 4, WHMC-Columbia. 76 Jerena East Giffen, First Ladies of Missouri (n.p.: Von Hoffman Press, 1970), 143-144. 77 The book is subtitled "As Mistress Supreme She Reigned." Margaret briefly told the story of their life with a profusion of romantic images culled from contemporary magazines. Private collection, Ravenswood. 78 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Margaret Stephens scrapbook, [8], Ravenswood. State Historical Society of Missouri Sidney A. Weltmer Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest: Magnetic Healing in Nevada, Missouri

BY PATRICK BROPHY*

In no department of knowledge have the two currents of human think­ ing—reason and intuition, science and religion—clashed and interacted more than in that of health and healing. The original healers were priests, and ever since the Greeks first set the natural sciences apart from or in opposition to myth and "superstition," intuitive healing, as we might call it, has lingered on, often driven underground but never utterly vanquished, and breaking out anew in tense times. Modern alternative, iconoclastic health care is often traced back to Paracelsus, a sixteenth-century Swiss "physician-charlatan" famed for burn­ ing the books of Galen, the codifier of ancient medicine. Like most seminal early thinkers, both Galen and Paracelsus purveyed mixtures of rational and

* Patrick Brophy is a cofounder and the curator of the Bushwhacker Museum in Nevada, Missouri.

275 276 Missouri Historical Review intuitive ideas; this was even truer of Paracelsus's chief intellectual heir, Franz Anton Mesmer, with whom modern "mind-cure," both mainline and offbeat, really began. On the eve of the French Revolution, Mesmer, a German-born physician, became the toast of Paris as the discoverer of what he called animal magnet­ ism. Refurbishing an ancient idea inherited from Paracelsus and others, Mesmer theorized that a cosmic force—a "fluidum," a magnetism more or less analogous to mineral magnetism—pervades and sustains all life. Disease is simply a deficit or a maldistribution of that force. Right treatment, therefore, is a life-force "transfusion," so to speak, from the hale to the ail­ ing. That "one's batteries needed recharging" was not a metaphor to Mesmer. Stung by his "astonishing success," the medical establishment forced an inquiry into Mesmer's claims by two successive royal commissions com­ prising such notables as the astronomer Jean-Sylvain Bailly, the chemist Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier, and the American scientist-diplomat Benjamin Franklin, then in Paris as a U.S. minister. Predictably, these Enlightenment luminaries—all complacently convinced of the omnicompetence of human reason—took the dimmest possible view: "There is no proof of the existence of animal magnetism." Nor of its nonexistence either, as one fair-minded commissioner, botanist Laurent de Jussieu, footnoted, and some Mesmer patients indeed seemed cured. But those cures, the majority insisted, were "the mere product of the patients' own 'imaginations.'"1 Driven out of respectable company, Mesmer's ideas were left largely to quacks and show­ men throughout most of the nineteenth century, though a few reputable thinkers waged a fitful and lonely fight across Europe for "the goal of gain­ ing acceptance of mesmerism by the medical profession."2 In less hidebound America, meanwhile, mesmerism throve as a parlor game and exerted a tremendous influence on literature. This was well before the day of organized psychology or psychiatry. It was also a time of intense intellectual stresses. In retrospect, science and religion are often seen as locked in an all-out war during the period, but there was more fertile interaction than outright hostility. Fast-advancing science and technology tried to substitute for the religious faith they undermined, though with little success. Into the cultural breach stepped mesmerism, "the nation's first popular psychology."3 Myriad intellectual movements sprang up seeking to reconcile science and

1 Franz G. Alexander and Sheldon T. Selesnick, The History of Psychiatry: An Evaluation of Psychiatric Thought and Practice from Prehistoric Times to the Present (New York: Harper and Row, 1966), 128-129; James Wyckoff, Franz Anton Mesmer: Between God and Devil (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975), 8. 2 Alexander and Selesnick, History of Psychiatry, 129. 3 Robert C Fuller, foreword to Mesmerism and the American Cure of Souls (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), x. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 277 faith, all taking their cue from Mesmer, although most formally disowned him. "Many American mesmerists downplayed their overt connections with the movement in order to avoid being dismissed as lunatics or charlatans."4 Among the better known of these movements—all still extant—were Spiritualism, Theosophy, New Thought, Christian Science, and Unity.5 Even the founders of osteopathy and chiropractic began as "magnetic healers."6 Not all such movements became world famous or endured, yet many attained a passing local significance and have left their mark in regional and folk history. Weltmerism, developed and practiced in Missouri, still rates mention in psychiatric reference works, and its namesake's writings are com­ ing back into print and inspiring New Age emulators.7 From 1897 to 1930, Weltmerism made Nevada, Missouri, its home, and Nevadans still remember the Weltmer Institute—though few are aware that Sidney Weltmer was only the most successful and durable of a whole troop of healers. The 1900 Nevada city directory lists half a page of magnetic healers: fifteen institutions, "schools" with imaginative names—not even counting freelancing individuals—in a town of some seventy-five hundred persons.8 If not the sole source of the Nevada movement, Sidney Abram Weltmer indisputably headed it. He was born in Wooster, Ohio, in 1858, though at times his birth is placed "near Tipton, Missouri," where the family moved later that year. It was an accomplished family. "The father, Abraham Weltmer, was edu­ cated at the University of Pennsylvania and did work at Heidelberg in Germany."9 The mother, Catherine nee Hull, "finished her collegiate education in Denison University, being the first woman to graduate from a collegiate course in the state of Ohio."10 Like many others, the Weltmers fell on hard

4 Wyckoff, Mesmer, 190 n. 5 E. H. Estabrooks, Spiritism (New York: Dutton, 1947); Bruce F. Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived: A History of the Theosophical Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 13-14; Richard Rhodes, The Inland Ground: An Evocation of the American Middle West (New York: Atheneum, 1970), 276-292. 6 Emmons R. Booth, A History of Osteopathy, and Twentieth-Century Medical Practice (Cincinnati: Press of Jennings and Graham, [1905]); Charles E. Still, Jr., Frontier Doctor, Medical Pioneer: The Life and Times of A. T Still and his Family (Kirksville, Mo.: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1991); David Armstrong and Elizabeth Metzger Armstrong, The Great American Medicine Show (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1991), 139-158. 7 Leland E. Hinsie and Robert Jean Campbell, Psychiatric Dictionary, 4th ed. (New York: Oxford, 1970), 807. Health Research of Mokelumne Hill, California, has reprinted some of Weltmer's works. 8 Wassum's City Directory of Nevada, Mo. (Nevada, Mo.: Lang and Young, 1900). 9 Robert Lowell Stone, Jr., "Weltmer: Pioneer of Psychotherapy," 3, copy of undated paper in archives of Bushwhacker Museum, Nevada, Missouri. A version of this paper appeared in the Nevada Herald on December 31,1967. 10 J. B. Johnson, ed., The History of Vernon County, Missouri (Chicago: C F. Cooper & Company, 1911), 2: 1039-1041. 278 Missouri Historical Review times during the disruptions of the Civil War. With frontier schools broken up, Sidney Weltmer would remain largely self-educated.11 At fourteen, Weltmer met Dr. J. W. Brent of Tipton, who offered him the loan of his medical library. Such virtual apprenticeship was often the only preparation that physicians received in those days. Weltmer's studies were interrupted, however, when he fell ill with consumption (pulmonary tubercu­ losis). As he told it, he "turned to the teachings of Jesus . . . and began to recover."12 And at age seventeen, he "became interested in a little book enti­ tled 'How to Become a Mesmerist.'" By the spring of 1895, having immersed himself in works on "what was then called Animal Magnetism," along with Jesus' words, his "observation and study had reached a well- matured stage." He was much struck by Mark 16:18—the risen Christ's final words on earth, "They shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover." He made much of Matthew 18:19, where Jesus says, "If two of you shall agree on earth as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them of my Father which is in Heaven." The words "if two of you shall agree," Weltmer thought, applied to the "perfect agreement" between hypno­ tist and subject, with the goal of "complying with the Law of God," which mirrored the laws of nature investigated by science. "Man can achieve what man can conceive" became his motto. In May 1899, journalist John Carter first distinguished the "Weltmer Method" from other forms of "mental and metaphysical healing." It was "later defined by Dorland's dictionary as a 'system of suggestive treatment aiming to bring the body and mind into har­ mony.'"13 At nineteen, Weltmer obtained license to preach in the Southern Baptist church. By 1880 he was both teaching and preaching around Sedalia. "In 1883 he became city librarian in Sedalia, and taught at the local business college."14 Seemingly a conventional community pillar and a family man, he startled a congregation one Sunday by discussing his interest in healing. Walking out before the service ended, he declared he would not return until he could do what Jesus had done in his healing miracles. "Years later he did return"—in triumph. Meanwhile, he had successfully treated more than eight hundred persons and formed a partnership with J. H. Kelly as his business manager.15

11 Sidney A. Weltmer, The Healing Hand (Nevada, Mo.: Weltmer Foundation, 1925), 67-68; Sidney A. Weltmer, How to Make Magnetic Healing Pay (Kansas City: Hudson-Kimberly Publishing Company, 1901), 3-14; Encyclopedia of the History of Missouri (New York: Southern History Company, 1901), 6: 435-436; Ernest Weltmer, Realization: The Story of a Climber (Nevada, Mo.: Weltmer Institute of Suggestive Therapeutics Company, 1912), 4-13; Stone, "Weltmer," 3. 12 Stone, "Weltmer," 4. 13 S. Weltmer, Healing Hand, 67-68. See also John Carter, "Weltmerism—The New Era in Healing," Carter's Monthly 15 (May 1899): 358-372. 14 Stone, "Weltmer," 4. 15 S. Weltmer, Healing Hand, 69-70; Stone, "Weltmer," 5. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 279

J. H. Kelly served as business manager for Weltmer.

State Historical Society of Missouri

In February 1897, while on a circuit tour of southwest Missouri towns, Weltmer found himself so swamped with patients in Nevada that he decided to make the growing railroad hub the home of his proposed institute. His brother John and his eldest son, Ernest, soon joined him. Other Weltmer sons, Tracy and Silas, would play lesser, largely administrative, roles. Operating first out of a hotel, by June they had moved into a modest frame house at the corner of Cherry and Ash Streets, and within two years, the con­ cern had expanded into its permanent home, a seventeen-room house built in 1886 by railroad contractor Frank P. Anderson one block south at Austin Street. To this infirmary, Weltmer soon added a business department next door south in the former William H. Robinson house. "They advertised very extensively in the chief cities of the United States and in foreign countries," and by 1906 the institute or school—operating under varied names over the years—employed "seventeen healers, several assistant healers, a physician (for diagnosing organic disease)," and over a hundred stenographers and female "typewriters" to handle correspondence.16 In 1901 the deluge of Weltmer mail led the federal government to upgrade the Nevada post office to first-class status and to lay plans for new quarters. Weltmer advised up to 150,000 persons a year by mail while he and his asso­ ciates personally saw as many as four hundred patients per day. Nevadans told tales of Weltmer employees carrying bushel baskets of cash to the bank.

16 Weltmer et al. v Bishop, 171 MO 113 (1902); Warren C Lovinger, Jr., "The History of the Development of Medical Care in Vernon County from 1844 to 1987," 1987, Bushwhacker Museum. 280 Missouri Historical Review

The Nevada Daily Mail placed the institute's daily receipts at $3,600. The Missouri-Kansas-Texas (Katy) Railroad ran special coaches and Pullman cars from St. Louis, which were met by the institute's jitney, and boarding- houses to serve Weltmer outpatients proliferated. Notable patients and curi­ ous visitors included President and Mrs. William McKinley, Harry Houdini, Luther Burbank, and John Philip Sousa with his band.17 One wonders if the latter played a local composer's "Weltmer March."18 "Just now the eyes of the sick and afflicted in all parts of the world . . . are turned hopefully toward Nevada," reported the St. Louis Republic on June 18, 1899, "whence reports of remarkable cures, effected through the system of magnetic healing, taught and practiced by Professor S. A. Weltmer, are emanating daily." "At the hotels, in the streets, on the square," the newspa­ per article continued, "no matter where one goes in Nevada, he hears as the principal topic of conversation about Weltmer and his method of healing."19 As noted, Weltmer taught as well as practiced magnetic healing, both at the institute and by mail. Books, periodicals (up to 500,000 copies a month), and correspondence courses streamed from Sidney and Ernest Weltmer's pens and institute presses (one volume was somewhat eyebrow raisingly enti­ tled How To Make Magnetic Healing Pay). But success bred imitation above all by proximity. Almost overnight, it seems, Nevada went "magnetic" mad.

17 Stone, "Weltmer," 7; Nevada Daily Mail, 30 October 1966. 18 J. Hurley Kaylor, "Weltmer March," "J. Hurley Kaylor's Musical Folio" (Nevada, Mo.: privately printed, n.d.), Bushwhacker Museum. 19 St. Louis Republic, 18 June 1899, quoted in Magnetic Journal 2 (September 1899): 2.

The Weltmer Institute

State Historical Society of Missouri Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 281

"These institutions are very numerous in this city," grumbled the Reverend Doctor C. M. Bishop of the Centenary Methodist Church. "At the head of some of them are men who, a few weeks or months ago, were bar­ bers or butchers or blacksmiths or loafers, and some women who were of notoriously bad character, who, after a ten day 'course' in magnetic healing, have become full-fledged 'professors.'"20 The secular arm weighed in. Dr. Preston W. Pope, an eminent Nevada physician, threw down the gauntlet with a booklet bluntly and whimsically titled The Expose of Weltmerism: Magnetic Healing De-magnetized.21 Even he, however, relied more on religious than secular arguments. A colleague, Dr. E. L. Priest, addressed the Missouri State Medical Association in Sedalia on May 27, 1899, and his words appeared in print in July under the title "Empiricism in Missouri and How to Suppress it." An older meaning of "empiricism" is "quackery"; though Priest's point, it seems, was simply that all healers should be as strictly overseen and licensed by law as physicians.22 The churches rounded off the word war with a brochure entitled "The Ministerial Alliance vs. Magnetic Healing," backed up by an August 6 news­ paper manifesto.23 As the ministers noted, "The lines have been drawn in our city." The Commercial Club, the forerunner of the chamber of commerce, had endorsed Weltmerism as a boon to the town. On October 18, they fol­ lowed up with a unanimous resolution pointing "with special pride to the great and humane work" of Weltmer and condemning the "unjust and . . . uncalled-for attack" on him by "a small coterie." State Senator S. A. Wight, merchant Colonel Harry C. Moore, and other town fathers published a news­ paper endorsement of what the medics were calling "quackery" and the cler­ gy "subversive of the fundamental and vital principles of the Christian faith" and "antagonistic to the word of God."24 Obviously, the religious criticism carried the greater weight, or else Weltmer saw it as most vulnerable to counterattack. Scorning the physicians, he swiftly challenged the ministers. On August 23, 1899, he and his business manager, Kelly, filed a lawsuit for libel and slander against Dr. Bishop and the Methodist Advocate (or St. Louis Christian Advocate) magazine, in whose August 16 issue the divine—repeating charges made from the pulpit— had branded the magnetic healers "miserable charlatans" and Weltmerism "a

20 Nevada Evening Post, 1 September 1899. 21 Preston W. Pope, The Expose of Weltmerism: Magnetic Healing De-magnetized (Nevada, Mo.: n.p., n.d.). 22 Reprint of E. L. Priest, "Empiricism in Missouri and How to Suppress It," Kansas City Medical Index-Lancet (July 1899). 23 Nevada Daily Mail, 6 August 1899. 24 Ibid., 18 October 1899; "The Ministerial Alliance vs. Magnetic Healing" (Nevada, Mo.: n.p., [1899]). 282 Missouri Historical Review

Weltmer brought charges of libel and slander against the Reverend Doctor Charles M. Bishop after the minister published an article questioning the efficacy of magnetic healing.

State Historical Society of Missouri fraud and humbug" and "an ignorant mixture of Negro voodoo and Christian Science." Bishop dropped dark hints at "lots" and even "cords" of bodies being smuggled out of the magnetic healers' premises in the dead of night.25 With the Nevada climate so charged and partisan, the venue was changed to next-door Butler. As the court proceedings began on December 8, "the crowd was so great that the court house walls cracked." While the county hurried work on a new courthouse, the court convened in an inn, or opera house, with a handy barroom where participants refreshed themselves—no doubt contributing to the already "spicy testimony," and in one case render­ ing a juror "so drunk he was unconscious."26 Accusations began to circulate that Weltmer was buying the jurors' drinks, and a sensation resulted when it was revealed that the teetotal Methodist magazine had been doing so, via secretly furnished funds.27 On the stand the minister's allegations shrank to humbler and fuzzier proportions. He had criticized magnetic healing in general, he protested, not Weltmer in particular—patently not so. Only one Nevada physician testified for the defense. The trial transcript made juicy newspaper fare, ironically bracketed by magnetic healers' blue-sky ads. The jury found Bishop guilty, and the court ordered him to pay Weltmer a modest $750 (he had demanded

Nevada Daily Mail, 23 August, 1, 2, 26-28 September, 4 October, 6-9, 11 December 1899. Ibid., 8 December 1899, 8 January 1900. Stone, "Weltmer," 21. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 283

$20,000) plus costs; the magazine escaped retribution altogether. When Bishop's motion for a retrial was denied, he appealed the decision to the Missouri Supreme Court, which at first seemed inclined to order a rehearing of the case. But in October 1902, the state's high court ruled that "a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States . . . announces a different conclusion as to the law from that declared in the opinion of this court in the case at bar."28 In the case referred to, in 1900 Weltmer had sued J. M. McAnulty, Nevada's postmaster, who on orders from the postmaster general ("the result of jealousy on the part of regular practitioners," Weltmer declared) had refused to deliver Weltmer mail, returning letters with a stamp of "fraudu­ lent."29 Weltmer, Kelly, and their attorney went to Washington to consult with the postmaster general and the assistant attorney general. After only sixteen days, they obtained a modification of the "stop order," allowing Weltmer per­ sonally to receive the institute's mail "as trustee for the government."30 This enabled the enterprise to survive, and indeed thrive, while the case made its toilsome way through the courts. At last, in late 1902, the Supreme Court reversed the federal district court's initial dismissal of the suit. Finding Weltmer's practice in violation of no law of Congress and enjoining the postmaster general from holding up Weltmer's mail, the Court's ruling not only ended the legal harassment but also had the appearance of a blanket vindication of magnetic healing. Technically, it seems in retrospect that Weltmer was practicing medicine without a license, in violation of tightening Missouri law. But he was never challenged on those grounds, likely because medical licensing was still a novel and unclarified idea—and the Supreme Court's words carried weight. Speaking for the majority, Justice Rufus Wheeler Peckham commented, "Surely it cannot be said that it is a fraud for one person to contend that the mind has an effect upon the body and its physical condition."31 The roster of Nevada's lesser magnetic lights includes some still-familiar names. Grant Harpold—the barber of Bishop's ire—taught both barbering and magnetic healing in his long-lived family barbershop. An early Weltmer graduate, he afterwards fell afoul of his mentor and lost a suit brought by Weltmer.32 The Marmaduke Institute, though it bore a notable Nevada and state name, held forth from a humble boardinghouse. "Professor" and Mrs.

