The Jewish Basis of Early Christian Liturgy the Evolution of Christian Liturgy and Its Relationship with Jewish Liturgy Is a Co
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The Jewish Basis of Early Christian Liturgy The evolution of Christian liturgy and its relationship with Jewish liturgy is a complex issue. stood.1 Such elements include the names of temple functionaries, such as readers, lectors, levites, and singers indicate appropriation from the temple liturgy not the synagogue, which. at the time was in a stage of development and consisted of scripture readings, with the Shema and Amidah. The fact that these names do not occur in New Testament texts, suggests they were taken from the Hebrew Bible later date. The elements from the Temple services retained in Christian liturgy include ceremonial actions such as processions and prostrations, and the antiphonal nature of prayers. The Talmud (Y. Sanh. 29c) records that when the temple was destroyed, there were twenty-four kinds of Judaism.2 It was in this climate that Christianity started out as another expression of Judaism. In addition, there was a wide overlapping between church and synagogue on the level of popular piety as well as in the official stance, at least until the end of the fourth century.3 Popular practice did not always reflect the official stance, as the frequent repetition of prohibitions concerning judaising practices in church canons and laws in the Theodosian Code indicates. There was a wide range of differences in the eastern churches, which tended to hold to more Judaic practices, more than it the western churches, as Church Council documents make clear. Christianity was a kind of Judaism, initially, which like that of the DSS sectarians, and the Samaritans, that did not accept the oral Torah, which became enshrined in the Mishnah, Talmuds, and Midrash from 200CE 4 Marianne Dacy 22 June 2013 Full Version p107 Like every new religion, Christianity developed stage by stage. In its first years its development was extremely fast. Christianity had already [in the first century] spread not only among Palestinian Jews, but also among Jews in the Diaspora.5 The written torah which Christians generally call the Old Testament (Tanakh) was retained. The New Testament, was added to the Scriptures that were accepted by the Christian Church. The Jewish scholar David Flusser held that John’s Gospel and the Epistle to the Hebrews, as well as some other New Testament Epistles, represent a second stratum of Christianity, as against the first one, that of Jesus and his disciples. He demonstrated that the first stratum of Christianity had special affinities with rabbinic Judaism, whereas he saw the second stratum, to which Paul belonged, as being influenced by the Essenes and their world view. Not all would agree. Through channels that are unknown to us, this Essene group appears also to have influenced Hellenistic Jewry in Asia Minor and other countries. According to Flusser’s view, these Hellenistic circles were an important factor in the later disengagement of Christianity from Judaism.6 Marianne Dacy 22 June 2013 Full Version p108 It could be assumed that Jewish converts, would have retained some Jewish practices practises elements of the Judaism they had known before becoming Christian. At the same time, in becoming Christian, they were subscribing to many Christian practices that were derived from Judaism. Again, converts of non-Jewish origin also would have imported their world views into Christianity. This would have contributed to a variety of forms in the Christian stance. In addition, what Flusser identifies as the Essene world view may rather have been the ground milieu that influenced Essene thought and the thought patterns of other groups, including Christianity. Other elements were added to Christian liturgy that reflected the increasingly gentile background of its converts who soon outnumbered those of Jewish origin, and also suffered from the fall of the Jerusalem Temple, a catastrophic event for Judaism and the emerging Jewish Christians . Added to this phenomena was the fact that the Christian expulsion from the synagogue apparently was not effected at least until after Gamaliel II’s activities at Yabneh, thus allowing almost two-thirds of a century of Christian liturgical development within a Jewish milieu.7 Again, how much is literal history and how much is an idealised version of what was happening during this time of great upheaval is unknown. The elements that were absorbed into Christian worship evidently sprang from this period of disturbance and change as well as from a common biblical heritage.8 Early Christian rituals and liturgical practices described in the New Testament or in the Church Fathers, are similar to practices in both the early and later Jewish mainstream and sectarian rites.9 Marianne Dacy 22 June 2013 Full Version p109 It is clear in hindsight that during the Second Commonwealth period (first century CE) there was a decline