28 Weltmer et al. v Bishop, 118. 29 Nevada Daily Mail, 8 May 1900. 30 Ibid., 5 September 1917. 31 American School of Magnetic Healing v McAnulty, Supreme Court of the United States, Lawyers'Edition (1920), 47: 90. 32 Nevada Daily Mail, 29 April 1899. 284 Missouri Historical Review

A. A. Waddell touted their marvelous cures, though Nevada knew him better for his livery stable and her for her cancer-ravaged nose, kept grotesquely covered with a homemade cardboard prosthesis. At the Hindoo School, Mrs. Dr. S. V Caughell had "practiced obstet­ rics for 14 years" and "never fail[ed] using Magnetic massage in helping the mother." Do You Want The Vito-Magnetic Sanitarium boasted To Make Money? impressive diplomas, if rather modest premises. The Eureka School ("Professor" J. C. Thurman and Mrs. S. R. Magnien) offered free consultations. "Professor" T. B. Moss, head of the Union School, had rather immodestly been "alleviating pain for years" and was not only a hypnotist, a clairvoyant, and a horoscope writer but also "connected with God."33 Clearly, the magnetic healers ran the Pi of. A. Waddel whole human gamut. Some, as Bishop had said, were "miserable charlatans," persons of little education and no qualifi­ Magnetic Healing<4f«H cations and of questionable motives. Their Knowi, Weltmer doings wandered off into the zaniest Me»h d When • HI have reaches of spiritualism and outright quack­ A xnrei t!i e you C4ii ery. Others deserved to be taken more nuke f">m 520 per seriously. Weltmer's toughest rival, Jav. We *tve *.»u the thorough i in two Leonard E. Stanhope, seemed to straddle weeks. the borderline. Diseases o•M! all kindkn s cured Something of a one-man Nevada insti­ without medicine. Our sue tution in his time, Stanhope has left only a cess has not been surpassed sketchy memory. Following a hard youth bv ar.y \ed our success bv our Medical College of Missouri in St. Louis, work. Gmsuhation free, cal! as well as a D.D.S. degree from the Kansas and sec us. Prof. &nd Mrs. City College of Dental Surgery, and was \. A, Waddell, 527 Hast Austm'strcet. practicing medicine and surgery—and dis­ pensing drugs—from an office above his father's grocery store in Nevada's East End, near the railroad depot.34

Ibid., 4 May 1899. Encyclopedia of the History of Missouri, 6: 54-56. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 285

A cloud seemed to hang over Stanhope. Perhaps he failed to prosper at plain medicine. An encyclopedia biography (probably self-written) said he was diverted by his sudden discovery, in the late 1890s, of his own vast "magnetic" powers. Though they were never affiliated, he learned magnetic healing from Weltmer, he generously acknowledged while testifying in the Bishop trial. And in 1897—neck-and-neck with Weltmer—the Stanhope Sanitarium and School of Magnetic Healing opened for business in a rented, twelve-room, white-quoined brick mansion built by the late Nevada hard­ ware tycoon J. A. Tyler. Over the next two years, four Stanhope titles rolled off the presses; one, The Science of Magnetic Healing, was self-described as "the standard work on the subject."35 What happened inside the august walls of the Weltmer Institute, the Stanhope Sanitarium, and the rest? While to the simple they breathed an air of alchemy and black magic, the "enlightened" drew a hardly less sinister picture. Bishop spoke of a man who had died at Stanhope's and whose body was smuggled out and onto a train in the wee hours. "My God, get that body out of here!" Stanhope supposedly implored Turpin and Ingram, the under­ takers—who failed to confirm the tale.36 Quite likely, of course, many ter­ minally ill patients came to the magnetic healers and then died while in their care, much to the healers' undeserved embarrassment. Weltmer, for instance, claimed that 85 percent of his patients had been given up on by physicians.37 Weltmer's voluminous and diffuse writings resist brief summation. Stanhope's "standard work" provides a simpler picture of actual treatment sessions. Photos posed by himself and compliant patients show a stocky, stolid, imposing small man with a leonine mustache, clad in a splendid frock coat and wing collar, bound to command the sufferer's confidence—crucial for any healer, of course, but above all for one relying on hypnotism. Weltmer had a similar "magnetism." "Magnetic healing," Stanhope wrote, "is classified into three subjects: hypnotism, vital magnetism, and mental science." And hypnotism "is the basic principle."38 Undoubtedly he was right. As Hippolyte-Marie Bernheim, a French psychotherapist of the Nancy School, had concluded in the 1880s, "Suggestion is the essence of hypnosis."39 And the Weltmerists (like Freud in his own way) increasingly took this as their cue. "Hypnotism is simply a

35 Ibid.; Leonard E. Stanhope, The Science of Magnetic Healing (Salina, Kans.: Central Kansas Publishing Company, 1899). 36 Nevada Daily Mail, 2 September 1899. 37 Ibid., 31 December 1967. 38 Stanhope, Science of Magnetic Healing, 11. 39 Alexander and Selesnick, History of Psychiatry, 172. 286 Missouri Historical Review demonstration of the power of suggestion," wrote Weltmer associate J. O. Crone.40 Well before Emile Coue gained fame in France by having his patients repeat, "Day by day in every way I am feeling better and better," Weltmer changed his institute's surname from Magnetic Healing to Suggestive Therapeutics. He assured an interviewer in 1923 that he did not resent Coue for having stolen his ideas.41 Since its discovery by Mesmer, hypnotism had gradually won medical respectability. James Braid, a Manchester surgeon, had coined the new, "reassuringly scientific term" for "mesmerism," the trance state first noted in Mesmer's treatments. At the famed Salpetriere Hospital in Paris, "hypnotism became a serious subject for scientific investigation under the influence of Jean Martin Charcot (1825-1893), the most important neurologist of the modern era"—best remembered as a mentor of Freud.42 "Mesmer's system led to important developments in hypnotherapy, the historical godfather of psychoanalysis."43 Stanhope's second element, vital (or animal) magnetism, was pure Mesmer. Both Weltmer and Stanhope, like Mesmer, held that all persons have the power to heal by means of their "magnetism" or "life force"; that the mir­ acle cures of religious leaders were simply instances of magnetic cures; and that the halos portrayed around their heads represented magnetic emanations. Where Mesmer referred to a "fluidum" (flow), Weltmer redubbed it "manef- fluvium" (hand outflow), clearly meaning about the same. This dependence on an etheric, but material, medium was proving a heavy handicap to standard mesmerism, and little by little Weltmer and his peers downplayed it. In 1913, in his magisterial The Practice of Suggestive Therapeutics (Weltmerism's leatherbound, gold-leaf-edged, 650-page bible presented to all graduates), Ernest Weltmer would readily acknowledge that maneffluvium, and even ani­ mal magnetism itself, were hypothetical, but regardless, the mind could still cure through suggestion, whether or not such a physical basis existed.44 Yet at the turn of the century, healers relied heavily on magnetism or maneffluvium. Treatments resembled massages, or the religious laying on of hands. The Healing Hand, a key Weltmer text, stressed the idea that touch-

40 J. O. Crone, The Magnetic Healer's Guide (Kansas City: Hudson-Kimberly Publishing Company, 1903), 102. 41 C. Harry Brooks, The Practice of Autosuggestion by the Method of Emile Coue (London: G. Allen and Unwin, 1922), 15, passim; Nevada Daily Mail, 10 February 1923. 42 Alexander and Selesnick, History of Psychiatry, 132; Wyckoff, Mesmer, 134-135; Donald Meyer, The Positive Thinkers (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), 68-69. 43 Alexander and Selesnick, History of Psychiatry, 124. 44 Ernest Weltmer, The Practice of Suggestive Therapeutics (Nevada, Mo.: Weltmer Institute of Suggestive Therapeutics Company, 1913), 327. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 287

Leonard Stanhope was Weltmer's chief rival during the early years in Nevada.

State Historical Society of Missouri ing is healing—ironically the title of a 1982 mainstream medical work.45 And magnetism could be imparted in striking ways. "Magnetized" water might be prescribed for internal ailments; a "magnetized" handkerchief could be mailed to the sufferer for application to the affected part. Touching or other physical contact, however, was not of the essence. Treatment could be effected through walls or at a distance. Animal magnet­ ism, even if not identical with thought, possessed thoughtlike properties, and thought, of course, traveled anywhere instantly, rather like the newly discov­ ered radio waves. In Weltmer's controversial "absent treatment"—anticipat­ ed by his precursors, including the well-known Phineas P. Quimby, mentor of Mary Baker Eddy—the patient simply made himself receptive at a pre­ scribed hour, usually at rising or retiring, while the healer—who might be thousands of miles away—beamed out appropriate thought waves. "Once the vital connection was made," according to Quimby, "healer and patient could communicate from afar and needn't be present together in the same room or even the same town."46 Stanhope ingenuously described the more down-to-earth hands-on treat­ ment procedure. First, he wrote, hang the hands downward to heat them by the rush of blood, then "make passes" over the seat of the trouble. To cure a headache, place the "positive" (right) hand on the forehead and the "negative"

45 S. Weltmer, The Healing Hand; Jules Older, Touching Is Healing (New York: Stein and Day, 1982). 46 E. Weltmer, Practice of Suggestive Therapeutics, 322-323; Armstrong and Armstrong, Great American Medicine Show, 131. 288 Missouri Historical Review

(left) hand on the back and "send the current through." Then make passes over the head and down off the shoulders, giving "a quick little flip, exercis­ ing at the same time a strong intention to draw the pain out. If you do not take it off at the shoulders, you may get it down into the body and leave it."47 Let the would-be healer have no illusions, he warned, it was harder work than it sounded. The healer was apt to wind up sweat-drenched and exhausted. "Mental science," Stanhope's third element—an expression much in use at the time and touched on by William James in The Varieties of Religious Experience—appears to have been a faddish term for faith.48 "The moment we realize our oneness with the Infinite Spirit," as Stanhope put it, "that moment we recognize that we are the masters of our bodies."49 The magnet­ ic healers were coming tantalizingly close to equating the human subcon­ scious or unconscious (what Mesmer had really stumbled upon) with the divine spirit itself—numen, mana, almost God. "Man has two distinct minds," Stanhope wrote, "I prefer to call them the conscious and sub-conscious minds."50 "It is the unconscious mind that must

47 Stanhope, Science of Magnetic Healing, 104-107. 48 William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (New York: Modern Library, 1929), 95. 49 Stanhope, Science of Magnetic Healing, 73. 50 Ibid., 66.

Weltmer illustrated one method for inducing hypnosis in Suggestion Simplified, published in 1900.

State Historical Society of Missouri Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 289 be aroused in all healing," Weltmer added, "for it is upon its actions that all healing depends." "The unconscious mind, or the healing mind—God's heal­ ing power in man—is the only healer of the ills of man. It is that force which has been called 'Nature' by physicians since the time of Hippocrates."51 It may increase respect for the magnetic healers to find them seemingly at home with such ideas so early. The concept of the unconscious had been around for at least thirty years, but the wider world remained unaware of the notion until Sigmund Freud published the work that won him worldwide credit for it.52 Weltmer and Stanhope had beaten him by a year! In his 1913 volume, Ernest Weltmer sympathetically discussed psychoanalysis—at which much of the medical establishment would continue to scoff for years.53 Dr. Howard W. Haggard, for example, in his durable 1929 bestseller, Devils, Drugs, and Doctors, dismissed Freud almost in the same breath with Mesmer and all other nonphysical healers.54 For the first few years, patients flocked to Nevada's healers, above all to Weltmer, who continually discussed vast plans for expansion. Nevada, it seemed, might well be the twentieth century's scientific Lourdes. But, alas, fashions in healing are almost as fickle as those of dress. Medicine as now known, the heir of nineteenth-century allopathy, was making giant strides and tightening its grip on the public confidence. Homeopathy and other alternatives (many now making comebacks) faded in these years.55 Magnetic healing—in more ways than one—lost its "magnetism." By 1903 the roster of magnetic healers in the Nevada city directory had shrunk to three.56 Weltmer continued to prosper by adaptation, by keeping current with world­ wide psychotherapeutic strides, as his institute library titles demonstrate.57 Perhaps Stanhope was less flexible. At any rate, his heyday was as brief as the rest of the pack's, and he returned to standard medicine. His reputa­ tion had never been spotless; his own well-known uncured drug habit under­ cut his claim to cure drug addiction.58 As he fell on humbler times, he seems to have slid ever further into the shadows—not all that difficult in his neigh­ borhood, the town's tenderloin, where a doctor was almost obliged to purvey certain timeless kinds of backstreet medical services. His wife, Eliza, carried

51 S. Weltmer, The Healing Hand, 16. 52 Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, trans. James Strachey (New York: Avon, 1965), 579-586, 590-621. 53 E. Weltmer, Practice of Suggestive Therapeutics, 282. 54 Howard W. Haggard, Devils, Drugs, and Doctors (1929; reprint, Boston: Charles River Books, 1980), 308-309. 55 Armstrong and Armstrong, Great American Medicine Show, 37. 56 Wassum's City Directory of Nevada, Mo. (Nevada, Mo.: Lang and Young, 1903). 57 Approximately fifty titles, with publication dates as late as 1935, can be found in the Bushwhacker Museum Archives. 58 Nevada Herald, 10 October 1971. 290 Missouri Historical Review on after his death. To be seen coming out of Mrs. Stanhope's, or so some Nevadans say, was the end of a girl's reputation. Though Weltmer obviously was a very different sort of man, the contro­ versy of 1900 has continued to rumble under Nevada's surface—part of that larger, never-ending human argument concerning the comparative signifi­ cance of reason and intuition. Who was right—Weltmer, Stanhope, and the rest, or their critics and opponents? The answer may lie in the observer's per­ sonality. The hardheaded realist—ever mindful of the mortal proneness to wishful thinking and self-deception requiring ruthless reining-in by stern logic and sense data—perforce sees Weltmer as fooling either the public or himself. On the other hand, the idealist—anyone who finds the mind and its products at least as real and certainly as humanly meaningful as mere things, and the senses and barren logic often unreliable, if not downright treacher­ ous—will tend to make allowances, to reserve judgment. The question is still being asked, and the answers are becoming more charitable toward Weltmer and his ilk. Even the most hardheaded of medics have long conceded that not every disease has a physical basis, that some are merely functional—that is, that symptoms exist where no organic disorder can be detected. Mesmer himself found it possible to cause some symptoms to disappear during hypnosis. The symptoms, that is, were somehow being produced by the sufferer's mind. And in our own day of psychology triumphant, the skeptic's complaint that the magnetic healers' cures were "all in the mind"—merely "imagination," as Franklin's commission had it—can only bring a wry smile. Even Bishop's likening of Weltmerism to "Negro voodoo and Christian Science" has an ironic ring at this late date. It is now generally recognized that not only Christian Science but even voodoo are systems wherein belief itself can produce physical effects not otherwise explicable. A gentler critic of Weltmer, Virginia Cunningham, concedes he was "an excellent hypnotist" who "had an amazing power!" "Some ailments he apparently treated successfully. The patients seemed fully recovered." He would hypnotize chair-bound invalids, command them to walk, and they would do so, although such cures were not always permanent (a familiar fea­ ture of faith healing or any curative method that fails to confront underlying causes).59 These are examples of functional, nonstructural, or nonorganic ill­ nesses. Modern psychiatry's best judgment is that such illnesses are some­ how mentally caused and so can only be mentally cured. "Mental science"— pace William James—came in for as much scorn as Mary Baker Eddy's "Christian" variety—both obviously only terminological attempts to have the best of both worlds, to pour the old, religious wine into the new, scientific

Untitled manuscript by Virginia Cunningham, [1982], Bushwhacker Museum. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 291

Bushwhacker Museum, Nevada Sidney and Molly Weltmer and Their Children, Tracy, Silas, Ernest, Stella, and Beulah bottle. Have faith—faith in something, anything, in the Almighty, in the healer, or just in oneself. Self-confidence heals. James summed the notion up as "healthymindedness." Other times would have other names for it, such as "the power of positive thinking."60 "Weltmer recognized the need for medical care," writes Robert L. Stone, Jr., in his paper on the Nevada psychotherapeutic pioneer. "He advocated the use of surgery if a person needed it. He never assumed that he could cure everyone. He never claimed to have miraculous powers."61 The point is piv­ otal. A loose system like Weltmerism obviously was open to abuse, bound to attract a lunatic fringe of charlatans and quacks who indeed would claim to cure everyone and bring the whole system into disrepute. It says much that Weltmer's mimics quickly faded from the scene while he continued to treat and teach until he died in 1930. By then, he had advised three million per­ sons by mail and issued some half a million diplomas. Throughout the 1920s, his institute annually hosted the conventions of the American Suggestive Therapeutical Association, of which he was a leading light. He regularly spoke to state associations across the country. As late as 1929, an "Annual Metaphysical Chautauqua" held in Nevada featured Dr. Alexander J. Mclvor-Tyndale, "a famous scientist and psychologist of London" who gave

James, Varieties of Religious Experience, 11; Meyer, Positive Thinkers, 73-82. Stone, "Weltmer," 21-22, 24. 292 Missouri Historical Review

a popular lecture.62 And Ernest Weltmer, though unable to keep the institute open through the dark days of the 1930s, nonetheless continued to write and lecture on psychotherapy until his own death in the early 1950s. Sidney Weltmer's interests ranged beyond therapeutics. Modern encyclo­ pedia entries on telepathy make no mention of the Weltmer Experiment; yet in 1910 William Walker Atkinson, in Telepathy: Its Theory, Facts, and Proof called it "perhaps the best known series of experiments in telepathy conducted by investigators in America."63 A New Thought publication, Atkinson's work reflected a real, if elusive, interaction between kindred movements. In 1907 Elizabeth Towne, "one of the most important New Thought figures of the day, visited the Weltmer Institute and delivered a speech/sermon," and in 1916 Weltmer was "chosen regional vice-president of the International New Thought Alliance for the Missouri-Arkansas-Texas region."64 Clearly akin to his absent treatment, Weltmer's telepathic investigations involved his retiring at a prescribed hour into a sealed room and concentrat­ ing on a message just composed and passed to him by a sworn panel. Weltmer's Magazine readers were invited to respond, and a significant, if small, percentage reported receiving something remotely like the professor's "send." Atkinson's only criticism was that the messages were too complex and abstract. He devoted three chapters to the Weltmer Experiment and praised Sidney and Ernest Weltmer's "frankness and fairness" in their three- year (1907-1910) pioneer effort to prove or disprove the reality of extrasen­ sory perception. The 1930 Duke experiments by J. B. Rhine, which reference works accord all the telepathic glory, seem to have merely duplicated Weltmer's intriguing, if inconclusive, results.65 Since "people will pay dearly for life," Weltmer prospered.66 Despite those fabulous bushels of money carried to the bank, he amassed no fortune. Noted for his generosity, hospitality, and public spirit, Weltmer seems to have spent his money as quickly as he earned it.67 Part of the ire against him, above all from physicians, whose prosperity he seemed to threaten, clearly arose from jealousy. At this remove in time, Sidney A. Weltmer seems to have been what Stone entitled him: a "Pioneer of Psychotherapy" with thoroughly honest motives. Intellectual and cultural ferment and change dominated the era. "Medicine" was rapidly making

62 Nevada Daily Mail, 15 August 1929. 63 William Walker Atkinson, Telepathy: Its Theory, Facts, and Proof (Chicago: New Thought Publishing Company, 1910), 44-86. 64 Clay Bailey, letter to author, 14 June 1994, quoting Nautilus (November 1916): 44, Bushwhacker Museum. 65 Joseph B. Rhine, Extra-Sensory Perception (Boston: Bruce Humphries, Inc., 1935). 66 Cunningham manuscript. 67 Stone, "Weltmer," 8-9. Weltmer, Stanhope, and the Rest 293

State Historical Society of Missouri

The Weltmer Home in Nevada itself anew; yet its prescription for threats to its professional privileges was time honored. From Paracelsus on, it had met mavericks and innovators, even in its own ranks, with witch-hunting savagery. The ministers' anti-Weltmerism is more complicated. As they noted, they had nothing to gain. Weltmer, however, had based his system on reli­ gion—and a very heterodox form of religion—in a time when orthodoxy still reigned in the churches. His ideas, just as the clerics charged, amounted to pantheism—the doctrine that all is God, the world itself is God—to strict Christians still a damnable heresy. In more ways than one then, it may be stated that Weltmer was simply ahead of his time. Dr. William S. Brink, executive director of the American Association of Professional Hypnotherapists, wrote in 1984, "What was being written seventy-five years ago is for the most part what is being writ­ ten today. Today it just gets dressed up in high-tech jargon which makes it sound something altogether new."68 After a 1982 newspaper article repeated the usual Weltmer autobio­ graphical data, an aged reader wrote to the editor, casting doubt on many of the facts on the grounds of a family intimacy with "Sid" and his parents.69 Such claims are tricky to test, and the writer's impulse is to pronounce them

68 William S. Brink, letter to author, 10 September 1984, Bushwhacker Museum. 69 Bushwhacker Weekly Magazine, supplement to Nevada Daily Mail, 16 June 1982; Cunningham manuscript. 294 Missouri Historical Review meaningless. At bottom it is simply Ben Franklin's argument repeated: Weltmer's consumption and his self-cure were "all in the mind!" Moreover, few persons' lives can bear the kind of merciless scrutiny often focused on public figures, and likely everyone tends to embellish and strain the truth a trifle in summing up themselves in print. Stubborn local legend has it that Weltmer was under federal indictment for mail fraud at the time of his death and that the institute failed for that rea­ son. This can be no more than an anachronistic echo of the McAnulty case— decisively decided in Weltmer's favor by the U.S. Supreme Court twenty- eight years earlier. Clearly, the institute closed on account of its guiding spir­ it's death, along with changes in the times and in the fashions of health care. While such terms as magnetic healing likely are permanently in eclipse, the ideas of Franz Anton Mesmer—even of Weltmer, Stanhope, and others— are as alive as ever, surely pointing to some profound truth or vital human need. Weltmerism, like its mesmeric ancestor, is validated by "the continued outcropping of very similar movements today."70 In the 1940s, Freudian psy­ chologist Wilhelm Reich rehabilitated Mesmer's "fluidum," or something suspiciously like it, under a new name, "orgone," and—unluckier than Weltmer—wound up in federal prison for his pains.71 More recently, the West has discovered the ancient Chinese equivalent, chi—which ironically might be translated "flow" or "fluid"—with its complimentary "currents," as it were, of yin and yang: tantalizing evocations of the "positive" and "nega­ tive" of the magnetic healers.72 Or, to quote the oft-ridiculed motto of Mesmer himself, "Much will rise again that has long been buried."73 Surely even the most hardheaded would agree with Will Durant's sum­ mation in his look at Paracelsus: "In every generation men arise who, resent­ ing the cautious conservatism of the medical profession, lay claim to remark­ able cures by heterodox means, denounce the profession as cruelly laggard, perform wonders for a time, and then lose themselves in a mist of desperate extravagance and isolation. It is good that such gadflies should appear now and then to keep medical thought on its toes."74

70 Fuller, Mesmerism, 173. 71 Myron Sharaf, Fury on Earth: A Biography of Wilhelm Reich (New York: St. Martin's Press/Marek, 1983), 276-292, 360-467; Wyckoff, Mesmer, 12, 139-140. 72 Bill Moyers, Healing and the Mind (New York: Doubleday, 1993), 251-255. 73 Wyckoff, Mesmer, 11-12. 74 Will Durant, The Reformation, vol. 7 of The Study of Civilization (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1957), 875. The Kansas City Star

April 9, 1968 It Finally Happened Here: The 1968 Riot in Kansas City, Missouri

BY JOEL P. RHODES*

On April 9, 1968, the rising tide of mid-1960s urban racial violence engulfed Kansas City, Missouri. Many in the city expressed dismay when it finally happened, yet during the week preceding Easter, Kansas City's pre­ dominately African-American east side joined south-central Los Angeles's Watts Neighborhood, Cleveland's Hough District, Newark's Central Ward, Detroit's West Side, and nearly three hundred other American cities that experienced urban violence during the mid-1960s. For the four days follow­ ing the funeral of Martin Luther King, Jr., normal societal restraints in the city could not contain the rage that eventually left six people dead and cost close to four million dollars in damages. The Kerner Commission, appointed by President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1967, concluded that nearly all previous riots had been ignited by communi­ ty-specific incidents associated with local racial conflicts. In Kansas City, the indignities of school segregation and police racism eventually channeled generalized hostility and precipitated a riot. The confrontation at city hall between angry blacks and police, which sparked the disorder, was the culmi-

*Joel P. Rhodes is a doctoral student at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. He received the bachelor's degree from the University of Kansas, Lawrence, and the master's degree from the University of Missouri-Kansas City.

295 296 Missouri Historical Review nation of a protest march following King's assassination. From there the vio­ lence escalated, and Kansas City blacks took part in the national phenome­ non that left 7,942 wounded and 191 dead, destroyed millions of dollars in property, decimated ghettos, and perplexed white society between January 1964 and May 1968. When the civil rights movement became fragmented after the 1965 march in Selma, Alabama, the events in the Watts neighborhood planted a seed in the minds of many disillusioned northern African Americans. With many still enduring the nearly insurmountable problems of poverty and dis­ crimination, rioting now seemed to be a legitimate form of social protest.1 The civil rights movement raised their expectations, and faced with the real­ ity that permanent subordination and segregation could be a distinct possi­ bility, a significant minority of urban blacks found no other viable strategy for implementing continued change. By 1965 northern blacks stood ready to use riots as a form of communication with the white power structure in much the same way southern blacks had earlier used nonviolent protest. The dis­ orders varied from city to city, but in general, all displayed similar patterns of rioting, looting, arson, and assault—often in the form of restrained and articulate protests against the most immediate grievances. By the spring it became apparent that 1968 would be a very traumatic year for the United States. As the antiwar movement intensified, the strain over Vietnam exploded on streets and campuses across the country. In February the Tet Offensive stunned even the most staunch war supporters and exposed the nation to the reality that something had gone terribly wrong in Southeast Asia. The once formidable Lyndon Johnson, broken by Vietnam and the division with­ in the nation, announced his decision not to seek reelection. Rage in America's ghettos had ignited during three consecutive "long, hot summers," and nothing indicated that emotions would subside in 1968. As former activist Todd Gitlin said, America seemed to be at war with itself, and by Easter, so was Kansas City.2 The extensive publicity given to the major riots surrounding Newark and the increasingly volatile nature of the anti-Vietnam war movement engen­ dered a nationwide "rebellious consciousness" while producing a climate con­ ducive to social imitation.3 Continued exposure to civil rights activists and

1 Robert M. Fogelson, Violence as Protest: A Study of Riots and Ghettos (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971), 107. The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, headed by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner, determined that the riots were inevitable reactions to perva­ sive discrimination and segregation found in the nation's ghettos. In the Kerner Commission's judgment, intolerable conditions in housing, employment, education, and police relations, all "factors within the society at [large] . . . created a mood of violence among many urban negroes." Otto Kerner, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1968), 4. 2 Fogelson, Violence as Protest, 24; Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1993), 243. 3 Seymour Spilerman, quoted in Gregg Carter, "Explaining the Severity of the 1960s Black Rioting" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1983), 23, 42, 140. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 297 antiwar protestors who risked their well-being for ideological goals weakened the ghetto inhabitants' concern for personal safety. In addition, the activism of the period had proven that if the cause was just, arrest was an honor not a stigma. With television and other media broadcasting the urban carnage, Kansas City blacks understood how to conduct a riot and what roles could be taken. An unidentified African American maintained that once violence erupt­ ed, "the kids picked up the tools they had seen on TV"4 "The whole televi­ sion image, starting with John Kennedy, gave us an image of a product," ven­ tured Reverend James Blair, "and regardless of what that product was, it sold." Blair thought that media sensationalism magnified militancy and made it appear more attractive among the young. "They [the militants] got the most press and pretty soon they began to believe what they saw."5 On April 4, 1968, the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., in Memphis stripped the civil rights movement of its most charismatic leader. The intensity of bereavement felt by African Americans may have been impossible for others to fathom, and as the news spread across the nation, violence spontaneously erupted in several urban centers. The fourth "long, hot summer" had arrived two months early. As one young black Kansas Citian predicted: "This is going to bring out the most violent people. . . . People are ready to tie up America."6 Yet, the initial mood in Kansas City was one of stunned and somber shock, rather than of immediate violence. A profound sense of righteous indignation simmered among young African Americans. While one moder­ ate black leader vainly hoped that the senseless act would ultimately bring the community together, younger blacks like Vernon Thompson, the first per­ son arrested during the disorder, prophesied: "There are going to be a lot of changes, a whole lot of changes. The older people who have been for non­ violence are changing their attitudes. This is going to change the attitudes of even the Uncle Toms." "People are mad," declared fellow activist Bernard Powell, "The young are even madder. The older people who were against violence are now turning to violence."7 Over the weekend following the assassination, students in the Kansas City, Missouri, school district began to cultivate the idea of a peaceful march in memory of Dr. King. A teacher close to the students reported to the school board on the morning of April 8 that a march similar to the one held in Kansas City, Kansas, the previous week was being planned for the following day. Parents and civil rights leaders called the board of education and con­ firmed the planning of a Tuesday march. Despite the warning, the board

4 David R. Hardy Papers, private collection. At the request of the Hardy family, the iden­ tity of those quoted has been withheld. 5 James Blair, telephone interview by author, Kansas City, 4 October 1995. 6 Kansas City Times, 5 April 1968. 7 Ibid. 298 Missouri Historical Review decided to hold classes on Tuesday and broadened a one-minute observance to a districtwide school assembly.8 A pivotal moment in the city's race relations occurred later that afternoon when the school district discovered that their Kansas counterparts had decid­ ed to close schools on the following day. At this point, the district had an opportunity to avert disaster, but poor judgment and structural deficiencies undermined any meaningful reconsideration. The district maintained that regardless of the Kansas decision and the possibility of a march, students would be better off in an organized setting where emotions could be chan­ neled and monitored, rather than sent back to possibly empty homes.9 At 7:30 A.M., on Tuesday, April 9, the African-American radio station KPRS aired the list of schools that would close in deference to King's funer­ al, and those that would remain open. Years of disappointment and frustra­ tion with the school system now culminated in the district's apparent lack of respect for the black leader. Many African-American students viewed the decision as a tangible sign that their schools did not care. According to Vernon Thompson, there was "no intent to riot" on the morning of April 9, but some students wanted to know why the schools did not close, "like for Kennedy."10 This decision, in addition to the African-American community's traditional hostility toward the police department, provided the precipitating event for the Kansas City riot and set in motion social forces that had been played out in schools nationwide over the preceding three months. Almost immediately after broadcasting the school district's decision, KPRS received a phone tip that students from Lincoln High School would walk out and march south to Central High. Over two hundred students from both Lincoln and Manual High Schools left their respective buildings on their way to Central. The groups eventually merged, and the march proceeded with enthusiasm and excitement through the city's predominately black east­ ern side, stopping on occasion for pictures. There is some dispute about the initial disposition of the marchers, but in general it was a peaceful event, and black police officers often moved freely through the crowds.11 Vernon Thompson, one of the march's organizers, characterized the group as cheerful and upbeat. "We were just getting together to do a little rap talk­ ing," he recalled, "The kids were peaceful, but demanding, before the cops got there."12 The students contended that the school district had shown consider­ able disrespect for Dr. King, but in the early stages no clear objective or ulti­ mate destination for the march emerged. Some students wanted to stage a

8 David R. Hardy, Mayor's Commission on Civil Disorders (Kansas City, Mo., 1968), 11. 9 Ibid., 34-35. 10 Vernon Thompson, telephone interview by author, Kansas City, 4 October 1995; "Chronology of Events," Lincoln Senior High School, 2, fol. 296, Arthur Mag Collection, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, University of Missouri-Kansas City. 11 Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. 12 Thompson, telephone interview. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 299

African Americans in Kansas City believed that the public school system displayed a lack of respect for Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. The admin­ istration's refusal to close schools in deference to King's funeral triggered the initial march.

License Granted by Intellectual Properties Management, Atlanta, Georgia, as Manager for the King Estate nonviolent demonstration at a park while others advocated a march to city hall, "like the kids in Kansas did." Word of the march spread rapidly through­ out the African-American community, and many nonstudents joined as the procession made its way south down Vine Street toward Twenty-fifth Street.13 Upon receiving the news of the march and of disturbances in and around Central Junior and Senior High, Police Chief Clarence Kelley decided to move into Tactical Alert—Phase II of Kansas City's riot control plan, which totally mobilized the city's force. The police then notified Mayor Ilus Davis, the highway patrol, and the school board about the possibility of a distur­ bance and their decision to mobilize. Local radio stations soon announced the mobilization to the public. Following the Phase II announcement, reports from citizens and teachers about sporadic acts of vandalism and the menacing presence of young blacks moving through the streets began to pour in from all over the area. The crowd gathered around Central Junior and Senior High overturned several small cars and broke out the windows of others. Soon, one group looted a potato chip truck behind the school while others stoned and clubbed several cars driven by whites.14

13 "Chronology of Events," Lincoln Senior High School, 2; Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 13. 14 "Police Log," 3, fol. 296, Mag Collection. 300 Missouri Historical Review

With the march from Lincoln and Manual fast approaching the Central schools and the proliferation of violence around the campus, the administra­ tion quickly dismissed the students. Shortly after the Central students had been encouraged to go directly home, the marchers from Lincoln and Manual arrived on the scene. Nearly one hundred Central students joined the group to trek south toward Paseo High School, another predominately black school on the east side. Vandalism erupted sporadically up and down Indiana where rioters stomped on cars and threatened residents with baseball bats. A line of police confronted the marchers off Thirty-fourth and Indiana Streets, and several officers used Mace for crowd control. Herman Johnson, president of the local NAACP chapter and one who had been with the march since its inception, screamed, "For God's sake don't do that," as four white officers drove by and sprayed the crowd with Mace. After this unprovoked attack, according to Johnson, "The bad ones got mad."15 Infuriated, the main body broke north and returned to the Central High School campus to regroup and devise a plan. Now, some openly advocated violence.16 Understandably upset, most young marchers demanded that the police apologize for the use of Mace. After one policeman offered an explanation, rather than an apology, the crowd erupted and began hurling rocks at the police. Fury and anger rapidly replaced the holiday spirit noticed earlier among the young people. Several students complained that police confront­ ed them everywhere they tried to march. "We want respect, to be able to march wherever we want without the police on our heels," affirmed an angry young activist. "The cops started it, they initiated it," recalled Thompson.17 Throughout the remainder of the morning, emotionally charged marchers perceived many of the police department's actions as unjust, insult­ ing, and inflammatory.18 The overall conduct of the police was the second precipitating event of the day. The idea of demanding an apology for their actions directly from Mayor Davis quickly began to gain acceptance. "If the police won't apologize for the use of mace, let's ask the Mayor to apologize," demanded a young marcher. Civil rights leaders on the scene agreed that a march to city hall might be a therapeutic release for the rage building in the crowd.19 The marchers now had a proactive objective; they were headed to the mayor's office. At the top, forces mobilized to suppress Kansas City's escalating distur­ bance. The Missouri Highway Patrol was placed on full alert while Chief Kelley requested troopers be sent to the downtown area. Mayor Davis and the chief had met in Kelley's office where Jackson County Sheriff Arvid

Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. "Chronology of Events," Central Senior High, 4, fol. 2, Mag Collection. Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968; Thompson, telephone interview. Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 34. Ibid., 15. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 301

Owsley was also briefed on the situation. By 10:00 A.M., Davis and Governor Warren Hearnes decided to activate one thousand Missouri nation­ al guardsmen.20 More and more police cruisers also entered the fray in an attempt to contain the disorder. The march from Central High School continued to snake its way west­ ward, leaving behind broken windows—including one in a police car—and plundered delivery trucks. Often, the excited marchers—numbering nearly a thousand by now—broke into a run, screaming and tossing rocks as they went, but many in the group remained peaceful. Leadership shifted periodically between ministers, established civil rights leaders, and young militants. One of the leaders who emerged nearly spontaneously during the march was Lee Bohanon, a twenty-three-year-old, self-described Black Power advocate. With his Afro haircut, dark glasses, and strong rhetoric, Bohanon exuded the image of black militancy that frightened many whites. "Lee was like Rap Brown," assessed Vernon Thompson, "he was very militant, not a negotiator like me."21 Although vandalism and minor assaults erupted all morning and some forty individuals were already in police custody, the disorder in Kansas City

Ibid., 16. Thompson, telephone interview.

Activity rapidly intensified when police used Mace for crowd control. The Kansas City Star 302 Missouri Historical Review had not yet progressed to a major disturbance. Meanwhile, the downtown area braced for the impending arrival of one thousand aroused protestors. Impromptu "Closed in Memory of Dr. Martin Luther King" signs appeared in the windows of hurriedly closed stores. Busloads of police in riot gear qui­ etly transformed the area around Eleventh and Thirteenth between Oak and Baltimore into an armed sector. Shortly before noon on the steps of city hall, the city's second precipitat­ ing event came to a head as the restless throng gathered to listen to Mayor Davis and a host of other speakers. By this time it had clearly evolved into more than a student action. Because of a defective sound system, many could not hear the speakers' pleas that violence was out of order on the day of King's funeral. "You're forgetting everything Martin Luther King stood for," implored one black woman at the podium. "Violence don't get it. You think rioting is going to get it. No, no, man, you can't get it this way."22 The ener­ gized crowd quickly became uneasy and bored, and the pressure mounted. At the podium militants and moderates struggled for possession of the microphone. Some of the more vocal activists incited the crowd and walked up and down the police line set up across Twelfth Street, goading the police with taunts and obscenities. Many were already in a disagreeable mood due to the earlier police action, and the sight of police and highway patrolmen in full riot gear further inflamed them. "No wonder we're losing the war in Vietnam, we've got all our troops here," declared one young black. Well aware of what had happened in other riot cities, the police decided to make a show of force. "The police wanted to assure us that a riot could be put down," recalled Reverend James Blair.23 Another African American believed: "The police were looking for a fight. They [had] been wanting it for a long time and this time they had an excuse."24 Cherry bombs exploding in the crowd further frayed nerves. Hundreds of people watched from downtown windows, anxiously awaiting the out­ come. The kinetic energy reached a fever pitch when Davis left the podium and someone grabbed the microphone, declaring, "The 'man' has us out­ numbered ... we need to organize. Let's go home and organize." Alluding to the riots that had occurred throughout the country, another marcher shout­ ed, "Why can't we have one here?"25 In an attempt to defuse the volatile situation, KPRS radio announced that a dance would be held at Holy Name Catholic Church and buses currently on the scene would provide transportation. Although the majority of marchers were no longer students who might be appeased by a church social, a couple

Kansas City Star, 9 April 1968. Kansas City Call, 19 April 1968; Blair, telephone interview. Hardy Papers. Kansas City Times, 9 April 1968; Hardy Papers. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 303

The Kansas City Star

Mayor Davis's attempt to quell the disorder proved unsuccessful. of hundred young marchers boarded the buses. Then, at 12:44 P.M., the vio­ lence escalated. Police dragged off and struck a young man who had climbed on top of a sheriff's car. As the state troopers protecting city hall surged forward, the protestors hurled bottles and rocks. One older black shouted, "The niggers don't have no country, but before we're through this is going to be nigger town."26 The Mayor's Commission never ascertained who threw the first canister of tear gas. African Americans insisted police had triggered the riot by instigating the use of gas; the police maintained that a black man heaved the first can of gas, stolen earlier when marchers had swarmed an unoccupied police cruiser at Parade Park. Amid the chaos and confusion, probably no one really knew. Regardless of who tossed the first one, the police immedi­ ately fired six more canisters into the mass. Engulfed in tear gas, the crowd bolted east and scattered, with the police in pursuit.27

Kansas City Star, 12 April 1968. Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 20. 304 Missouri Historical Review

Kansas City was one of thirty-seven American cities that experienced a riot whose precipitating events indirectly related to the death of Martin Luther King, Jr. Unlike the cities where violence erupted immediately fol­ lowing the assassination, Kansas City's disturbance resulted from a combi­ nation of King's death and the local events that followed. Localized ani­ mosities and nuances played a large role in the nature and timing of these types of disturbances but were not the underlying causes. Each riot city experienced unique, community-specific, "precipitating" or "triggering" events that aggravated distinct local racial sensitivities. These precipitating events kindled frustrations and fury prompted by universal economic, politi­ cal, and social conditions in the ghetto—conditions that in Kansas City "did not differ materially from other cities."28 Following sociologist Thomas Mason's model of the four phases of riot progression, the morning's events had been the first, or the crowd formation and "keynoting," phase of the Kansas City riot. According to Mason, this first phase, where crowds typically began to form and violence remained rel­ atively light, was followed by a period in which the initial crowds dissemi­ nated information about the disturbance throughout the affected ghetto area. If sufficient support for the riot developed during the second phase, a third phase involving looting followed. In extreme cases, such as in Kansas City, looting sometimes escalated while law enforcement efforts intensified, and the disorder progressed to a fourth, or siege, phase where violence and destruction reached a peak. In Kansas City, low intensity violence, destruction of property, and sym­ bolic looting flared from time to time during the morning, but compared to later acts, it remained mild. During this first phase, as crowds began to grow, "keynoting" among members took place. Participants commented on and analyzed the events they were witnessing, and once a consensus was reached, the crowd developed the potential to riot.29 Throughout the morning, whether at Thirty-fourth and Indiana or Thirty- first and Prospect, many bitter blacks became convinced that "insensible" police were treating them with disrespect and contempt. Keynoting took place up and down the march and in particular when the crowd stopped at Parade Park and city hall. A handful of emerging militant leaders like Lee Bohanon and Vernon Thompson incited the marchers and aided the process. The incapacitating effects of tear gas are indiscriminate; thus its use in such a large crowd affirmed African-American views that the police treated them all like criminals. In response to the tear gas, the crowd apparently reached a consensus to expand the protest. The Mayor's Commission later conclud­ ed that "persons with an inclination or desire for mass violence and lawless-

28 Ibid., 19. 29 Thomas Mason, "Individual Participation in Collectice Violence" (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 1982), 34. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 305 ness found themselves with a suitable emotional platform to give them sup­ port for their unlawful activities." At any rate, the events of the morning, and in particular at city hall, had "provided the emotional climate for the vio­ lence, looting and burning" that would follow.30 The use of tear gas at city hall marked the progression of the Kansas City riot into phase two of Mason's model. During this phase, the initial crowd dispersed into smaller groups throughout the ghetto, and word of the con­ frontations spread. By Tuesday afternoon, participation escalated, and while light looting occurred, the violence and destruction of property intensified.31 Almost immediately after the crowd bolted from the steps of city hall, groups of ten to twelve persons fanned out from Twelfth and Walnut Streets and shattered windows in the downtown area. Police reported large groups rampaging through the streets, throwing bricks and rocks through windows, and overturning cars. "They might as well know, it's going to be a long, hot summer," a defiant student notified a reporter. At Twelfth and The Paseo, broken glass completely exposed storefronts. One man, using a stolen walkie-talkie, shouted obscenities at police and informed the officers that they were witnessing "Black Power talking."32 Some store owners huddled in fear inside their shops. Police scrambled to contain the spread of violence, and most of the initial property damage came in the form of broken windows. Although rioters robbed a transit bus, they stole very little on Tuesday afternoon.33 Away from the spreading disorder, nearly 250 young African Americans attended the dance at the Holy Name Catholic Church at Twenty-third Street and Benton Boulevard. This spontaneously arranged event had the potential to be an effective antiriot tool but instead resulted in more violence. Most of the students at the dance had been bused from city hall shortly before the tear gas incident. And although the police department had advance notice of the event, officers did not know a dance was in progress in the church basement when they responded to a disturbance call at that location. The students stoned the first policemen to arrive, and more police were summoned to the area. Officers again used tear gas to disperse the group, and after several students entered the church to escape, police fired gas into the basement. In the chaos that followed, police kicked in the windows and shot seven more canisters into the party. Panicked dancers, unaware of the events outside, searched for the exit through the dense clouds of gas. Once outside, the students were livid. A rumor—later proven false—that police had killed an African-American man further inflamed their passions. Police again became the targets of rocks and used additional tear gas to dis-

Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 41. Mason, "Individual Participation," 34. New York Times, 12 April 1968; "Police Log," 20-21. Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. 306 Missouri Historical Review pel the incensed students. For over half an hour the tension at the church remained fierce.34 Many of those involved in the city hall and church incidents eventually returned to the area around Central High School. Along Indiana, between Thirty-first Street and Linwood Boulevard, people filled the streets. Large numbers of residents met to discuss the day's events and spread the word about the incidents at city hall and the church. Word of mouth proved a very effective type of media coverage: the Kerner Commission estimated that nearly 80 percent of ghetto blacks initially heard about or stayed informed of the riots by word of mouth. On Tuesday afternoon in Kansas City, news trav­ eled fast across the ghetto's communication network.35 Although Mayor Davis appeared on television to apologize for the use of tear gas and present an official version of the day's events, African Americans were already syn­ thesizing their own opinions on the street.

34 Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 22-23, 39-40. 35 Kerner, Report, 207. Riot activity occurred between Woodland and Indiana Avenues, with the most intense violence erupting along Prospect Avenue. Delorme Mapping

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An accurate picture of actual riot participation or the mood of those involved proves difficult to reconstruct. Once the riot became part of the ghet­ to's oral tradition, events could become distorted and often embellished. Since the rioters participated in illegal activities, the historian also has difficulty soliciting accurate accounts of roles and conduct. Yet, it is clear that a feeling of camaraderie and purpose developed among young militants on that April afternoon. In the opinion of Vernon Thompson, "Years of anger and oppres­ sion were coming out. . . . The media had glorified and sensationalized it [riot­ ing]." And when violence broke out some of those kids were "cheering."36 Unlike their southern brethren, northern blacks often had difficulty iden­ tifying their oppressors amongst the shrouded forms of discrimination. In Kansas City they were now striking back at their chief tormentors. One young African American proclaimed, "I say if we can't have it one way, we're going to take it another way." "There is an intelligent way to achieve our goals," declared another militant, "but if we can't get it the right way it will be 'burn, baby, burn until the white man learns.'"37 Kansas City blacks wanted an end, or at least honest improvement, to the effects of discrimination. They wanted formal recognition that intolerable dis­ crimination remained the rule, and not the exception, in most aspects of the city's life. "We're not asking for something," one young militant declared, "we're free!"38 In their eyes, they had attempted to express their feelings in a peaceful way on Tuesday morning. The use of tear gas confirmed their belief that the white community viewed them not as individuals, but as an untrust­ worthy class without legitimate concerns or grievances. For some emerging militants, the riot was an attempt, similar to nonviolent protest, to communi­ cate with whites. Activist John Wesson believed, "Riot [was the] only method left to the Negro—the only way to get the white man to listen."39 By 3:21 P.M. on April 9, the first shot had been fired, and by 4:17 P.M. the first Molotov cocktail had been thrown. To the battle cry of "Get Whitey," rioters beat or stoned numerous whites. The police spent much of the after­ noon following rumors in the black community, but as nightfall approached, reports of looting, vandalism, and arson clogged the police radio. In most riot cities, night brought a dramatic proliferation of disorder, and Kansas City fol­ lowed the pattern. The situation throughout the metropolitan area remained tense, and reports of violence began to exceed police manpower. Shortly after 5:00 P.M., two hundred national guardsmen, equipped with M-l rifles, began patrolling the eastern side of the city in jeeps.40

Thompson, telephone interview. Kansas City Times, 10 April 1968; Kansas City Star, 11 April 1968. Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. Hardy Papers. Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. 308 Missouri Historical Review

Mayor Davis declared Kansas City under a state of emergency at 5:20 P.M. and ordered all taverns, liquor stores, service stations, and gun shops within the city limits to close. Most had already done so on their own accord. At his request, the surrounding suburbs followed suit. Along with the decla­ ration, Davis imposed the first emergency curfew in the city's history. As darkness fell, Kansas City progressed into the third phase of rioting. Militant blacks had thrown down the gauntlet. Over a stolen police radio came the challenge, "You best believe, boy, we're going to be downtown tonight, you better be there, we will."41 The riot entered the third phase when extensive looting began after 6:00 P.M. in the inner city. Over two hundred stores, mostly on the eastern side of town, were looted or damaged. Ninety-four fires, forty of which were con­ firmed arson, raged while crowds gathered to jeer and throw rocks at firefight­ ers. Most of the looting took place from Twelfth to Forty-seventh Streets between Independence and Troost Avenue. Consistent with other riot cities, small retail establishments suffered the largest losses, particularly the liquor, grocery, drug, and automobile parts stores along Twenty-seventh, Thirty-first, Troost, and Prospect.42 During this third phase, the disorder temporarily out­ stripped normal law enforcement capabilities, and individuals interested in plunder could ignore the usual threats of incarceration. Normal social controls over theft vanished, and the activities of the crowds offered adequate cover for extensive looting. The afternoon looting had been symbolic, but overnight it became more conscious and deliberate, a kind of alternative income redistrib­ ution. One African American described it as "a selective operation."43 Following the national pattern, the acts of looting and arson in Kansas City were usually intentionally restrained and selective. Whites owned the vast majority of the targeted businesses considered exploitive by rioters. "You know most of the money they make down there [Thirty-first and Prospect] is off us," explained one confessed looter. "It's like that tire store. Most of their trade is with Negroes. He overcharges $5 a tire so we got him. That drug store. We burned them out because they don't have enough Negro employees. They follow you around like thieves—not all Negroes are thieves—so we got them. That market. Have you ever been in that filthy place? That's the dirtiest place in town. We got him. That auto parts place. A lot of us have old cars and have to buy parts there. They charge twice as much as they should. We burned them."44

41 "Police Log," 21. 42 Kansas City Times, 10 April 1968. 43 Mason, "Individual Participation," 27, 36; Lee Rainwater, quoted in James Gershwender, "Civil Rights Protests and Riots: A Disappearing Distinction," Social Science Quarterly 49 (December 1968): 476; Hardy Papers. 44 Kansas City Star, 8 May 1968. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 309

Auto, grocery, and liquor stores suffered the most dam­ age in the riot. This grocery store at 2100 Prospect Avenue was looted on April 10, 1968.

The Kansas City Star Taking a cue from other riot cities, some black businesses displayed "Soul Brother" or "Soul Sister" signs in hopes that the violence would pass over. In most cases rioters spared black businesses; those hit generally shared a building with or were owned by whites. One arsonist who acciden­ tally set fire to a home owned by African Americans helped extinguish the blaze and apologized to the owner.45 The emergency curfew did little to discourage African Americans from filling the streets or heckling police and firefighters. During the evening, res­ idents implemented an impromptu signal system in the inner city. Many tied black cloth on their car antennas, honked their horns repeatedly, and raised their clinched fists in a Black Power salute. The first confirmed shooting victim was Leonard Whitmore at Thirty- third and Woodland, but before the night ended, ten more African Americans, almost all under thirty, had been admitted to General Hospital for gunshot wounds. All had been shot by police or property owners. One man was shot in the back as he fled from Klein's Market at Thirty-first and Benton.

45 Hardy Papers. While cleaning up his ransacked grocery store on Twelfth Street, a white merchant found a "Soul Brother" sign, apparently left by sardonic rioters, hung on the outside of his shop. 310 Missouri Historical Review

Maynard Gough became the first fatality in the riot when police shot him as he held a case of whiskey in his hands outside Joe's Liquor Store on Nineteenth Street.46 Firefighters vainly attempted to respond to the avalanche of alarms, which sounded at a rate of one every two minutes. Travel through the streets proved difficult, and at nearly each location, firefighters became the targets of rocks and bottles, many times seeking shelter under their vehicles. At one call, two firemen, James Whitaker and Harley Hutchins, were injured by fly­ ing objects; a fire truck was set ablaze at Twenty-ninth and Prospect. Eventually, Fire Chief James Halloran shut down two inner city fire stations for fear they would be overrun. As Kansas City burned, the rules of the game had been redefined, and the law enforcement personnel struggled to contain the disturbance. The seven hundred police on duty were spread dangerously thin in the energized ghet­ to, and they remained the principal target of black fury. Although no sniping had yet occurred, rioters tear gassed police from a building on Highland Avenue. Even Chief Kelley conceded, "We do not have the control of the sit­ uation that we would like to have."47 In addition to those already on patrol in the eastern part of the city, rein­ forcements from the Missouri National Guard augmented beleaguered police throughout the night. By 10:00 P.M., soldiers had been issued live ammunition for their M-1 rifles but ordered not to fire unless engaged in a life-threatening encounter. By midnight 450 guardsmen had been deployed in the riot area.48 After midnight, the violence dissipated as quickly as it had accelerated. In the chilly overnight temperatures, the disorder subsided from apparently natural causes. One hundred and seventy-five persons had been arrested, most for curfew violations, and forty-four had been injured. Property dam­ age was extensive. All of the talk about racial understanding in Kansas City—a city that prided itself on it—had been drowned out by looting, burn­ ing, and hundreds of soldiers.49 Still, the uneasy ceasefire left many opti­ mistic that the riot had run its course. But the worst was yet to come—on April 10, Kansas City entered phase four. No immediate or spontaneous resumption of violence occurred in the city during the morning hours of April 10. Still, it did not take long to rekin­ dle rage in the African-American community. Provocative police action at Lincoln and Central High Schools led to another round of tear gas, and by 11:00 A.M., these and three other schools had been dismissed for the day. The renewed use of tear gas sent fresh feelings of resentment reverberat­ ing throughout the black community and reinforced the climate for violence.

Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. Kansas City Times, 10 April 1968. Ibid. Kansas City Call, 19 April 1968. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 311

As nightfall approached, tension grew. Nervous business owners between Twenty-ninth and Thirtieth Streets along Prospect boarded up their windows as rumors spread and crowds filled the streets declaring "tonight we eat free."50 Rumors ran rampant throughout the city. Some people talked about police shooting several blacks and hiding the bodies while others claimed to have heard of bank robberies, snipers, and people hoarding gasoline for bombs. A story about police searching an African-American woman by rais­ ing her dress above her head began to circulate. In Johnson County, an afflu­ ent white suburb on the Kansas side that remained immune to violence throughout the riot, students at the fashionable Shawnee Mission East High School nearly panicked when word spread that the Plaza, the city's trendy shopping district south of downtown, had been looted and burned.51 The second night of violence began at 7:15 P.M. when a fire erupted at a Thirteenth and Prospect supermarket. At the same time, several caravans of cars raced along Thirty-first between Benton and Cleveland throwing Molotov cock­ tails. On the 2900 block of Prospect, snipers pinned down police and national guardsmen. From there, the disorder escalated, and Kansas City entered the fourth, or siege, phase of rioting. Conflicts and confrontations intensified; dam­ age and participation reached a peak. Violence such as arson, fire bombing, and sniping became more destructive while law enforcement efforts had escalated enough to present a serious physical threat to those involved. Attempts to control riots during this phase resulted in numerous arrests, injuries, and deaths. Once dis­ orders reached this stage, their severity reflected the level of frustration among the black population. Only 5 percent of riots in the 1960s reached this critical phase.52 Confusion, rumors, anger, and bloodshed marked the evening of April 10. While many Kansas Citians watched Bob Hope host the Academy Awards, one journalist described the scene on the east side as a "battleground where snipers dueled with police and national guardsmen in the glow of high reaching flames from fire bombed buildings." Another would-be Edward R. Murrow reported from the front lines: "This was Kansas City, April 10,1968. It seemed like Hue or Seoul or Berlin as the night grew darker and the fires grew brighter." Streets remained dark after lights were shot out and fires severed many power and telephone lines in the riot area. Police vehicles moved without headlights. Sentries challenged all pedestrians. Armed with .30 caliber carbines and riot guns loaded with large cal­ iber buckshot, police joined soldiers in "major battles" with snipers at nearly every intersection along Prospect between Twenty-seventh and Thirty-ninth.53

50 Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 27. 51 Kansas City Star, 10 April 1968. 52 Seymour Spilerman, "Structural Characteristics of Cities and the Severity of Racial Disorders," American Sociological Review 41 (October 1976): 773; Brian Downes, "Social and Political Characteristics of Riot Cities: A Comparative Study," Social Science Quarterly 49 (December 1968): 509. 53 Kansas City Star, 11 April 1968. 312 Missouri Historical Review

The bloodiest battle erupted at the Byron Hotel, near Thirtieth and Prospect. According to police, when officers used tear gas to disperse a marauding crowd looting the supermarket across the street, blacks quickly regrouped and began goading the police. Sniper fire believed to have come from the hotel wounded W. F. Jewett, a national guardsman. As a result, police and guardsmen directed heavy return fire in that direction. The battle scattered the crowd. Police saw muzzle flashes come from the top of a paint store, apartment house porches, and three other locations in and around the hotel. Frightened police and entrenched snipers exchanged intense gunfire. In the pandemonium police fatally shot Charles "Shugg" Martin. Martin had been sleeping against a car when the shooting began, and upon waking he walked toward the police with his hand in his pocket. At nearly the same time, George McKinney and his son, George, Jr., who had walked to the store for milk and had stayed to watch the fires, were also killed by police gunfire. None of the three were armed or had engaged in any criminal activities.54 While securing the hotel, police shot Julius Hamilton when he stepped onto the front porch of an apartment down the street. Unarmed, he appeared in response to police requests that he "come out." At the moment he emerged from the apartment, an unrelated shot rang out, and police instinctively fired on Hamilton.55 At the same time, the intersection of Thirty-first and Prospect "resem­ bled a military battlefield." Upon hearing of the events at the hotel, Mayor Davis hastily ordered a 9:00 P.M. curfew, with an additional ban on all nonessential traffic and the possession and transportation of firearms, ammu­ nition, or explosive liquids. The school board also announced that Easter break would start one day early.56 Under a bright moon, fires raged along with the cracks of sniper fire. Dense black smoke from a burning gas station at Thirty-first and Indiana dom­ inated the skyline. Flames engulfed all four corners of the intersection at Thirty-fifth and Prospect, and young blacks at the scene applauded when the front of one of the buildings exploded. Three other major fires in the area burned out of control. Due to the sheer number of calls and increased violence against firefighters, some blazes were left unattended. At three locations, fire­ fighters were pinned down and forced either to withdraw or seek shelter under their equipment. Rioters also pinned down an ambulance driver attempting to reach a civilian. Two firemen and two policemen suffered injuries at Thirty- fifth and Wabash, and a fire captain was later wounded south of the Byron Hotel. Even the Fire Department Academy was set ablaze.57

Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 29. Ibid. Kansas City Star, 11 April 1968. Ibid. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 313

The Kansas City Star

Before the end of the riot, national guardsmen aided Kansas City law enforcement officials.

"This city is in a state of chaos," a national guard colonel reported. "It was bad last night and it's a whole lot worse tonight," added a tired policeman.58 Almost seven hundred national guardsmen warily patrolled the streets with over two thou­ sand in reserve or on the way. Four hundred and fifty police, on twelve-hour shifts, along with thirty Jackson County sheriffs contributed to the coordinated effort. At a police barricade near Thirty-first and Park, Albert Miller became the sixth and final fatality of the riot. Traveling at a high rate of speed, Miller's car approached the barricade with its lights off. A shot was reportedly fired from the vehicle, and when police returned fire, Miller was struck and killed.59

Kansas City Times, 11 April 1968. Hardy, Mayor's Commission, 30. 314 Missouri Historical Review

By midnight the violence had once again subsided. As temperatures dropped into the lower forties, two armored personnel carriers rumbled down dark and deserted Prospect Avenue. Although sporadic looting and burning continued until morning, the worst was over. The peak of violence in Kansas City had left five more blacks dead and sent twenty others to the hospital, somewhat low numbers considering the intensity of the violence. Well over one hundred persons had been arrested. Two national guardsmen, two fire­ fighters, and a policeman had been wounded by sniper fire while forty-five confirmed arson cases brought the two-day total to nearly 150 fires.60 Thursday effectively marked the end of Kansas City's riot experience. Although unseasonably warm weather prevailed, only sporadic and isolated recurrences of violence broke out after April 11. True to form, the fourth phase had been extremely destructive. By April 18, when Kansas City was no longer under a state of emergency and the last vestiges of riot control had been removed, the human casualties and property damage had made a sig­ nificant contribution to the most violent month of the 1960s rioting. In the end, a striking aspect is not how Kansas City differed from other riot cities, but rather that it was a local manifestation of the larger historical and sociological forces involved in the riot phenomenon of the 1960s. The various features of the disorder, the general characteristics of the participants, and the phases of progression conformed to the national pattern. Conditions in the city prior to the riot mirrored national trends, and what Kansas City blacks found intolerable did not differ materially from other cities. The dis­ order, with only a few local nuances, represented the national experience. Despite the proliferation of sociological paradigms and theories from both political scientists and historians regarding riot propensity, no scholarly consensus emerged to explain why some cities experienced riots while other cities with seemingly similar or worse racial conditions escaped unscathed. According to sociologist Seymour Spilerman, when viewing the 1960s riots as a historical whole, the key components to riot proclivity were a city's northern location and a large enough black population to develop group con­ sciousness and ensure a sufficiently large pool of potential rioters.61 Spilerman determined that frustration, uniformly felt among all urban blacks irrespec­ tive of their individual community situation, combined with the Zeitgeist, or extremist spirit of the mid-1960s, to create a volatile "tinderbox" status. This "tinderbox" status was higher in some cities than in others, but all northern

60 Ibid.; Kansas City Times, 11 April 1968. 61 Seymour Spilerman, "The Causes of Racial Disturbances: A Comparison of Alternative Explanations," American Sociological Review 35 (August 1970): 644. Unfortunately, when riot intensity and frequency declined in the late 1960s, scholarly interest in the subject also waned. As Vietnam, the antiwar movement, and campus violence captured the lion's share of America's attention, riot scholarship eventually "slipped into oblivion on the relevance factor." David C. Perry, review of Violence as Protest: A Study of Riots and Ghettos, by Robert Fogelson, Journal of Politics 34 (August 1972): 987. The 1968 Riot in Kansas City 315 cities with a large African-American population had sufficient levels of frus­ tration to fuel potential riots.62 This may suggest why St. Louis, more close­ ly resembling a southern city in racial mores and tradition, avoided a riot while northern ghettos burned. Although for "far too many persons, it [the riot] was the first and only indicator of dissatisfaction," by 1968, Kansas City had all the earmarks of a riot waiting to happen.63 Ominous storm clouds had been gathering on the city's racial horizon since the summer of 1967, and according to prominent African-American community leader Alvin Brooks, the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., was "simply the straw that broke the camel's back." If violence had been averted on April 9, 1968, it probably would have come eventually. In the opinion of Vernon Thompson, it was "just time" for vio­ lent action.64 In Kansas City hundreds, maybe thousands, of blacks joined the esti­ mated five hundred thousand African Americans who participated nation­ wide in the 1960s riots. Roughly equal to the number of Americans who served in Vietnam, they too engaged in a noble, if not misguided, crusade. Due to rising expectations and the heightened activism brought about by the civil rights movement, the War on Poverty, and the Black Power movement, African Americans increasingly found intolerable the universal grievances regarding housing, employment, education, and the police. Yet these condi­ tions proved insurmountable to traditional civil rights strategies and required an evolution of direct action. Because a significant minority of inner-city blacks viewed collective violence as what Alvin Brooks described as "direct action taken to another level," the riots of the mid-1960s were not violent aberrations but rather restrained and articulate protests, the goal of which was to draw attention to an aspect of race relations left virtually untouched by tra­ ditional civil rights gains: the northern urban ghettos. Still, judging from cur­ rent ghetto conditions, if Kansas City blacks and thousands like them truly delivered a protest in the mid-1960s, many whites failed to see it.65

62 Jerry Murtagh, "Collective Violence as a Rational Choice" (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 1983), 35; Hardy Papers. 63 James Wilson, Three Year Report on the Quality of Urban Life (Kansas City, Mo.: Human Relations Task Force on Civil Disorders, 1971), 3. 64 Alvin Brooks, telephone interview with author, Kansas City, 15 August 1995; Thompson, telephone interview. 65 Fogelson, Violence as Protest, 16. 316 HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS Western Historical Manuscript Collection Tamony Collection and Lecture

One of the largest and most heavily used collections at the Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Columbia is that of Peter Tamony (1902- 1985), a San Francisco real estate broker and notary whose fascination with the English language grew from a hobby to a passion and made him one of the country's foremost etymologists. Tamony's interest began when, as a young man, he took a job at a down­ town bank and observed that many speech patterns and usages of his col­ leagues and clients differed from those he had learned growing up in the city's Mission District. He started making notes about conversations, then expanded his sources to include everything from books, magazines, and newspapers to matchbook covers, record jackets, and posters. Although Tamony rarely left San Francisco (legend has it that he left the city only twice, although this is doubtless apocryphal), his interests were diverse and included sports, jazz music, and politics. He was a habitue of the city's jazz clubs during the 1930s and developed friendships with such musicians as Louis Armstrong, Charlie Parker, and Paul Robeson. As he pursued his interests, he recorded the speech of people he met, and his collection is a particularly rich source for terms about sports, jazz, and African-American usage. Tamony's curiosity about language continued to grow. He documented variations in meanings of words over time, including dates at which changes appeared. His work gained the attention of intellectuals and academics from H. L. Mencken to Frederic G. Cassidy, editor-in-chief of the multivolume Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE). Although Tamony's lack of a college education embarrassed him, his articles were welcomed by scholarly publications. He developed a special interest in neologisms and was a major contributor to "Among the New Words," a column in American Speech (the journal of the American Dialect Society) from the 1930s until his death. He was consulted by editors of all the major dictionaries, including DARE and the Oxford English Dictionary, and his files remain an important source for them. As his collection increased in size, Tamony developed an unusual and frugal system for handling it. He cut the ends off used envelopes, wrote a word or phrase at the top, neatly folded the article or item containing the word, inserted it into the envelope, and filed it in alphabetic order in a cut-down cardboard appliance box. He continued adding new examples until the envelope was full, then began a sec­ ond packet for the entry. When someone asked for information on a word, he retrieved the packet, laboriously typed copies of its contents, and mailed the type­ script to the inquirer. By the time of his death in 1985, the apartment he shared Historical Notes and Comments 317 with his sister, Kathleen, on the second and third floors of their brownstone in the Mission District was filled with little but boxes, books, and magazines. When Tamony died, it fell to Kathleen to dispose of the collection. Recognizing the value of her brother's lifework, with which she had assisted for many years, Miss Tamony enlisted the aid of his friend, folklorist Archie Green. This set in motion a chain of events that finally brought the collection to Missouri. Tamony himself hoped the materials would remain in the Bay area, as did Green and local users such as columnist Herb Caen. San Francisco repos­ itories, however, balked at the size of the collection. Other organizations, like the Library of Congress, were interested only in certain files, for example, the Tamony/Mencken correspondence, but neither Miss Tamony nor Green was inclined to break up the collection. At this impasse, Green came to Missouri to attend a Missouri Folklore Society meeting. He discussed the collection with Gerald L. Cohen, a faculty member at the University of Missouri-Rolla who had used it on a number of occasions, and Cohen urged him to consider the University of Missouri as a possible home for it. Negotiations proceeded quick­ ly, and the entire collection, comprising both the packets and Tamony's library, arrived in Columbia in early 1986. The books were donated to Ellis Library, and the packets to the Western Historical Manuscript Collection. Each April the manuscript collection sponsors the annual "Peter Tamony Memorial Lecture on American Language" to underscore the significance of the collection. The first lecture, presented in 1986, was given by Frederic G. Cassidy. He was followed in 1987 by Allen Walker Read, who had taught briefly at the University of Missouri in the 1920s and went on to a distin­ guished career at Columbia University. Noted lexicographers, linguists, dialectologists, and other scholars have spoken on slang, the speech of eth­ nic communities, the distinctive language of workers, and various aspects of the nature of American language and speech. The 1997 speaker, Michael Montgomery of the University of South Carolina, will discuss "The Many Faces of the 'Scotch-Irish' - Who Were They and Why Does It Matter?" The Tamony Lecture is the only annual lecture on American language sponsored by a university. Senior manuscript specialist Randy Roberts has been processing the Tamony Collection since its arrival. Approximately seventy thousand terms have been identified. It has been the catalyst for the acquisition of a number of other collec­ tions, most notably the archives of the Linguistic Society of America. Because of the Tamony Collection, WHMC is becoming one of the major repositories for the study of American language. For further information on the Peter Tamony Collection or other hold­ ings please contact the Western Historical Manuscript Collection at 23 Ellis Library, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65201. Telephone: (573) 882-6028. E-mail: [email protected]. World Wide Web site: http://www.system.missouri.edu/whmc. 318 NEWS IN BRIEF

The Society's gallery features The Colored Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, 4525 Oak Street, Engravings of Karl Bodmer, 1809-1893 Kansas City, MO 64111; (816) 751-1259. through April. The twenty-three-year-old artist accompanied Prince Maximilian of Wied on an The Governor's Mansion will be featured expedition into the Upper Missouri River in the television special, "America's Castles," region in 1832. The exhibit comprises to be aired June 1 on the Arts & Entertainment Bodmer's illustrations for Travels in the Network. The program, which focuses on the Interior of North America, 1832-34, a book nation's notable historic homes, will include detailing the journey authored by Maximilian. interviews with Governor Mel Caraahan, Selected editorial cartoons from the L. Mitchell First Lady Jean Carnahan, and members of White Collection are also on display through Missouri Mansion Preservation, a private April in the Society's north-south corridor. organization dedicated to preserving and restoring the 1871 mansion. The University of Missouri-Columbia has established a distinguished professorship in Michael Sleadd, artist and faculty mem­ African-American history and culture in honor ber at Columbia College, recently donated of Dr. Arvarh E. Strickland, professor emeritus his pen-and-ink drawing, Crumbling Shadow of history and a Society trustee. The campus of Myself to the Society's art collection. The has raised a total of $400,000, with hopes of artwork, dated June 1995, will be exhibited meeting the goal of $550,000 this year. The periodically and made available for future university will also receive matching funds for researchers. the chair from the state. A reception announc­ ing the Strickland Endowment and Chair was The thirty-ninth annual Missouri held on November 8 at the Black Studies Conference on History will be held April 24- Center during its grand-opening festivities. 26 at the Holiday Inn-Convention Center in St. Louis. This year's theme, "History, Identities, Reference Library staff member Marie and Borders: Toward an Interdisciplinary Concannon presented a talk entitled "Finding Perspective," will explore the connections Your Civil War Ancestor" at the November 20 between history, anthropology, the arts, and meeting of the Daughters of Union Veterans, cultural geography. For more information held at the Salvation Army Church in Columbia. contact Louis Gerteis, Department of History, University of Missouri-St. Louis, 8001 The Midwest Museums Conference will Natural Bridge Road, St. Louis, MO 63121. hold its annual meeting September 24-27 in Kansas City. This year's theme, "Dancing on Executive director James W. Goodrich the New Frontier," will focus on museums' gave a talk on the Society and its collections at increasing needs to embrace new opportunities the February 11 meeting of the Kate Thompson and rapidly changing technology. For more Circle of the King's Daughters, held at the information contact Cindy Cart, Program Chair, Country Club of Missouri in Columbia.

You Could Say That

Knob Noster Gem, July 19, 1878. In the opinion of the Fulton Times, a patch on the seat of a boy's trousers is "something new under the son." 319 LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES

Affton Historical Society Boone County Historical Society The Society sponsored the annual Santa On December 8 the Society held its annu­ House celebration at the Oakland House from al Christmas Gala and Art Auction at the November 30 to December 10. Nearly four Walters-Boone County Historical Museum in thousand children joined the festivities, Columbia. Over one hundred people attend­ which included a puppet show, singing, cook­ ed the event, which included holiday decora­ ies from Mrs. Claus, and the opportunity to tions and a performance by the musical visit with Santa. Officers for 1997 include group, The Missourians. In cooperation with Lynn Schmidt, president; Jayne Swantner, the Columbia Parks and Recreation vice president; Jean McDaniels, secretary; Department, the Society held the annual and Carol Crossley, treasurer. Maplewood Home Candlelight Tour on December 7. Costumed reenactors took visi­ Barry County Genealogical tors back in time through historical vignette and Historical Society performances in each room of the house. Members gathered at the Cassville Members gathered at the museum on Community Building for the annual meeting February 16 for the bimonthly meeting to on November 16. After a potluck lunch, hear Olive Graham present a slide-enhanced Patricia Sapp Shackelford presented "Where program about Boone County churches. to Research: Unusual Records in the National Archives." Caldwell County Historical Society The annual meeting was held on Barton County Historical Society November 21 at the Red Rooster Inn in Polo. Margaret Wirts presented the history of the Women's Progressive Farm Association Camden County Historical Society at the January meeting held in the Lamar Following a 6:30 potluck dinner, the United Methodist Church. Society meets on the third Monday of each month at the community building in Belton Historical Society Camdenton. The January 26 meeting, held in the old city hall building, featured Pauline Sims, a former Carondelet Historical Society teacher on Native American reservations, who Members gathered on December 8 at the shared highlights of her experiences. New Carondelet Historic Center in St. Louis for Society officers include George Elkins, presi­ the annual Christmas party. The Starlight dent; Mickey Tabor and Sandy McNeil, vice Singers provided the entertainment, and a tra­ presidents; Sherry Willey and Sue Ferraro, sec­ ditional Christmas dinner was served. retaries; and Tom Keeney, treasurer. Cass County Historical Society Benton County Historical Society At the annual dinner meeting on The Society meets on the second Tuesday November 30 in Pearson Hall, Harrisonville, evening of each month at 7:00 at the William C. Jennens of Freeman discussed Boonslick Regional Library, Warsaw. stamps and covers from the Civil War period. Officers serving the Society in 1997 are Evert Crawford, president; Earlene Knight, vice Chariton County Historical Society president; Edith Scarbrough, secretary; and Mike Meoli of Salisbury recounted the Dorothy Miller, treasurer. The museum, development of Chariton County towns at the located in the old schoolhouse in Warsaw, January 19 meeting held in the museum in will reopen to the public on May 24. Salisbury. 320 Missouri Historical Review

Civil War Round Table of Kansas City gram, "A Wealth of Weeklies" presented by The Round Table's November 26 gathering Robert Gilmore, professor emeritus of theater featured Christopher W. Phillips, professor of at Southwest Missouri State University, history at John Carroll University in Cleveland, Springfield, examined the important role that Ohio. Phillips spoke on Civil War figure weekly newspapers played in the lives of iso­ Nathaniel Lyon and his death at Wilson's lated rural Missourians. Creek. Richard L. Kiper, associate professor at the American Military University, presented Cole Camp Area Historical Society "Major General John Alexander McClernand, At the December 9 meeting, members An Assessment" at the January 28 meeting. viewed a video about wood and forest products The Round Table meets monthly at the produced by the Missouri Department of Leawood Country Club in Leawood, Kansas. Conservation. On February 10, Dennis Wallace of the Corps of Engineers presented Civil War Round Table of St. Louis "The History of the Osage River." Bimonthly Emory M. Thomas spoke on Robert E. Lee meetings are held on the second Monday in the at the December 4 meeting. Thomas, a pro­ Cole Camp Municipal Building at 7:30 P.M. fessor of history at the University of Georgia, recently completed a biography on the Cole County Historical Society Confederate leader. On January 22, David Richard C. Pullam, a retired major in the Hinze presented "Hold ... At All Hazards!" U.S. Air Force, shared personal recollections The program chronicled the story of Union and the history of the Tuskegee Airmen, an General Benjamin Prentiss and the 1862 African-American flying unit, at the Society's Confederate attack on his division at Shiloh annual meeting. Held on November 7 at the Church. Monthly meetings are held at 6:30 Jefferson City Country Club, the meeting also P.M. at Garavelli's Restaurant in St. Louis. featured the presentation of local historic preser­ vation awards and the election of officers. New Civil War Round Table officers include Natalie Tackett, president; of Western Missouri Elizabeth Rozier, vice president; Patty Buxton, Members celebrated Christmas with a secretary; and Jim Riner, treasurer. The party at the Loose Park Garden Center on Society's eleventh annual Christmas tree orna­ December 14. The gathering included a cloth­ ment featured a three-dimensional view of the ing review and door prizes. The January 8 first Governor's Mansion in Jefferson City. meeting featured a traveling exhibit on Civil War figure Joshua Chamberlain from the Commerce Historical Society Chamberlain Museum in Maine, presented by This newly formed Society meets at 2:00 Brad and Amy Holmes. On February 12 a rep­ on the fourth Sunday afternoon of each resentative from the National Park Service month in the Commerce Museum, 30 spoke on "Truman and the Civil War." The Missouri Street. The first bimonthly newslet­ Round Table meets monthly on the second ter was published and distributed in January. Wednesday evening in the Truman High School library, Independence. No meetings Crawford County Historical Society are held in July, August, and December. Society meetings are held at 2:00 P.M. on the third Thursday of each month at 112 Clay County Museum North Smith Street, Cuba. and Historical Society The Society's annual winter banquet Dallas County Historical Society brought members together on December 10 Jack and Linda Crawford, playing banjo at the Liberty Hills Country Club. The pro­ and guitar, entertained members at the Historical Notes and Comments 321

November 21 meeting held in the restored certificate honoring his support of the Crescent School in the Buffalo Head Prairie Friends' historic preservation efforts. The Historical Park. On December 3 the follow­ group meets the second Monday of each ing officers were elected: Thelma Kurtz, month at 7:00 P.M. at the Amtrak Station. president; Monty Viets, vice president; Eva Marie Glor and Leni Howe, secretaries; and Friends of Jefferson Barracks Ralph Tucker, treasurer. Holiday festivities were held December 14 and 15 at the Jefferson Barracks Historical DeKalb County Historical Society Park in St. Louis. The celebration featured Over the holidays, the Society sold a first- food, gifts, and reenactments, including one edition Christmas ornament featuring a view of a typical Civil War-era wedding. The of its new building. Planned as an annual Friends sponsored a Civil War trivia contest, fund-raiser, future ornaments will depict also held at the park, on February 7. other historical landmarks in the county. The annual Memorial Day flower service is avail­ Friends of Missouri Town-1855 able again this year. Arrangements cost $5.00 Members gathered for a general meeting and $10.00 and can be placed on any grave in and potluck dinner on November 10 in Woods a DeKalb County cemetery for an additional Chapel. On the weekend of December 14-15, $5.00 delivery charge. For more information members celebrated the holidays with a can­ contact the Society before May 1 at P.O. Box dlelight tour entitled "Windows on the Past." 477, Maysville, MO 64469. Through April 13, Missouri Town-1855 will be open only on Saturdays and Sundays. Douglas County Historical and Genealogical Society Gasconade County Historical Society The Society meets on the third Monday of A dinner and dance to benefit the each month at 6:30 P.M. in the museum in Ava. Society's museum project were held on February 1 at the Immaculate Conception Ferguson Historical Society Parish Center in Owensville. The Blue The membership gathered for the annual Knights, a musical group from St. Louis, pro­ meeting on November 14 at the First vided the entertainment. Members held their Presbyterian Church, Ferguson. A represen­ quarterly meeting at the county courthouse in tative from the Missouri Historical Society, Hermann on February 9. Lois Puchta and St. Louis, presented "St. Louis World's Edwin Langenberg presented a program on Fair—2004," which detailed plans for a cen­ the organization's past, present, and future. tennial celebration of this historic event. Glendale Historical Society Florissant Valley Historical Society Sue Birk Oertli presented "The World The Society's quarterly meeting, held on Came to St. Louis: A Visit to the 1904 February 13 at Taille de Noyer, featured Ed World's Fair," which featured original glass Benton, director of the Jesuit Museum in St. slides, at the annual Christmas party. Held on Louis, who spoke on the museum's collection December 12 in the city hall, the event also and upcoming events. included holiday activities and refreshments.

Friends for La Plata Preservation Golden Eagle River Museum In late December, the organization contin­ Members celebrated the holidays with food ued work on its first project—the restoration and live music on December 14 at Lemmon's of the La Plata Amtrak Station. On January Restaurant, St. Louis. The January 25 meeting 13 members presented Del Gregory with a featured a tour of the Missouri Historical 322 Missouri Historical Review

Society's Library and Research Center. Grundy County Museum, 1001 Tinsman Member and Missouri Historical Society collec­ Avenue, Trenton. tion manager Bob Mullen spoke about his trip to Berlin. The Museum, located in Bee Tree Park, Henry County Historical Society St. Louis, opens on May 1 for the 1997 season. The Society celebrated Thanksgiving with a carry-in dinner on November 21 in the muse­ Grain Valley Historical Society um's Adair Annex in Clinton. Following the The Society held the first "Christmas in holiday lighting of the town square on the Country" tour, featuring four historic November 29, members held a reception and houses and a church, on December 9. open house at the museum. The Society's annual meeting convened on January 21. Grand River Historical Society The American Legion Hall in Chillicothe Harvey J. Higgins Historical Society was the site of the January 14 meeting, which The Society's historical depot is serving featured Karen Hicklin, director of the as the Higginsville Chamber of Commerce's Livingston County Library, recounting the histo­ hospitality room. ry of the library. New officers include Frank Stark, president; Margaret Casebeer, Doris Historic Madison County Wilson, and Robert Skinner, vice presidents; At the meeting on December 3, students Robert Pigg, secretary; and John Cook, treasurer. from Fredericktown High School entertained the group with holiday songs. Members held Grandview Historical Society meetings on January 7 and February 4 in the On January 6, Mary Cona displayed her Fredericktown Senior Center, the regular handmade doll collection, and Ross Marshall, meeting site. president of the Santa Fe Trail Association, presented an overview of the trail system on Historical Society of Maries County February 3. Meetings are held on the first The Society held a Christmas house tour Monday of each month at 7:30 P.M. in the on the afternoon of December 8. Nine coun­ basement meeting room of the Grandview ty homes were open and decorated for the Depot Museum. event, which also featured a choir and horse- drawn buggy rides. Proceeds benefited the Greene County Historical Society Latham Log House restoration project. On December 5, Calvin Holsinger, history professor at Evangel College, Springfield, Historical Society of Polk County presented "The History of Lamps in the For their November 20 meeting, members Bible" at the monthly meeting held at Mrs. dined at Simon B's restaurant. O'Mealey's Glenstone Cafeteria in Springfield. A display of antique lamps from Huntsville Historical Society the college's museum collection augmented Steve Wiegenstein of the Missouri the presentation. New Society officers Humanities Council spoke on "Music of the include Don Akers, president; Robert American West" at the Society's November 19 Neumann, vice president; and Greta Huff, sec­ gathering, held in the museum in Huntsville. retary. The Society has a new World Wide Web address: http://www.rootsweb.com/~gcmohs/. Independence 76 Fire Company Historical Society Grundy County Historical Society Members held a holiday celebration on The Society meets on the second Monday December 13 at Truman High School in afternoon of each month at 2:00 in the Independence. Jim Buseby of Precision Historical Notes and Comments 323

Restoration discussed the use of sheet metal Society's Dorothea B. Hoover Museum and in restoration projects at the January 28 meet­ the Everett J. Ritchie Tri-State Mineral ing, held at the Golden Corral restaurant in Museum may join forces and receive finan­ Independence. cial support from the city. The merger will allow the Society's museum to expand its Iron County Historical Society public programming. The Society gathered on January 19 at the Arcadia Valley United Methodist Church in Kansas City Westerners Ironton. Members brought personal pho­ John Mark Lambertson of the National tographs for discussion. Frontier Trails Center in Independence spoke on the western trails out of Independence at the Jackson County Historical Society November 12 gathering. On December 10, On January 18, Gregg Higginbotham por­ Ross Marshall discussed the significance of trayed Frank James as part of the Society's Missouri's western border in the nineteenth cen­ "Come Into the Archives" program, a series of tury. The Westerners meet monthly for dinner at free presentations featuring reenactors, story­ the Hereford House Restaurant in Kansas City. tellers, and authors. New officers elected at the January 19 annual meeting are Jack Nesbitt, Kimmswick Historical Society president; Mary Davidson Cohen, secretary; and At the December 2 gathering, members John M. McGee and J. Bradley Pace, treasurers. enjoyed a Victorian Christmas tea courtesy of On February 15, Milton Gray presented "Stories Grandma's Parlor, a local shop. A gift exchange from Black History in Jackson County," also and refreshments followed the event. A holiday part of the "Come Into the Archives" program. candlelight tour was held December 6-8, with a The Hall Family Foundations have approved a variety of houses and public buildings decorated two-year, $50,000 grant to assist the Society in and open to the public. Members marked the expanding its services. Sam Arnold, a noted twentieth anniversary of the Society on February authority on foods of the early West, spoke at a 3 by honoring the organization's founders. December 6 dinner featuring dishes from his cookbook, Eating Up the Santa Fe Trail. The Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society Society and the National Frontier Trails Center Document conservation specialist Claudia cosponsored the dinner in celebration of the Powell of the Western Historical Manuscript 175th anniversary of the trail. Collection-Columbia presented a hands-on photograph restoration workshop at the Jasper County Historical Society November 17 gathering. Held at the REA On December 8 the Society elected the building in Fulton, the meeting also featured following officers: Jim Loomis, president; the election of new officers. Steve Cottrell and Steve Weldon, vice presi­ dents; Marjorie Bull, secretary; and Loretta Kirkwood Historical Society Loomis, treasurer. The gathering also fea­ Members attended a reception on tured Paula Roychaudhuri and her program, December 1 in celebration of their organiza­ "The Trail of Tears," which won a National tion's thirty-fifth anniversary. A special History Day award. event, the dedication of the Harlan A. Gould Library, honored the Society's first president. Joplin Historical Society Members celebrated the holiday with a The Society continued its Christmas orna­ Victorian Christmas tea on the afternoon of ment series this year, offering a replica of St. December 8. On December 10 the Society John's Hospital designed by Lisa Wilkinson. held its annual meeting. All events took The Joplin City Council has decided that the place at Mudd's Grove in Kirkwood. 324 Missouri Historical Review

Lafayette County Historical Society Meramec Valley Genealogical The Society recently published the and Historical Society History of Lafayette County Rural Schools, The Society met on November 20 and an indexed publication that includes the January 15 at the Scenic Library in Pacific. names of pupils and teachers and anecdotes The November meeting featured a report on about school days. A limited number of Jim Matthews's efforts to restore a log cabin copies remain. For more information contact originally owned by the Galvin family, early the Society at 1107 Main Street, Higginsville, pioneers of Jefferson County. MO 64037. Mid-Missouri Civil War Round Table Landmarks Association of St. Louis The Round Table's November 19 meeting, Beginning on November 10, the held at the Walters-Boone County Historical Association sponsored a series of church tours Museum in Columbia, featured a talk by Phil highlighting the area's diverse ethnic back­ Gottschalk. He discussed Champion's Hill, the ground. Based on St. Louis: Historic decisive battle in the campaign for Vicksburg. Churches & Synagogues, a 1995 book pub­ On January 21 members met at the Lewis and lished by the Association, the featured build­ Clark Middle School in Jefferson City. David ings were constructed between 1857 and 1891. Hinze spoke on Union General Benjamin Prentiss and his role in the Battle of Shiloh. Lawrence County Historical Society Members gathered at the Jones Memorial Miller County Historical Society Chapel in Mount Vernon on November 17 to The Society held its annual Christmas dinner hear Maxine Armstrong present a program on and party on December 1. Ted and Shelby the Civilian Conservation Corps. The pre­ Teaney of Rocky Mount entertained guests with sentation focused on the camps at a musical program, "The Sounds of Christmas." Chesapeake and Mount Vernon. On January 12 members gathered for a meeting and potluck luncheon. The Society meets at the Lee's Summit Historical Society museum building in Tuscumbia. The December 6 meeting, held at the Lee Haven Community Building, featured a Mine Au Breton Historical Society Christmas program and entertainment pro­ The Society meets on the second Tuesday vided by the Cooper family of Peculiar. of each month at 7:00 P.M. at the Washington County Library in Potosi. Lincoln County Historical and Archeological Society Moniteau County Historical Society The new Society president is Jean The Society met at Larry's Convention Duncan. The Society has purchased the Center in Tipton on November 11 to mark the Britton house, a Federal-style building con­ organization's thirtieth anniversary. Gary structed in 1832. It is considered the oldest in Kremer, a history professor at William Troy. Woods University in Fulton, spoke and pre­ sented slides on the county's culture and his­ Maries County Historical Society tory. Members brought items of historical The genealogical research room, located interest to the Society's January 13 meeting, in the county courthouse in Vienna, is open held at the Cultural Heritage Center in Wednesday mornings from 9:00 to 12:00. California. New officers include Delia Huff, The Old Jail Museum complex in Vienna will president; Jane Simmons, vice president; reopen on Memorial Day weekend for the Betty Williamson and Dottie Gump, secre­ 1997 season. taries; and Grover Snead, treasurer. Historical Notes and Comments 325

John G. Neihardt Corral of the Westerners Period." The Society sponsored a bake sale On November 14, Osmund Overby, pro­ booth at the Overland Craft Fair on November fessor of art history at the University of 23-24. Members gathered in the community Missouri-Columbia, presented a program on center on January 20 to hear Linda Schmerber Frank Lloyd Wright and his apprentice, speak on famous and infamous persons buried William Benoudy. The December 12 gather­ in Bellefontaine Cemetery in St. Louis. ing featured historic preservationist Debbie O. Sheals, who discussed the National Register of Ozark County Genealogical Historic Places and Columbia's East Campus and Historical Society neighborhood. James S. Rikoon spoke on the Alex Primm of the Forest Heritage Center mechanization of threshing in the Midwest on spoke on "Preserving America's Forest January 9. At the January meeting, members History for Future Generations" at the also elected the following new officers: W. December 15 meeting. Raymond Wood, president, and Nancy Groome, secretary. Members meet at the Pemiscot County Historical Society Holiday Inn Holidome, Columbia, on the sec­ Polly DeReign presented a program on ond Thursday of each month at 6:00 P.M. native son Harry S. Truman at the Society's November 15 meeting, held at the American Newton County Historical Society Legion building in Caruthersville. New officers for 1997 are George Kelly, president; Andy Barker, vice president; Linda Pleasant Hill Historical Society Anderson, secretary; and Dan Hierholzer, At the Society's December meeting, the treasurer. membership established the fourth Sundays in January, April, July, and October as permanent Old Trails Historical Society meeting dates. Members met at the Society The Society sponsored a candlelight tour building in Pleasant Hill on January 26. of Manchester homes on December 8. A party for members and their families followed the Pulaski County Museum event. Members sold baked goods at the and Historical Society Society's "Gingerbread House" event, held at The membership meets at 7:00 on the first the Bacon Log Cabin in Manchester on Thursday evening of each month at the muse­ December 7 and 8. On January 15 members um, 415 Old Route 66, Waynesville. met at the Manchester Methodist Church. Randolph County Historical Society Osage County Historical Society Members planned a holiday fund-raiser On December 2 the Society held its annual and discussed the decoration of the Railroad dinner meeting and the election of officers at Museum in Moberly at the November 21 the high school fieldhouse east of Linn. Max meeting. In December, the Society participat­ Miller of Columbia was the guest speaker. ed in Moberly's Christmas parade with a team New officers include Donna Zeilmann, presi­ of horses pulling the Society's Earl B. Noel dent; Ann Knollmeyer, vice president; Doris grocery delivery wagon. CBS Television Frank, secretary; and Byron Baker, treasurer. filmed a program in the county titled "Entangled Lives: Confronting our Overland Historical Society Slaveholding Past," which aired on the new The Society met on November 12 in the series Coast to Coast in January. The Society Overland Community Center to hear Nancy celebrated the 168th anniversary of the county Herndon discuss "Historical Design, on January 19 at the museum building. Local Costumes, and Customs of the Victorian residents presented histories of area towns. 326 Missouri Historical Review

Ray County Historical Society Scott County Historical Society The Society held its annual meeting on The Society met on November 16 at the January 30 in the Eagleton Center, Commerce Museum and on January 18 at the Richmond. Hal Middleton, a history teacher Benton Library. Officers elected at the in the Richmond public schools and a local January meeting include Betty Sue Teague, historian, provided the keynote address on president; Gladys Smith, vice president; the importance of history. Dixie High, secretary; and LaVerne Rosinquist, treasurer. Society member Raymore Historical Society Edison Shrum's new book, Commerce, Mo.— The Society meets on the second Tuesday 200 Years of History, is now available. of each month at 7:00 P.M. in the museum. Sons and Daughters of the Blue and Gray Raytown Historical Society Civil War Round Table On January 22 the Society held an oyster Sally Tennihill and George Hinshaw pre­ stew and steak soup dinner. The museum sented "The Presidential Campaigns and featured an exhibit on Raytown's potters in Election of 1864" at the January 19 meeting January and February. held in the Maryville Public Library.

Ripley County Historical Society Stone County Historical Society Society volunteers are assisting represen­ The Society meets on the first Sunday of tatives from the Missouri State Archives to each month at 1:30 P.M. in the old Christian microfilm Ripley County court records. Church, Galena.

St. Charles County Historical Society Vernon County Historical Society The January 25 quarterly meeting, held at The Society recently acquired the 1908 Pio's Restaurant in St. Charles, featured Bob Hornback house in Nevada and its contents. At Schultz, who presented "Post Offices and the October 20 meeting, Hope Hornback spoke Postal Service in St. Charles County." to members about the family's ties to the house. On January 12 members gathered at the Nevada St. Clair County Historical Society Park Care Center for the annual meeting. Scotty Members met at the senior center in Moran, who appeared in the movie Gettysburg, Osceola to hear Lowell Myers, author of presented a program on Civil War reenactments. Bread Upon the Waters, speak about his life in the Ozarks. Washington Historical Society On December 8 the Society held an open St. Joseph Historical Society house in conjunction with Washington At the Society's annual meeting, held on Preservation's evening candlelight house November 17 in Robidoux Row, Mike and tour. Carolyn Witt presented the address at Margaret Fisher of the St. Joseph the Society's Christmas banquet held on Archaeological Society presented a program December 10. The event featured a wine and and slides on the dig performed at the site in cheese reception and buffet dinner. A fund- the 1970s and early 1980s. raising auction held on January 25 at the Le Knight Club in Washington raised funds for Sappington-Concord Historical Society the Society's proposed new building. Joan Huisinga spoke on "Love Stories of Old St. Louis" at the Society's first quarterly White River Valley Historical Society meeting of 1997, held on January 22 in the The Society held its fall meeting on Anne Morrow Lindbergh room. December 8 in the Friendship House banquet Historical Notes and Comments 327 room at the College of the Ozarks, Point held on the second Thursday at the Winona Lookout. Max Skidmore, professor of politi­ Public Library. cal science and director of the American stud­ ies program at the University of Missouri- Winston Historical Society Kansas City, discussed the 4,060-mile On November 7 members met at the Theodore Roosevelt International Highway Winston Depot and elected the following offi­ completed in 1921. cers: Ted Caldwell, president; Lynn Martindale and Martha Groves, vice presidents; Jay Groves, Winona Historical secretary; and Melba Martindale, treasurer. and Genealogical Society The Society is offering Shannon County Wright County Historical Society census records, marriage records, and news­ At the Society's October 28 meeting, paper excerpts for sale. For more informa­ members voted to retain all incumbent offi­ tion contact the Society at P.O. Box 335, cers and decided to publish a second compi­ Winona, MO 65588. Monthly meetings are lation of family histories.

The 1996-1997 edition of the Directory of Local Historical, Museum, and Genealogical Agencies in Missouri is now available. A softback, spi­ ral-bound, 142-page volume, it lists information on over 375 organizations in the state. A select list of state and federal historic sites and resource agen­ cies is also included. Entries for each agency include the mailing address and telephone number, the names of key officers, information on property holdings and special collections, and the titles of current publications. Agencies are grouped alphabetically by county, and each organization and most historic properties are indexed. This directory, which is updated bien­ nially, can be purchased for $7.00, postpaid. To order, send a check or money order made payable to the State Historical Society to

The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, MO 65201-7298 328

GIFTS

John Bradley Arthaud, Columbia, donor: "The Arthaud Family of Bourbonne-les-Bains and Langres, Department of Haute Marne, France," by the donor. (R)* Robert Baumann, St. Louis, donor: St. Louis Black Pages, 1997. (R) Northrup Beach, Edina, Minnesota, donor, through Mike Chippendale: The Norns: A Woman's Journal, Kirksville, vol. 1, no. 1, January 1897-vol. 3, no. 1, January 1898. (R) Trenton Boyd, Columbia, donor: Greater St. Louis telephone directory, 1994. (R) Cass County Genealogical Society, Harrisonville, donor, through Anne Clark: "Cass County Missouri Probate Court Records Index, 1836 to 1955." (R) Mary K. Dains, Schell City, donor: Guided By the Hand of God: The History of First Christian Church, Columbia, Missouri, 1832-1996, by the donor. (R) Daughters of Union Veterans, Ann Hawkins Gentry Tent #21, Columbia, donor: Civil War Ancestor's Book, by the donor. (R) Elmer L. Donze, Ste. Genevieve, donor: Assorted issues of the Perryville Weekly Union, 1878, 1879, 1880, and the Perry County Sun, 1882, 1883, 1884, 1930. (N) Douglas County Herald, Ava, donor, through Paul O. Barker: Douglas County Herald, 1901-1906, loaned for copying. (N) Robert H. Forister, Bloomfield, donor: Reflections, by Otho Forister; History of Stoddard County, Missouri, by the donor. (R) Robert N. Gashwiler, Novinger, donor, through Charlene Schellie: Gashwilers of Missouri: A History and Genealogy, by the donor. (R) J. Hurley Hagood, Hannibal, donor: 52 Years of Adventure: Boy Scouting, by the donor. (R) Harry E. Hall, Moberly, donor: "One Line of the Leonard Hall Family to Colonial Virginia in 1730 to 1994 and the Harry E. Hall Family of Missouri," by the donor. (R) John G. Hall, Columbia, donor: Majoring in the Minors: a glimpse of baseball in a small town, by the donor. (R) Mary Ann Needham Hollifield, Greensboro, North Carolina, donor: Ancestral Tracks to Clermont—and Beyond, Hutchinson, Abernathy, Shade, and Needham, by the donor. (R) William House, Kansas City, donor: Various clippings for the vertical file. (R) Mrs. James L. Howard, Tulsa, Oklahoma, donor: Ralls County, Missouri, Road District No. 4, Record Book, 1879. (M)

*These letters indicate the location of the materials at the Society. (R) refers to Reference Library; (N), Newspaper Library; (E), Editorial Office; (M), Manuscripts; (RFC), Reference Fitzgerald Collection; (B), Bay Room; and (A), Art Collection. Historical Notes and Comments 329

International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees Local 31, Sibley, donor, through Ray Maier: Serving the Greater Kansas City Area with Professional Service Since 1887 and 100 Years of History ofl.A.TS.E. Local No. 31, by Ray Maier. (R) Lois Waif rid Johnson, Apple Valley, Minnesota, donor: Midnight Rescue, by the donor. (R) Mildred Sue Jones, Dawn, donor: Ludlow Weekly Chronicle, February 18-August 26, 1941, loaned for copying. (N) Kansas City Public Library, Kansas City, donor: Indian Presence in the Kansas City Region, by William E. Unrau. (R) D. P. Kirchner, Carthage, donor: "The German Light Minenwerfer in the Courthouse at Carthage, Missouri"; "The WWII Three-Inch Antitank Guns at Springfield, Missouri"; "The German 77mm Field Gun at Carthage, Missouri"; "The 8-Inch Howitzer at Joplin, Missouri," all by the donor. (R) Lafayette County Historical Society, Higginsville, donor, through Loberta Runge: History of Lafayette County, Missouri Rural Schools, by the donor. (R) Lerner Publications Company, Minneapolis, Minnesota, donor: Laura Ingalls Wilder: Storyteller of the Prairie, by Ginger Wadsworth. (R) Edward E. Leslie, Massillon, Ohio, donor: The Devil Knows How To Ride: The True Story of William Clarke Quantrill and His Confederate Raiders, by the donor. (R) Anne Williams McAllister, Hickory, North Carolina, donor: Through Four Generations: Heinrich Weidner 1717-1792 and Catharina Mull Weidner 1733-1804, vol. 2, by the donor. (R) L. Douglas McGlaughlin, Bowling Green, donor: A Century of Faith: Pioneers in Missions, "A History of Cuivre Baptist Association, " 1891-1991, by the donor. (R) Rudena Kramer Mallory, Kansas City, donor: Ancestors of John Henry and Mathielda (Wirtz) Kramer and Their Descendants, by the donor. (R) Siegmar Muehl, Iowa City, Iowa, donor: "An Early Account of Viticulture in Missouri," by Friedrich Muench, translated by the donor. (R) Robert M. Overstreet, Berlin, Maryland, donor: Williams Family Papers. (M) Paul Paradise, St. Louis, donor: "Franklin Paradise Johnson, M.D.: Anatomist, Urologist, Artist, 1888-1943," by the donor. (R) Ryan Peterson, Ashland, donor: Print of the 1995 Missouri duck stamp, by the donor. (A) C. Brice Ratchford, Columbia, donor: Memoirs of My Years at the University of Missouri, by the donor. (R) Angel Rediger, Danville, Illinois, donor: Harguess' Hope, Chapter 9, Missouri, by the donor. (R) Wayne Rogers, Marietta, Georgia, donor: Greener Pastures from Tidewater to Texas and Beyond, Ancestors and Descendants of Arthur Harvin Jones and Martha Frances Magill, by the donor. (R) Rebecca B. Schroeder, Columbia, donor: German Settlement in Missouri: New Land, Old Ways, by Robyn Burnett and Ken Luebbering. (R) 330 Missouri Historical Review

Ruby Dry den See, Columbia, donor: "The Name and Family of Tate," by Homer R. Tate. (R) Harry R. Shuptrine, Irvine, California, donor: William Morgan Jesse and His Descendants and Addenda, both by Jesse Shuptrine, Bev Shuptrine, and the donor. (R) Glenn B. Skillin, Biddeford, Maine, donor: St. Louis Public Schools directory, 1938-1939. (R) Robert Smith, Columbia, donor: Photograph, circa 1920, of Robert Lee Smith with laborers on a Callaway County farm. (E) Sons of Confederate Veterans, Major General Mosby Monroe Parsons Camp #718, Jefferson City, donor, through James E. McGhee: Forgotten Valor: The First Missouri Cavalry Regiment, C. S. A., by James W. Farley. (R) Jean Rentchler Swann, Clinton, donor: Henry County, Missouri, Early Birth Records, 1883-1900, by Linda Everhart. (R) William H. Taft, Columbia, donor: Wit and Wisdom of Missouri's Country Editors, by the donor. (R) T\irner Publishing Company, Paducah, Kentucky, donor: Douglas County, Missouri History and Families', History and Families of Mississippi County, Missouri. (R) University of Missouri, donor, through David Lendt and Rita Besleme: Historical Madison: The History of Madison County, Missouri, 1818-1988. (R) Rory Van Tuyl, Los Altos, California, donor: A Van Tuyl Chronicle, by the donor and Jan Groenendijk. (R) Vernon County Historical Society, Nevada, donor, through Patrick Brophy: Where the Ancestors Sleep: A Self-Guided Walking Tour ofDeepwood Cemetery, Nevada, Missouri, by Patrick Brophy. (R) Kenneth Weant, Arlington, Texas, donor: Callaway County, Missouri: 5446 Deaths from & Chronological Index to Selected Articles to Two Fulton, Missouri Newspapers 6 January 1911 to 30 December 1926, by the donor. (R) John G. Westover, Tucson, Arizona, donor: Various programs from performances at the Department of Music, University of Missouri, Columbia, 1931-1961. (R) David A. White, Austin, Texas, donor: News of the Plains and the Rockies 1803-1865—Volume 2: Santa Fe Adventurers, 1818- 1943; Settlers, 1819-1865, by the donor. (R)

Later Than We Thought

Charleston Courier, March 27, 1863. The town clock of New Bedford, last Wednesday night, struck five hundred and eleven times without interruption—enough to last the rest of the month. 331

MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS Belton Star-Herald January 23, 1997: "History Trail '97: Commemorating Belton's 125th Anniversary," a special section.

Bloomfield Vindicator December 11, 1996: "From the Himmel post office," reminiscences of Addie Watts.

Buffalo Dallas County Courier October 31, November 7, December 5, 1996: "50 Years In Shoe Shop: Fred Clayton Celebrates—The Depression Years," a three-part article by Fred Clayton.

Canton Press-News Journal January 2, 1997: "Slavery in Lewis Co. area began in 1819," by Kelly Clarkin. January 16: "Yesteryears Pictures," photograph and description of workers harvesting ice at the Canton riverfront.

Cape Girardeau Southeast Missourian November 16, 1996: State grant allows "[Little River] Drainage District to preserve old photos," by Mark Bliss. January 2, 1997: "How German influx changed Missouri," by Sam Blackwell.

Chillicothe Constitution-Tribune December 19, 1996: Two articles concerning the Ritz Theater: "Building's history spanned more than 100 years," by Bill Plummer; "Razing stirs memories of structure's glory days," by Peggy Wickizer.

Columbia Daily Tribune January 19, 1997: "Living in the Past," Missouri paleontology, by Ed Schafer. February 2: "House of Memories," restoration of New Franklin's Hickman house and excerpts from the journal of Virginia "Kate" Weathers, who resided there with her family from 1913 to 1915, by Sara Ervanian.

Columbia Missourian January 1, 1997: "Columbia History: The Story of Our Schools" and "Desegregation in Columbia was 'laissez faire' process." Both articles by Angela Greiling.

Cuba Free Press November 7, 14, 1996: "One-room school solution to rural education," a two-part article by Myra Henry, featured respectively: "The One-Room Country School Review" and "Old Bailey School."

Ellington Reynolds County Courier November 14, December 5, 1996: "Remembering the Past," a column by Gerald Angel, featured respectively: the history of the Martin Buford family and a photograph of their home, and a photograph and description of the Jefferson Hotel in Ellington.

Fulton Sun Gazette November 13, 1996: "Our Kingdom Album," a pictorial series, featured Pratt's Theatre. 332 Missouri Historical Review

Holden Image-Progress November 14, 1996: Elm Spring Baptist "Church to celebrate 100th anniversary," by Mike Greife.

Jefferson City Catholic Missourian November 15, 1996: "St. Ann, Warsaw, dedicates new church, celebrates 50 years"; Bowling Green's "St. Clement parish notes 125th on patronal feast day."

Kansas City Pitch Weekly November 21, 1996: "Destroyed but not Forgotten: Working to bring back a black busi­ ness community" in Columbia, by David A. Collins. January 29, 1997: "The First Nelson Gallery: The Robust Beginning and Fateful End of the Western Gallery of Art," by Charles Cowdrick.

Kansas City Star December 1, 1996: "People in the late 1800s had good reasons to be indignant," Elsberry's "indignation meetings" of the mid-1880s, by James J. Fisher. December 28: "A harsh, lost world emerges from photos," the work of Liberty photogra­ pher Jacob T. Hicks, by Joe Popper.

Lebanon Daily Record December 11, 1996: "Newspaper Has Long History In Downtown Lebanon." December 16: "RFD [Rural Free Delivery] Hits 100 Years." This and the above article by Kirk Pearce.

Linn Unterrified Democrat January 1, 1997: German folk custom, "Gastbitter [or guestbidder] Wedding invitations were special in the early years," by Joel Welschmeyer.

Macon Chronicle-Herald December 26, 1996: "Callao Yester-years," two photographs and a description of pilot George Underwood in his airplane, and remnants of the plane after a fatal crash in 1912.

Mexico Ledger December 28, 1996: "Little has changed since [Norman Rockwell's] '46 painting of Monroe Appeal," the Paris newspaper's editorial office, by Jim Salter.

Mount Vernon Lawrence County Record November 6, 1996: "Three decades ago ... the earth shook," the Monsanto fertilizer plant explosion on November 9, 1966.

Mountain Grove News Journal December 4, 1996: "German immigrants made [Hermann] Missouri home."

New Madrid Weekly Record November 21, 1996: "History of the LaFont Family," brief biographies of several mem­ bers of the 1909 Chamber of Commerce and prominent citizens, including Alphonso Delisle, G. W. Sutherland, W. H. Carter, T. C. Pinkley, Goah Barnes, J. J. Delisle, Robert Black, Oscar Fuller, W. P. Meatte, H. H. Marr, T S. Hollenbeck, Sam Pikey, Lee Long, and W. W. Largent. Historical Notes and Comments 333

Owensville Gasconade County Republican November 20, 1996: "Dodging death in Missouri: Belmont: Minor Battle, major danger for Union Gen. Ulysses S. Grant," by Matt Chaney.

Park Hills Daily Journal November 3, 1996: Old St. Francois County "Jail's History," by Harry Nance.

Poplar Bluff Daily American Republic January 6, 1997: "Timber Boom Sparks Need for [Missouri Southern] Railroad" in the late 1880s. January 13: "Union-led [Wilson] Massacre Avenges [Reynolds County] Courthouse Attack." This and the above article by Michelle Friedrich.

Republic Monitor January 2, 1997: "Hood Methodist [Church] a historic landmark."

St. Clair Missourian October 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, November 6, 13, 20, December 4, 11, 18, 25, 1996, January 1, 1997: "Gleanings from the Past. . . and Present," a series by Sue Cooley, featured respective­ ly: the August and Elizabeth Baker Duemler family; Adele Roussin Bacon, parts I and II; Herbert C. Funke; the St. Clair and Ellen Olivia Webster Whitman family; the Frederick and Harriett Elizabeth Gorg Angerer family, parts I and II, the Angerer Store, and the Commercial Hotel; the John Jacob and Isa Benda Gault family; Mabel Reed; the Jackson and Martha E. Beeler Wiley family and Bank of Moselle; William Morre, Jr., and the Morre General Store; Dr. Ellen M. Osborn and the John and Caroline Tiplett Osborn family; the William and Rebecca Richardson Osborn family and the John and Tabitha Wilkinson Osborn family.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch November 3, 10, 17, 1996, January 13, 22, 1997: The pictorial series, "St. Louis When," featured "Those Magnificent Men In Their Flying Machines," early St. Louis aviators; "Criminal History: Movie of '59 bank robbery attempt mixed art and reality," Charles Guggenheim's film, The Great St. Louis Bank Robbery, portrayed the April 24, 1953, holdup at Southwest Bank, by John M. McGuire; "The USO Was The Place To Go," the St. Louis club through the years; "Winters Past"; and "The Highlands," an amusement park in Forest Park. November 3: "Of Time and the River," St. Louis's river heritage, by NiNi Harris. November 23, 30, December 28, January 4, 18: "St. Louis Q&A," a series by Jerry Berger, featured respectively: Franklin School, St. Louis Western Rowing Club, Battery A Missouri Light Artillery, Cicardi's Cafe; Kingsland Theater, St. Louis [Street] Car Company; Esquire and Granada Theaters, Academy of the Sacred Heart, Mildred E. Bastian; Fitz's Root Beer Stand, Mahler Ballroom, Melsheimer's Restaurant; and Harry Fender. November 28: "The Literature of the City," famous St. Louis-born authors, by Phillip Kennicott. December 1: "The Sunday Magazine: A Picture Story," history of photojournalism at the Post-Dispatch, a special section.

St. Louis Review December 6, 1996: Japan's "Holy Martyrs Parish Has Deep Roots In Franklin County." January 10, 1997: "Parish Marks Its 75th Year," St. Catherine of Alexandria in Riverview Gardens. 334 Missouri Historical Review

St. Louis South County Journal November 17, 1996: "Spiritual retreat: Home provides peace in midst of suburban bus­ tle," the seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of the White House Retreat, the Jesuit Retreat House of St. Louis, by Jim Merkel.

*St. Louis South Side Journal November 24, 1996: "Harvey [House Restaurant] Girls: Waitresses kept travelers to St. Louis area well fed," by Glenn Sparks. January 12, 1997: "Role in the War at Home," Evelyn Moore Kohler's candidacy for Miss Budweiser and selling bonds during World War II, by Jim Merkel.

Seymour Webster County Citizen January 8, 15, 1997: "90 Years of Service, 1907-1997: Webster County Citizen," a series by Gary Sosniecki, featured the founding of the newspaper and editor Orland Davis.

Shelbina Democrat January 8, 1997: "Jarboe Family: Divided Loyalties During Civil War," by Barbara Greenwell.

Shelbyville Shelby County Herald October 2, 1996: "Recalling School Days," the restored Rookwood School.

Springfield Mirror January 10, 1997: "Sisters of St. Francis mark 40th anniversary [at St. Francis Hospital] in Mtn. View," by John J. Leibrecht.

Springfield News-Leader December 29, 1996: "The Square across time," the founding of Springfield by Madison Campbell and John Polk Campbell, and photographs of downtown Springfield through the years, by Ron Davis.

Sullivan Independent News December 4, 1996: "Memories of Dowler Mill," photograph and description of the school and its students in 1899.

Warrenton Journal November 13,1996: "Once-vital CWC [Central Wesleyan College] now a memory for a few." December 11: "Community pulled together in wake of train accident," the September 6, 1904, wreck of Wabash Railroad engine No. 20 near Warrenton. January 8, 1997: "[Gottfried] Duden's letters set off wave of German emigration." This and the above articles by Dorris Keeven.

Washington Missourian November 27, 30, 1996: "The Gorg Family of Franklin County." January 1, 4, 1997: "Early Franklin Residents . . . The Mintrup Family," a two-part arti­ cle. This and the above article by Sue Cooley.

^Indicates newspapers not received by the State Historical Society. 335 MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES

American Art Review November, 1996: "Karl Bodmer's Eastern Views: A Journey in North America," by John F Sears; "A Brush with History: 175 Years of Art in the Boonslick," by Robert L. Dyer and Mary Ellen McVicker. February, 1997: "O. E. Berninghaus: Soulful Artist, Gentle Man," by David C. Hunt; "Albert Bloch: The American Blue Rider," by David Cateforis; "Vinnie Ream Hoxie: The Early Sculptures," by Joan Elliott Price.

American Studies Fall, 1996: "Rose Wilder Lane and Thomas Hart Benton: A Turn toward History during the 1930s," by John E. Miller.

Area Footprints, Genealogical Society of Butler County November, 1996: "Morocco Community Past and Present," by Leroy Murphy.

Bushwhacker Musings, Vernon County Historical Society January, 1997: "Wartime Memories of Montevallo: A Page from the Reminiscences of Adeline Brewer McPherson"; "Nevada Medical and Surgical Sanitarium (Amerman Hospital): Special Notice," reprinted.

Chariton County Historical Society Newsletter January, 1997: "Chariton County Towns: Lagonda," by Blake Sasse; "Diary of a Civil War Soldier," part 2, excerpts from the journal of a Confederate, May 29-June 29, 1865, reprinted.

Collage Of Cape County, Cape Girardeau County Genealogical Society December, 1996: "Civil War in Cape Girardeau," reprinted.

Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly Fall, 1996: "Trends in the Missouri Synod As Reflected in The Lutheran Witness, 1914- 1960," by Leland Stevens.

DeKalb County Heritage October, 1996: "Smile, Say Maysville!" photographic history exhibit at the DeKalb County Historical Society, by Bill Bennett; Maysville store, "Mar-Be's Variety Closes Doors," by Martha Spiers; "Clarksdale," reprinted. January, 1997: "Fire at Fairport: Hudson & Hill General Store and Black Drug Store Burned" in July 1921, reprinted.

Florissant Valley Quarterly January, 1997: "Old Town Florissant."

Gasconade County Historical Society Newsletter Winter, 1996: "County seats, courthouses of Gasconade County," by Randolph Puchta.

Gateway Heritage, Missouri Historical Society Fall, 1996: "Asia at the [1904 St. Louis World's] Fair," a special issue, included the fol­ lowing: "Japan's Seven Acres: Politics and Aesthetics at the 1904 Louisiana Purchase 336 Missouri Historical Review

Exposition," by Carol Christ; "Dragons, Dummies, and Royals: China at American World's Fairs, 1876-1904," by Barbara Vennman; "Imperial East Meets Democratic West: The St. Louis Press and the Fair's Chinese Delegation," by Sue Bradford Edwards; "Through Western Eyes: Americans Encounter Asians at the Fair," by Martha C. Clevenger.

The Herald, Grand River Historical Society and Museum January, 1997: "The Civil War and Livingston County," by Carolyn Leffler and Sue Jones.

Heritage, Assemblies of God Summer-Fall, 1996: "J. Robert Ashcroft: A Man of Prayer and Faith," by Glenn Gohr.

Historic Madison County December, 1996: Madison County's "Timber Business Is at New High Point," in 1925, reprinted. January, 1997: "Testimony in War Claims Heard: Levi W. Revelle and Austin Deguire Have War Claims Growing Out of the Battle of Fredericktown in 1861," reprinted; "Shirley Nifong—W[orld] W[ar] I" veteran.

Journal of Douglas County, Missouri December, 1996: "The Martins of Williams Hollow," by Opal Martin Arnott; "East Fairview School District 46," by Virginia Proctor Andrews; "The History of the Ava United Methodist Church," by Carl Henley; "Diamond School Burglarized—1936, and overview of the life of Maude Spurlock Robertson," by Randy Spurlock.

Kansas City Genealogist Fall, 1996: "Squire Thomas J. Goforth of Westport," by Fred L. Lee; "Joseph Adair helped plat the town of Independence" and "Life on the Santa Fe Trail," both articles by Joanne Chiles Eakin; "Reminiscences of Forty Years in the Railway Mail Service," by John Edward Reid, reprinted; James P. Jackson, "Gone But Not Forgotten," by Fred L. Lee.

Kansas History Winter, 1996-1997: A special issue devoted to the history of the Santa Fe Trail.

Kirkwood Historical Review Winter, 1996: "A Century at 440 West Madison Ave.: Louis Blankemeier and Family," by Betty Murphy Beck; "A Soldier's Letters Home: Part II—World War I Letters from Europe to Kirkwood," by Robert G. J. Hoester.

The ROM League Remembered, Kansas-Oklahoma-Missouri League February, 1997: "Jim Baxes Remembered"; "Keeping up with the Williams boys!" Harry and Gus Williams; "Dave Newkirk shares his memories"; "Len, look out for Burleigh Grimes," Len Crase and the 1947 Independence Yankees.

Landmarks Letter, Landmarks Association of St. Louis November-December, 1996: "St. Louis Architects: Famous and Not So Famous, Part 20," featured Thomas B. Annan.

Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin January, 1997: "Andrew Jackson Jones"; "Nicholas Butler Hocker," reprinted; "Fragments of History," featured John L. D. Lowder. Historical Notes and Comments 337

Mid-Missouri Black Watch Winter, 1996: "A Black History Month Salute, Belle Brooks Willis: A Very Unlikely Heroine," by Rose M. Nolen; "Methodist Inner-City Parish [of Kansas City]: A Model in Ministry"; "Show Me Black Missouri."

Missouri Conservationist January, 1997: "War Was Never So Sweet," the 1839 Honey War, by Joel M. Vance.

Missouri Partisan, Sons of Confederate Veterans Winter, 1996-97: '"Like Sheep in a Slaughter Pen': A St. Louisan [Philip Daingerfield Stephenson] Remembers the Camp Jackson Massacre, May 10, 1861," edited by William C. Winter.

Missouri Press News February, 1997: "[Norman] Rockwell's view of paper holds through 50 years," the paint­ ing The Country Editor depicts the Paris Monroe County Appeal office, by Jim Salter.

Missouri Resources Winter, 1996-97: "When Giants Walked: Exploring the Ice Age Heritage of Missouri," by Dwight Weaver.

Mizzou, University of Missouri Alumni Association Winter, 1997: The series "Around the Columns" featured Columbia's East Campus neighborhood; "Our Town," Columbia's relationship to the University of Missouri through the years and "The Man from Missouri," Harry S. Truman and his assistant, Donald Dawson, both articles by John Beahler; "The Best of Mizzou," by Jim Muench.

*The New Yorker January 6, 1997: "Good Dish: the unlikely women behind The Joy of Cooking,'" cook­ book authors Irma S. Rombauer and Marion Rombauer Becker of St. Louis, by Nancy Franklin.

Newsletter, Iron County Historical Society January, 1997: "Jackson Family Store in Annapolis," by Cy and Helen Jackson; "The Hardy Studio," by Dorothy J. Hardy Allmon; "Iron County Security Bank."

Newsletter, Meramec Valley Genealogical and Historical Society January-February, 1997: "St. Mary's Church, Moselle, Mo.," by Sue Reed.

Newsletter, Osage County Historical Society November, 1996: "Verhoff School—No. 51," by Mary Lou Schulte. December, 1996: "Horsehoe Bend School—No. 37." January, 1997: "Minnie Meyer: A Lifetime of Service."

Newsletter, Raymore Historical Society July, 1996: "The Barron Family," reprinted.

^Indicates magazine not received by the State Historical Society. 338 Missouri Historical Review

Newton County Roots, Genealogy Friends of the Library December, 1996: "Newton County, MO: Organization and Incidents," reprinted.

Newton County Saga Winter, 1996: Aviator Hugh '"Early Bird' Robinson Flies Home," by Kay Hively.

Ozar'kin, Ozarks Genealogical Society Winter, 1996: "Martin B. 'Uncle Baty' Chitwood of Reynolds County," reprinted; "Mining in Missouri—Part IV: The Twentieth Century," by John Gifford.

Ozarks Mountaineer December, 1996: "Southwest City's Three-State Monument," by Anita Heistand.

Ozarks Watch Volume IX, No. 3, 1996: Entire issue dedicated to the history of Bull Shoals Dam.

Pemiscot County Missouri Quarterly Summer, 1996: "A Biography of Dr. Ralph Dixon Pinion"; "Victor Sigler, Jr."; "Clinton 'Shifty' Winters, Jr."

Perspectives, University of Missouri-Kansas City Fall, 1996: "It's Somers Time," alumnus Orlando Somers, by Patrick Puntenney.

The Record, Friends of the Missouri State Archives Winter, 1996: "Fraud and Deceit in Dunklin County, 1865-1880," ElonG. Rathbum and William Sugg attempt to defraud the county of seventy thousand acres of swampland, by Joan T. Feezor.

Reporter Quarterly, Genealogical Society of Central Missouri January/February, 1997: "Memories of Boyhood Days Spent with the [Charlie] Palmer Family of Callaway County, Missouri," by Frederick K. Wheeler.

Resume, Historical Society of Polk County November, 1996: "Memories of Karlin," by Effie Vodicka, reprinted.

Rural Missouri January, 1997: "The last battleship," USS Missouri, by Jim McCarty; "There at the end," World War II veteran Joe Snyder remembers the Missouri, by Joe Snyder.

St. Charles Heritage January, 1997: "The Forgotten Nuns of the Academy of the Sacred Heart," by Susan Niederberger; "The [St. Charles High School] Pirates 1957 [Basketball] Championship," by Louis J. Launer; '"Murder Most Foul,'" the 1916 shooting spree of Lafayette Chanley and the murder of John Dierker, by Bob Schultz; "Wentzville Society Hears About River Steamboats" and German settlements along the Missouri River, by Anita M. Mallinckrodt.

St. Louis Genealogical Society Quarterly Winter, 1996: "Fort Zumwalt," by Mrs. Frank Sayre Leach, reprinted.

Seeking W Searching Ancestors October, 1996: "The Old 'Trade Right' Store of Richwoods Township." Historical Notes and Comments 339

December, 1996: "Early Mills of Miller County." February, 1997: "James E. Walker: An Overseer of Miller County's Poor Farm"; "David Nelson Curty: A Man of Mystery." This and the above articles by Peggy Smith Hake.

S.E.MO. Record, Dunklin County Genealogical Society January, 1997: "Early Days in White Oak, MO," by Van Byrd.

Sentimental Journey January, 1997: "A Tribute to a Country Store: Gobler Mercantile Company, Gobler, Missouri, 1937-1956," by Virginia B. Branch. February, 1997: "Tale of 'Uncle Joe' Cash" of Clarkton, by Tom Cash; "The History of the McHaney Family in Dunklin County, Missouri," reprinted.

Springfield! Magazine December, 1996: "Farewell to Fear: An Autobiography of Springfieldian Ena Tarrasch: An Epilogue," by Thel Spencer; "Remembrances of Old National Boulevard," by Fern Joyner Angus; "Cavalcade of Homes, Part 90—The O'Neill-Ward House," by Mabel Carver Taylor. January, 1997: "Springfield Has Been College Town Since Days of Classical Academies," by Robert C. Glazier; "Speedy Haworth: 65 Years of Picking & Grinning . . . and the show isn't over yet!" by Sherlu Walpole; "Cavalcade of Homes, Part 91—The Mangan- Bush House," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "First Ladies of Springfield: Educator Velma Strickland Graff," by Robert C. Glazier. February, 1997: "Recalling Early Beginnings of Public TV," by Bob Glazier; "Cavalcade of Homes: Part 92—The Helbig-Bowman House," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "Speedy Haworth: 65 Years of Picking & Grinning . . . and the show isn't over yet! Part II," by Sherlu Walpole; "Who's Been in Charge Here?" the history of Springfield city government, by Robert C. Glazier; "First Ladies of Springfield: Irene Harper Wilson Early Woman Staffer At the Courthouse," by Sherlu Walpole.

Trails Head Tidings, Oregon-California Trails Association, Trails Head Chapter January, 1997: "Trailing the Pathfinder across Kansas in 1842," the first expedition of John Charles Fremont, by Morris Werner.

Transcript, School of Law, University of Missouri-Columbia Fall, 1996: "Rush H. Limbaugh Dies at Age of 104; Attorney Left Great Legal Legacy," by Jay Eastlick, reprinted.

Universitas, Saint Louis University Fall, 1996: "Glory Days" of Saint Louis University's football team, the Billikens, by Laura Geiser.

Waterways Journal December 16, 1996: "St. Louis Pictured in 1874 in Book of City Views," Cities of the Mississippi, by James V Swift.

We Proceeded On, Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation November, 1996: "Lewis and Clark at Jefferson City, Missouri," by W Raymond Wood. 340 Missouri Historical Review

Whistle Stop, Harry S. Truman Library Institute Volume 24, Nos. 3 and 4, 1996: "Recollections of Harry S. Truman and the Navy," by George M. Elsey.

White River Valley Historical Quarterly Fall, 1996: "Ozark/Ozarks: Establishing a Regional Term," by Lynn Morrow; "A Confederate Diary (August 1, 1861-January 9, 1862), Part 1," by a military surgeon, possibly R. A. Byrd; "The Bennetts," by Fern Angus.

Ran For His Life

California Moniteau Monitor, March 24, 1880. He wrote it: "Her dainty feet were encased in shoes that might have been taken for fairy boots," but the intelligent compositor worked it up as follows: "Her dirty feet were encased in shoes that might have been taken for ferry boats." He has since fled.

Western Justice

Columbia Missouri Herald, May 8, 1890. "Gentlemen, what is your verdict?" asked his honor in a western courtroom. "Wall," responded the foreman of the jury, "leven [of] us wants to hang the prisoner, but the twelfth man sticks to it he ain't guilty, spite of all we can say—so bein' as the twelfth man is a no acount [sic] feller, anyway, in order to make the verdict unanimous, we've concluded to hang 'em both."—From Munsey's Weekly.

He Is Ageless

Fulton Missouri Telegraph, June 25, 1852. We have finally found out who that much talked of individual, the "oldest inhabitant," is. An elderly chap, speaking of his great knowledge of the western country, the other day, said that he had "known the Mississippi River since it was a small creek." He's the man. 341 IN MEMORIAM ROBERT S. DALE Truman. He also commanded the Missouri Robert S. Dale, former owner and troops during the 1968 Kansas City publisher of the Carthage Press, retired riots-for which he won the Meritorious brigadier general of the Missouri Service Medal-and the National Guard unit National Guard, and Society trustee, that assisted at the 1966 explosion of the died at his home southeast of Carthage Hercules plant in Carthage. Dale was a on February 22, 1997. Born in Carthage member of numerous professional and char­ on November 23, 1917, Dale was the itable organizations, including the Carthage son of Eliel Lanyon and Julia Stickney Chamber of Commerce, the Carthage Dale. On December 26, 1940, he mar­ Council on the Arts, Carthage Community ried Alice Maughs in Columbia. Betterment, the National Board of Field Dale attended the University of Advisors of the Small Business Association, Missouri from 1935 to 1939. Following and the Missouri Press Association. graduation, he was employed at the He was a vigorous supporter of state Burger-Baird Photoengraving Company and local history throughout his life. A in Kansas City. During World War II, he founding member of Carthage Historic served as a second lieutenant in the Preservation, Dale led efforts to restore 203rd Coast Artillery regiment of the and preserve the Kendrick house in Missouri Army National Guard. Dale Carthage and chaired the planning com­ returned to Carthage after the war to mittee for the city's 125th anniversary cel­ work for his father, the principal owner ebration. In 1974 Governor Christopher and publisher of the Carthage Press. At Bond appointed him as an honorary com­ the paper, he served as advertising man­ missioner of the Missouri American ager, city editor, managing editor, and Bicentennial Commission. Dale served on eventually succeeded his father as the the State Historical Society of Missouri's newspaper's publisher. Upon retiring in board of trustees from 1976 to 1996. 1976, he sold the paper. Dale is survived by his wife; three Active in the Army National Guard daughters, Julie Dale of Dallas, Texas, Susan until 1969, Dale was commander of a spe­ Neely of Carthage, and Kathy Atwood cial honor guard for President Harry S. of St. Louis; and five grandchildren.

FRANKLIN, REX, Vergennes, Illinois: October 10, 1923-May 22, 1996 January 29, 1917-March 6, 1996 SCHWEIG, FRANCES S. F GALT, St. Louis: HERT, MARY ELIZABETH, Fayette: February 24, 1924-June 3, 1996 October 23, 1916-July 19, 1996 SEARS, JIM, Memphis: JOHNSON, KATHALINE, Brookfield: September 18, 1960-November 27, 1996 September 17, 1904-July 10, 1996 SHAMBERGER, MARVIN, Columbia: KOHLENBERG, GILBERT C, Kirksville: January 7, 1911-January 25, 1997 March 31, 1918-November 15, 1996 STITES, MARGUERITE, Shell Beach, LADD, JACK T, Macon: California: July 4, 1917-September 8, 1996 April 15, 1914-December23, 1995 UHLMANN, HUGH, Kansas City: LAMAR, KIRBY, Reston, Virginia: March 17, 1916-February 7, 1996 January 2, 1927-May 16, 1996 WILSON, MARYHELEN, Des Peres: OHRVALL, CHARLES WARREN, Independence: November 29, 1918-November 5, 1996 342 GRADUATE THESES RELATING TO MISSOURI HISTORY, 1996

NORTHWEST MISSOURI STATE UNIVERSITY, MARYVILLE MASTER'S THESIS

Maxwell-Schurkamp, Patricia Jean, "Maryville to Mobville: The Lynching of Raymond Gunn."

TRUMAN STATE UNIVERSITY, KIRKSVILLE MASTER'S THESIS

Stahl, Edward Baker, "St. Louis Socialists in the Missouri Election of 1902."

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-COLUMBIA MASTER'S THESES

Hunter, Marie Nau, "MISSOURI and MISSISSIPPI: Robert Ingersoll Aitken's Sculpture in Jefferson City, Missouri."

Reese, DeAnna Judenne, "Intertwining Paths: Respectability, Character, Beauty and the Making of Community Among St. Louis Black Women 1900-1920."

Rose, Morgan J., "Path-Dependence in Emerging Institutional Structures: A Study of Slavery in Frontier Missouri."

Walter, Joseph Blake, "Distribution of African Americans in Missouri From 1860 to 1990."

DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS

Cook, Delia Crutchfield, "Shadow Across the Columns: The Bittersweet Legacy of African Americans at the University of Missouri."

Froese, Michelle Mazza, "'We Seem to Belong Nowhere': Locating Missouri Repertory Theatre's Identity in the Field of Cultural Production of Kansas City, Missouri."

McFarland, Linda Gayle, "From Cold Warrior to REALPOLITIK Statesman: Stuart Symington And American Foreign Policy." 343

BOOK REVIEWS

Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Truman. By Alonzo L. Hamby (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995). xv + 760 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliographic essay. Index. $35.00.

Over the past four years, three outstanding biographies of Harry Truman have emerged, erasing a longtime need. David McCullough's Pulitzer Prize- winning Truman, a majestic 1,117-page account, appeared first, followed by Robert Ferrell's Truman: A Life, and then Alonzo Hamby's Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Truman. Although recognizing Truman's limita­ tions, all three works evaluate him as a strong president, confirming his rank­ ing in recent scholarly polls as America's eighth best chief executive. Hamby, a recognized Truman era scholar who made his first impact with Beyond the New Deal: Harry S. Truman and American Liberalism (1973), more approaches the comprehensiveness of McCullough's effort than does Ferrell. In dealing with the significant issues and events of the Truman pres­ idency, Hamby deals fully and reliably with postwar economics, the Fair Deal, and foreign policy initiatives such as NATO, most of which McCullough largely ignores despite six hundred pages devoted to the presi­ dency. McCullough's Truman, however, is incomparable in illuminating the warmth of a life being lived, in projecting a sense of time and space, and in creating drama to such events as Truman's World War I service and his 1948 election campaign. In short, Truman remains the better biography while Man of the People provides the better history. Still, Hamby provides more analysis of Truman's personality. He con­ vincingly contends that Truman paid a psychological price for his successes. Coming from modest means, considering himself a four-eyed sissy, and fail­ ing as an entrepreneur, the frustratingly ambitious Truman gravitated to pol­ itics, where he struggled with the messy compromises of Boss Tom Pendergast's machine in Jackson County. His unimpressive appearance and his shortcomings as a public speaker, according to Hamby, further con­ tributed to the disparaging characterizations of Truman as a "little man," whom critics labeled dishonest or incompetent (p. 636). Hamby argues that while Truman gained strength from his early struggles, scars remained, including an "inordinate touchiness, a quick temper, and an insatiable demand for recognition" (p. 3). Nonetheless, Hamby contends that Truman "possessed virtues that considerably outweighed his flaws" (p. viii). Hamby covers Truman's varied activities in the 1920s and his early polit­ ical career especially well. He reveals that Truman's haberdashery was financially shaky from the beginning; Republican national policy had little to do with its collapse. Aside from delineating Truman's accomplishments as 344 Missouri Historical Review presiding judge of Jackson County and U.S. senator, he shows Truman's evo­ lution from an anti-bureaucratic, anti-big business insurgent to one who accepted the regulatory state of Roosevelt's New Deal. Truman soon devel­ oped strong ties with organized labor, strengthened his urban connections, and began to recognize the importance of the black vote. His wartime leadership of the Truman Committee contributed to his political rise. While it successfully policed production abuses, it had no major impact on policy, nor is there evidence that it saved the country $15 billion as Truman later insisted. Hamby further contends that its anti-big business bashing reflected Truman's own biases, which calculatingly touched a responsive chord with most Americans. Does this suggest that Senator Truman was maneuvering for the vice presidency? Hamby senses ambiva­ lence, probably due to the resistance of Truman's wife, Bess. In dealing with Truman's presidency, Hamby presents a generally bal­ anced viewpoint. He does not ignore Truman's personal life, providing an excellent chapter on the family's private activities. Nor does he excuse Truman's failings, which most historians have acknowledged, including his handling of the loyalty program, the steel seizure matter, and administrative corruption. In foreign policy, Hamby also acknowledges Truman's mistakes, including the administration's decision to liberate North Korea. His expla­ nations for Truman's limitations are thoughtful, if not novel. He partly blames Truman's penchant for risk taking for the Korean liberation policy and the steel seizure debacle. Presidential accomplishments much more dominate Hamby's Truman. Nothing weighed more than Truman's confronting the Soviet challenge through containment. In the process, Hamby discounts, with varying degrees of success, virtually all of the revisionist historians' arguments. Far from let­ ting anticommunism dominate his viewpoint, Truman was a pragmatist, according to Hamby, one who sought to arrange an accommodation with Stalin, even if it meant permitting the Soviets an open sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. Only gradually did Truman learn that the Soviet worldview precluded such arrangements. Once he took the Soviet measure, Truman, with the aid of skilled subordinates such as George Marshall and Dean Acheson, engineered the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, and other con­ tainment policies that saved Western Europe economically and politically. Hamby also concludes that Truman was "magnificently right" on civil rights, arguably the second most important issue of Truman's time (p. 640). Too, Truman preserved the Democratic liberal agenda and insured that the presidency remained as strong as he found it. Hamby had much less to say about Truman's postpresidency, which was covered in fifteen pages without much thoughtful analysis. Unlike Ferrell, McCullough and Hamby emphasize that Truman sprang Book Reviews 345 from a nineteenth-century Jeffersonian-Jacksonian tradition that embodied Victorian virtues, rural provincialism, and an optimistic belief in progress and economic opportunity—in short a reflection of the values, if not the soul—of Americans themselves.

Southwest Missouri State University James N. Giglio

Paradigms of the Past: The Story of Missouri Archaeology. By Michael J. O'Brien (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1996). xxviii + 561 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Bibliography. Index. $29.95, paper.

In a preface and nine chapters comprising over 500 pages of text (with over 170 figures and 1,100 references), Michael J. O'Brien offers "a history of how archaeological work has been conducted in Missouri and why it was conducted" intended for "professional archaeologists but also [for] interest­ ed nonprofessionals" (p. xviii). It is a book "about people and what they thought . . . not about the record itself (p. xxvi). The preface summarizes the author's orientation and previews the chapters. Chapter 1 eases the read­ er into the Americanist brand of archaeology, the debate over interpretation versus explanation of artifacts, and culture classifications through the over eleven thousand years of Missouri's prehistory. It is an effective way to let the casual reader choose a topic of interest or to motivate one to read through the entire narrative of colorful characters, exciting discoveries, professional pitfalls, pure politics, personal persuasions, and cogent conclusions—all worthy of notice within the panorama of Missouri's recent history. The state's artifacts, bones, and mounds earned international attention from antebellum days through the First World War. Chapter 2 reproduces early maps and photographs of the mounds around St. Louis and emphasizes the attempts of the Academy of Science of St. Louis to understand them in the wake of urbanization. But in a time of Manifest Destiny and an 1889 statute that forbid any citizen "to give to an Indian a permit to come or remain within the state," is it any wonder that many of Missouri's first archaeologists denied the natives and their ancestors credit for building the mounds? When Congress funded the investigation of America's mounds, earthworks throughout the state (especially in the southeast) attracted the eminent Cyrus Thomas and his assis­ tant, Gerard Fowke, later an archaeologist with the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis. Chapter 3 is a rewarding story of antiquarian bias finally overthrown by stubborn empiricism; only by sustained effort can the social sciences escape their historical contexts and implausible postures. This also applies to the chapter's other question, "How long have humans been in North America?" Missouri's mastodon bones, gravel pits, and dubious artifacts contributed to the debate between American and European scholars. 346 Missouri Historical Review

Chapter 4 explains how attention shifted away from Missouri in the 1920s, just when anthropology and archaeology were coming of theoretical age. The 1930s witnessed the birth of professional organizations such as the Society for American Archaeology and public counterparts like the Missouri Archaeological Society (both founded in 1934), the first issue of the Missouri Archaeologist announcing an article by Carl Chapman, and the start of federally sponsored archaeology. Chapman and the University of Missouri dominated archaeology in the state during the postwar years to 1960, the focus of Chapter 5. His surveys, contracts, classifications, reports, lectures, and publications proliferated, but not necessarily in harmony with changes in the discipline. Chapter 6 introduces the "New Archaeology" of the 1960s, a reinvention of method, theory, and exposition that exacted a toll on culture historians like Chapman. It also was an opportune time for reser­ voir surveys, highway salvage, and the environmental studies of Raymond Wood and his students. The "big business" of archaeology, when it expanded beyond the cam­ pus into the corporation, arrived in the 1970s, and Chapter 7 chronicles the series of laws and advocates like Chapman responsible for the flow of dol­ lars. At first, contract archaeology polarized the discipline into belligerent camps of faculty and cultural resource managers, one professing "science" while the other offered "work." Research done at Truman Dam and Cannon Reservoir resolved some of the tensions; contracts and models can coexist to advance the database and still comply with "progress." Chapter 8 extends archaeology into the realm of hypothesis, process, and testing. Practitioners like O'Brien eschew traditional concepts like "site" in favor of depositions, surfaces, and sampling strategies. He presents a particularly convincing case study of prehistoric pottery, cooking, diet, and fertility that supports his plea to apply evolutionary models to archaeological data. The discussion ends with two vital concerns: the high cost of curation due to decades of collect­ ing and the legislative power of Native Americans demanding reburial of these collections. The final chapter summarizes and synthesizes the odyssey of Missouri archaeology. O'Brien uses explanation over interpretation to confront the legacy of Carl Chapman, giving a thoughtful and personal critique of the book's most dominant personality. Upon reading the last pages, this review­ er felt obliged to the author, piqued by new questions, and anxious for more answers. To the professional, Paradigms of the Past is a conversational epis- temology guaranteed to provoke comment and comparison. For the public, the book is a user-friendly encyclopedia (with an ample index) for anyone interested in Missouri's remote past and its discoverers.

Central Missouri State University John W. Sheets Book Reviews 347

Undaunted Courage: Meriwether Lewis, Thomas Jefferson, and the Opening of the American West. By Stephen E. Ambrose (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996). 511 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.50.

Historian Donald Jackson once dubbed Meriwether Lewis and William Clark "the writingist explorers of their time" because, as he noted, they wrote copiously about their epic journey to the Pacific. But their voluminous accounts were only a beginning. In succeeding generations the flow of words about America's most famous explorers and their heroic endeavors has con­ tinued unabated. Stephen Ambrose is among the latest authors to put pen to paper, and his engaging biography, Undaunted Courage: Meriwether Lewis, Thomas Jefferson, and the Opening of the American West, will not disappoint an eager audience of history buffs and Lewis and Clark aficionados eager to pour over the fascinating details of this seemingly larger-than-life story. For Ambrose, a veteran historian and biographer long fascinated and inspired by the pioneering duo, Meriwether Lewis was not simply another subject for research. Telling Lewis's story was for him a labor of love. In the introduction, Ambrose recalls the happiness and exhilaration that he shared with his family and friends as they retraced the route that Lewis and Clark followed during their trek across the American continent. His passion for the subject along with his considerable skills as a biographer have enabled him to produce a captivating account of the individual he calls "the greatest of all American explorers." Seasoned students of Lewis and Clark will not discover much that is new in this book, but they will find themselves caught up in the drama and excite­ ment of an exceedingly well-told tale. Understandably, Ambrose chose to make the great expedition the focal point of his study. His skillful use of the Lewis and Clark journals, which he aptly labels "one of America's literary treasures," and his fluid prose allow armchair travelers to experience vicari­ ously the epic dimensions of the great trek to the Pacific. He introduces them to the members of the expedition, the Native Americans they encountered, and the awe and wonder of the world through which they traveled. He also assesses President Thomas Jefferson's crucial role and is at pains to show the importance of the scientific and geographic information that Lewis and Clark carefully recorded for posterity. Ambrose concludes that Lewis was a perfect choice for the formidable assignment that Jefferson gave him. From his earliest days, the young Virginian loved to roam and explore. His military experience, his service as Jefferson's personal secretary, his familiarity with frontier conditions, his mathematical and scientific knowledge, his leadership qualities, and his abil­ ity to grasp Jefferson's vision of empire had prepared him admirably for the 348 Missouri Historical Review undertaking. Ambrose minces no words in proclaiming Lewis a hero, but also gives Lewis's co-leader, William Clark, his due. He describes the mutu­ al respect and friendship that they shared and readily acknowledges that the expedition truly was a team effort. Nor does he shy away from mentioning Lewis's shortcomings as a politi­ cian, his periodic bouts with melancholia and depression, and his struggle with alcoholism. Unlike many of Lewis's previous biographers, Ambrose does not hesitate to declare that Lewis took his own life, a conclusion clearly borne out by the evidence. Ambrose's enthusiasm occasionally nudges him toward hyperbole and exaggeration, as when he suggests on one occasion that if Lewis had given an order to fire the swivel gun on the keelboat "the whole history of North America might have changed" (p. 170), or when he pronounces Sacagawea the first woman voter in American history (p. 311). Indeed, the author's proclivity for proclaiming historic firsts is apt to discomfort some of his professional colleagues. Missouri readers will be surprised to learn that Fort Osage is located on the Osage River and that Lorimier, the mixed-blood lad sent to West Point, was Auguste Chouteau's son. But these are matters of limited import. Overall, Ambrose gets it right, and he knows how to reach a larger audience. This book is a good read not to be missed.

Central Missouri State University William E. Foley

SOCIETY TO PUBLISH CENTENNIAL HISTORY

The State Historical Society, as a part of the celebration of its upcom­ ing centennial in 1998, will publish a volume recounting the history of its first one hundred years. In an effort to determine the press run, the Society would appreciate knowing how many Missouri Historical Review readers might be interested in obtaining a copy of this history. Readers who antic­ ipate purchasing a copy of this volume are asked to contact Dianne Buffon, State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia MO 65201-7298; (573) 882-7083. An affirmative answer at this time in no way obligates the respondent to purchase a copy of the book. 349 BOOK NOTES

On Shaky Ground: The New Madrid Earthquakes of 1811-1812. By Norma Hayes Bagnall (Columbia: Missouri Heritage Reader Series, University of Missouri Press, 1996). xii +113 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Bibliography. Appendixes. $8.95, paper.

Personal and official accounts effectively relate the events that shook the nineteenth-century Midwest when "all nature seemed running into chaos." A vivid picture is painted of the radical geographical changes and tragic human dramas created by the strongest series of earthquakes ever experi­ enced in North America. This book is available in bookstores.

The Trail of Tears across Missouri. By Joan Gilbert (Columbia: Missouri Heritage Reader Series, University of Missouri Press, 1996). xii + 121 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Bibliography. $8.95, paper.

This volume describes the forced removal of the Cherokee Indians in 1837-1838 from their lands and communities in the East to the Indian Territory of Oklahoma. The ill-planned government march across Tennessee, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas decimated the largest Indian tribe in the southeastern United States through starvation, exposure, and disease. The book is available in bookstores.

Diamond The Gem City: A History of Diamond, Missouri and Marion Township. Compiled and edited by Larry A. James and Linda Petty James (Neosho, Mo.: Newton County Historical Society, 1995). 163 pp. Illustrations. $20.00, paper, plus $3.50 for shipping.

Newton County Historical Society members have produced a thorough chronicle of the town using short essays and photos, as well as excerpts from county histories and community newspapers. The volume includes sections on Diamond's schools, businesses, churches, historic homes, service organi­ zations, and rural life. The book can be ordered from the Newton County Historical Society, P.O. Box 675, Neosho, MO 64850.

A History of Sullivan, Missouri and the Bank of Sullivan. By Darlene Schatz and Ruth Dace (Sullivan, Mo.: Bank of Sullivan, 1995). 271 pp. Illustrations. Bibliography. $25.00, plus $5.00 for shipping.

The book presents the development of Sullivan, beginning with settlement in the early 1810s, through biographies, family histories, and descriptions of important events. A large portion is devoted to the Bank of Sullivan's centen­ nial anniversary. Interesting chapters on the Civil War and local culture high- 350 Missouri Historical Review light the work. Copies are available for purchase through the Bank of Sullivan, Attention: Peggy Montee, P.O. Box 489, Sullivan, MO 63080.

The History of St Clair County, Missouri, Families, Volume 1, 1995. (Osceola, Mo.: St. Clair County Historical Society, 1995). Illustrations. Index. $20.00, paper, plus $3.00 for shipping.

Cherished family photos enhance this collection of brief genealogical sketches spanning the county's history. Biographies of pioneer settlers in the county and information on contemporary families are included. The volume can be ordered from the St. Clair County Historical Society, P.O. Box 376, Osceola, MO 64776.

Rude Pursuits and Rugged Peaks: Schoolcraft's Ozark Journal, 1818- 1819. By Henry Rowe Schoolcraft. Introduction, maps, and appendixes by Milton D. Rafferty (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1996). xiii + 170 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Appendix. Index. $26.00.

Originally published in 1826, the journal of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft recorded his three-month excursion into the Ozarks during the winter of 1818-1819. The work is recognized as the earliest detailed description of natural habitat and frontier life in the Ozarks region. In this new edition, Milton Rafferty, professor of history at Southwest Missouri State University, has enhanced the journal with modern maps and photographs, including the probable route of Schoolcraft and his partner, Levi Pettibone. Rafferty's comprehensive introduction includes a biography of Schoolcraft and a geo­ graphical history of the area. The volume is available in bookstores or from the University of Arkansas Press at 1-800-626-0090.

The Past in Our Presence: Historic Buildings in St. Louis County. (St. Louis: St. Louis County Department of Parks and Recreation, 1996). 93 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Index. $6.00, paper, plus $1.00 for shipping.

This illustrated guide places the architecture of the county within the larger context of St. Louis history, surveying several styles from the French colonial period to the late twentieth century. The authors devote a chapter to explaining the criteria for determining a building's historic significance. The volume can be obtained from St. Louis County Department of Parks and Recreation, 41 South Central Avenue, St. Louis, MO 63105-1734.

The New Man: Twenty-nine Years a Slave, Twenty-nine Years a Free Man: Recollections of H. C. Bruce. By H. C. Bruce (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996). xviii + 176 pp. $10.00, paper. Book Notes 351

In 1864 twenty-nine-year-old Henry Clay Bruce fled from slavery in Chariton County to Leavenworth, Kansas. Beginning anew as a free man, Bruce led an incredibly successful life, from small business owner in Kansas to a federal appointment in Washington, D.C. In this moving autobiography, originally published in 1890, Bruce details his experiences as a slave in three states—Virginia, Mississippi, and Missouri—and assesses the difficulties faced by African Americans in post-Civil War America. The book is avail­ able at local bookstores or from the University of Nebraska Press, 312 North 14th Street, Lincoln, NE 68588-0484.

Path to Glory: A Pictorial Celebration of the Santa Fe Trail. By Jami Parkison (Kansas City: Highwater Editions, 1996). xi + 132 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Appendix. Bibliography. $29.95, plus $3.00 for ship­ ping.

Beautifully illustrated, this elegant volume documents the history of the Santa Fe Trail from Spanish exploration of the Southwest through the growth of the railroads in the late 1800s. Emphasizing the overland route's major role in western settlement, the sections devoted to the boomtowns of Independence and Westport and pioneers' journeys prove especially engag­ ing. The book is available from the Jackson County Historical Society, 129 West Lexington, Independence, MO 64050.

David E. Jackson: Field Captain of the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade. By Vivian Linford Talbot (Jackson, Wyo.: Jackson Hole Historical Society and Museum, 1996). 134 pp. Maps. Bibliography. Index. $5.95, paper.

This biography relates the life of the legendary Rocky Mountain fur trader, David E. Jackson, through his death in 1837. In 1826, Jackson formed a trapping company with Jedediah Smith and William Sublette that dominated the industry until they disbanded in 1830. Jackson then pursued trade opportunities in the Southwest. The book also touches on Jackson's endeavors in Missouri and his relations with family members in Ste. Genevieve. Copies are available from the Jackson Hole Historical Society and Museum, P.O. Box 1005, Jackson, WY 83001-1005.

Such Audacity

Hannibal Tri-Weekly Messenger, August 3, 1852. Down east they put a fellow in jail for swindling. The audacious chap had dried snow and sold it for salt. Served him right. 352

Art you Interested in Missouri history?

Are you a Member?

Your membership in the State Historical Society of Missouri contributes to the collection and preservation of:

Missouri newspapers> photographs> art> family lineage books> Civil War sources> census records> westward expansion sources> historic sites files> county and town history books and other valuable source materials.

Membership entitles you to a one-year subscription to the Society's quarterly publication, the Missouri Historical Review.

Individual membership $10.00 Contributing membership $25.00 Supporting membership $50.00 Annual sustaining membership $100.00 to $499.00 Annual patron membership $500.00 or more Life membership $250.00 Special (Donations Gifts of cash and property to the Society are deductible for fed­ eral income, estate, and gift tax purposes. Memberships and inquiries concerning gifts or bequests to the Society should be addressed to:

James W. Goodrich, Executive Director State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, Missouri 65201-7298 Phone (573) 882-7083 CONTRIBUTORS TO MISSOURI CULTURE SALLY RAND

Sally Rand described her life in two distinct segments: before fan, or BF, and after fan, AF. The fan—an elaborate design of ostrich feathers—provided her a showy, and discreet, way to seemingly dance in the nude. When asked if she wore anything while dancing behind the fans, she would respond with the cryptic "the Rand is quicker than the eye." Born in 1904 in Hickory County to Quaker parents, the BF Sally, then known as Helen Gould Beck, spent her youth in Kansas City. There, the youngster determined that she would become a ballerina, and by age thirteen, she had made her stage debut at the Empress Theater. She studied ballet in Kansas City before enrolling at Christian College in Columbia in 1922. A lack of money forced Rand to abandon college, although the school granted her an honorary degree in 1956. With high aspirations, she moved to Hollywood in 1923 to pursue dancing. She initially worked as a stagehand and eventually landed small parts in movies but was never in great demand as an actress. Struggling, the performer changed her name to Sally Rand after she picked up a Rand- McNally atlas while in Kansas City. To survive the Great Depression, Rand developed an act that would set her apart from others—and make her a world-famous sex symbol. Rand's big break came in 1933 when she stole the show with her fan dancing routine at the Chicago World's Fair. Here began the AF life of Sally Rand. As the most exciting performer at the fair, Rand dazzled audiences while dancing behind white feather fans to Claude Debussy's Clair de Lune. Her first day's performance resulted in four arrests for indecent exposure. Undaunted, she defended her act as an art and an illusion rather than indecency. The public, including Missouri Governor Forrest Smith, obviously agreed. After Missouri State Fair officials contracted with Rand to perform at the 1951 fair, a group opposing the act attempted to stop the show. The governor, after seeing Rand dance, declared that no part of the performance was lewd or indecent and allowed her to perform. Attendance jumped 32 percent over previous years, with Rand's act eclipsing the standard headliner events. During her long career, the petite fan dancer performed in all fifty states and sev- State Historical Society of Missouri eral foreign countries. In addition to the fans, Rand also marketed her personality and endurance. Known for such one-liners as "the Rand is quicker than the eye," "bare­ foot up to my chin," and "I think the fans cover the situation," Rand made herself eas­ ily accessible to the press and the public. While on tour, she suggested that a Sally Rand salad—one without dressing—be added to restaurant menus. Age never slowed Rand. Seeing no need to retire due to her desire and excellent physical condition, she once quipped: "What in heaven's name is strange about a grand­ mother dancing nude? I'll bet lots of grand­ mothers do it." Until her death in 1979 at the age of seventy-five, this exotic dancer toured forty weeks a year.