in sacrificial ritual (only carried out in the Jerusalem Temple) and it was being replaced by synagogue prayer and liturgy as well as by rituals within the home. It was the Sadducees, whose lives and destinies were closely bound up with the Temple, who fell from positions of power with the destruction of the temple, losing their income from the sacrificial offerings and their status as priests serving in the Temple or ministers. The Pharisees, by transplanting the rituals of the temple to the home, had helped to free the later sages from the necessity of offering sacrifices, and prepared the way for the reforms that rabbinic Judaism needed to adapt to life without the Jerusalem Temple. At the same time, rabbinic Judaism continued to cherish the memory of the temple and details of sacrificial ritual were remembered and preserved in rabbinic literature. In addition, the writers of the scrolls found at Qumran already had developed liturgies and a world view to compensate for the lack of a temple, since these sectarians regarded the Jerusalem priesthood as corrupt (descendants of the Hasmoneans) and the Jerusalem Temple consequently as being polluted.10 They ceased to be connected to t he Jerusalem Temple a couple of centuries before tis destruction. We have indications of this in the Damascus Document and other sectarian litrerure of theirs. Marianne Dacy 22 June 2013 Full Version p110 A sizeable number of liturgical fragments from the Dead Sea Scrolls reveal an organised prayer ritual. This material from Qumran indicates that although the forms of Jewish prayer are thought to have been fluid at this time, it is clear that the building blocks of much of the future structure of Jewish prayer were already in place. Forms of blessings of the Amidah and the blessings of the Shema, as well as Sabbath liturgies, were already in evidence.11 These texts were not necessarly authoered by the Qumran convdnanterrs,b u wer plart of their liblrary. Talmon commented in 1960: Embedded in the scrolls and fragments...there appear to be scattered portions of a ‘Manual of Benedictions’, viz, a collection of blessings arranged according to the calendar, containing daily prayers side by side with festival prayers, after the manner of the mahazorta still used in the Syrian Church.12 His remarks have been vindicated in recent years with the publication of scrolls showing the practice of prayer at fixed times, public prayers, and prayers of fixed content.13 . Prayers in the Temple Marianne Dacy 22 June 2013 Full Version p111 Joseph Heinemann postulated that originally the temple cult proper was not accompanied by any oral form of prayer, but rather by a ‘sacramental silence’. He conceded that certain forms of songs and prayers that developed during the Second Temple belonged to the sphere of the popular cult, and were incidental to the sacrificial cult itself.14 It is likely that among the elements that appear to have transferred from the Second Temple to the synagogue, in addition to the Shema and a form of the Amidah, was the use of certain biblical psalms including the Hallel psalms (113–118), the recitation of the Decalogue as part of the Shema liturgy, versions of the poetic selihoth and hosha’noth, and certain rituals of the High Priest on the Day of Atonement.15 Other likely elements include the grace after meals and the priestly blessing.16 Heinemann also concluded that it is more probable that the synagogue service, with its characteristic combination of readings from the scriptures and prayers, evolved independently of the temple. These prayers were in the form of a series of berakhot. Moreover the new abodah of prayers was undoubtedly a novel conception, a new style of worship; had it been created in the Temple itself, it would of necessity have affected, and to some degree transformed, the entire abodah of the Temple itself.17 He held that even in the temple, these prayers possessed certain specific characteristics, such as the use of the Tetragrammaton. Other characteristics are the antiphonal or responsorial nature of most of these prayers, and the numerous and lengthy responses on the part of the people. Again the prayers were accompanied by certain ceremonial practices, such as processions, prostrations, and the sounding of the trumpet and shofar. Even in connection with these prayers, which were peripheral to the sacrificial cult, special tasks were assigned to the priests.18 Marianne Dacy 22 June 2013 Full Version p112 Daily Prayer It is evident that in the Second Temple period and the period following it, prayer in the synagogues was regarded as abodah (worship) in a manner analogous to the sacrificial cult. Thus, synagogue prayer was seen as complementing the temple sacrifices, the daily synagogue prayers, according to talmudic tradition, being instituted to correspond to the daily sacrifices (b. Ber. 26b). Synagogue worship traditionally dates from after the Babylonian exile in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah.