Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons

Sociology & Criminal Justice Faculty Publications Sociology & Criminal Justice

1999 Anomie, Deviant Behavior, and the Olympics Brian K. Payne Old Dominion University, [email protected]

Bruce L. Berg

Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/ sociology_criminaljustice_fac_pubs Part of the Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons, and the Sports Studies Commons

Repository Citation Payne, Brian K. and Berg, Bruce L., "Anomie, Deviant Behavior, and the Olympics" (1999). Sociology & Criminal Justice Faculty Publications. 15. https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/sociology_criminaljustice_fac_pubs/15 Original Publication Citation Payne, B. K., & Berg, B. L. (1999). Anomie, deviant behavior, and the Olympics. Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology, 27(2), 100-109.

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology & Criminal Justice at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology & Criminal Justice Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ANOMIE, DEVIANT BEHAVIOR, AND THE OLYMPICS

Brian K. Payne, Old Dominion University Bruce L. Berg, California State University at Long Beach

Abstract Criminal and deviant behavior is known to occur in all places, settings, and times. The Olympics, both_ Summer and ~inter, are not immune to deviant behavior. This paper focus­ es on the _spec1f1c types of d~v1ant and criminal acts arising out of the Olympic settings and the anomic factor~ tha_t possibly le~d t~ deviance in this particular arena. The way that ath­ letes are confor~1sts_, innovators, ritual 1st~, and retreatists is considered along with the way that norm confusion influences the Olympic event. Also considered is the role of norm sat­ ~ration in confusing the way actors interpret appropriate behavior in this setting. Implica­ tions are provided. INTRODUCTION 1992), and attacking other athletes Every four years athletes gather togeth­ (Smolowe 1994). er and compete for what is likely the pin­ Previous research has addressed various nacle of a sport career-a gold medal in reasons why deviance is found in various the Olympics. The Olympics have changed types of sports. These reasons include economically, politically, and socially since political economy (Eitzen 1988), socializa­ the original Olympics in ancient times tion, (Forsyth, Marckese 1993), flawed (Mollins 1992, p. 58). Even so, accusations character traits, use of alcohol, peer pres­ of deviance regarding various aspects of sure, and thrill seeking (Snyder 1994 ). the Olympics are not a new phenomenon. Others suggest that a need to generate rev­ In fact, the ancient Olympics were elimi­ enue combined with "the ideological com­ nated in 393 A.D. by the Roman Emperor mitment to winning" contribute to Theodusius I because he believed they deviance in athletics (Frey 1994, p. 110). were a deviant Pagan ritual. Three years In this paper, this "ideological commit­ later, Theodlisius II ordered Olympia ment to winning" is also viewed as an destroyed "in an effort to eradicate anything important factor leading to deviance by non-Christian" (Poulakidas 1993, p. 37). athletes. The notion of commitment clear­ Sixteen hundred years later the ly relates to the concept of anomie. The Olympics and the participants in the way that anomic conditions provide a set­ Olympics are not immune to allegations of ting for the illicit actions is addressed in deviance. Indeed, accusations of misdeeds this paper. Through this discussion we and inappropriate actions continue to be hope to provide some general understand­ thrown at Olympic athletes as we enter the ing about deviance in the Olympics, and in 21st century. A non-exhaustive list of the other settings for that matter. deviant acts Olympic athletes have been accused of committing includes: gender Anomie misrepresentation (Brown 1992; Lemon­ Anomie is a concept from which differ­ ick 1992), professionals posing as ama­ ent theoretical perspectives have evolved teurs (Lucas 1980; Benjamin 1992; Starr that potentially explains much of the 1993; Gorman 1994), steroid use (Ludwig deviance related to the Olympics. Derived 1976; Blackwell 1991; Noden 1991; from the Greek word 'a nomos' (meaning Noden 1992; Nemeth 1993; Connolly without norms or normlessness), anomie 1994 ), blood doping (Ludwig 1976; Test­ was first introduced by Emile Durkheim ing Problems 1992; Williams 1996), vio­ who originally used the term to refer to lating event rules (Kanin 1981; Morris deregulation, and a weakening of social 1992), maintaining citizenship (Noden controls (Williams, McShane 1994 ). Since Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 101 then, the concept has been interpreted at event. Indeed, very few will experience least three different ways: 1) anomie as strain between their goals and means. difficulty in achieving goals; 2) anomie as Those who do may be seen as reflecting norm saturation; and, 3) anomie as confu­ one of the other modes of adaptation sion of particular norms. (Martin, Mutch­ described by Merton. nick, Austin 1990). The following Innovator. Athletes who commit illegal describes how these interpretations may acts to enhance performance and come apply to deviance in the Olympics. closer to victory can be regarded as inno­ vators in Merton's typology. Innovators are Anomie in Achieving Goals those who accept the goals of society but Though Durkheim was the first to apply reject the legitimate means to attain the the concept of anomie to society, Merton goals. Innovators want to become a part of broadened the concept to describe strain history at the Olympics but do not want to between a person's goals and the means to do so by playing by the rules. Such aspira­ attain those goals. In particular, he "rede­ tions and practices often start at an early fined anomie as a disjuncture (or split) age. Skolnick (1996) notes that grade between those goals and means as a result school children have been encouraged "to of the way society is structured, for exam­ take prescription diuretics such as ple, with class distinctions" (Williams, furosemide (Lasix) prior to weigh-ins to McShane 1994, p. 88). As well, Merton enable them to compete against children in (1938) suggested that society prescribes a lower weight class" (p. 348). both goals, and the means to attain the For athletes, the problem that arises is goals, to its members. If individuals are that the orientation to "win" can be able to attain goals through legitimate described as representing a "strain towards means, then no problem exists. However, if anomie" (Merton 1938) and effected by individuals are not able to attain their one's "life chances" (e.g., the possibility of goals, then strain (or anomie) develops being born a natural athlete with amazing between the goals and the means outlined physical and athletic abilities, or into a in Table 1. The individual is forced to family where even minor talent can be adapt to the "anomie" resulting from this trained-expensively-into something contradiction. Merton's typology is useful more). Further, one can argue that many of in explaining many of the deviant acts that the misdeeds committed by athletes arise Olympians are accused of committing. as a result of the emphasis placed on win­ ning and subsequently being "the best." TABLE ONE Recall Frey's ( 1994, p. 110) notion that Merton's Modes of Adaptation "the ideological commitment to winning" contributes to deviance by athletes. As one author notes, "Olympic athletes are driven ADAPTATION GOALS MEANS by many things: a lust for fame, the hunger Conformist Accept Accept for money, or just the elemental desire to Innovator Accept Reject be the best" (Phillips 1992, p. 51 ). Ritualist Reject Accept Those athletes who use prohibited sub­ Retreatist Reject Reject stances can be described as innovators. Rebel Reject/Replace Reject/Replace Prohibited substances include stimulants, narcotics, anabolic agents, peptides, Conformist. Based on media reports, diuretics, and glycoprotein hormones most Olympians are conformists who (Catlin, Murray 1996). Reasons the sub­ accept the goals, and means by which they stances are used vary. Some Olympic ath­ can attain the goals. Their goals are to do letes use steroids to increase their mass, their best, win a gold medal. but to do it by strength, and durability. Some reports indi­ working hard and training for the Olympic cate that steroid use may increase the mus- 102 Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology cle mass of weightlifters 16% (Ludwig mance-enhancing drugs to level the playing 1976). Although scientific reports do not field (Catlin, Murray 1996, p. 235). substantiate such claims, users nonetheless Instances of blood doping are also relat- tend to view the potential impact of ed to the innovator. Blood doping involves steroids in a positive light. Such percep­ "taking an athlete's blood out of her or his tions undoubtedly impact many athletes' veins, keeping it refrigerated while the decisions to partake in steroid use, using body replaces the missing blood, and ... illegitimate means to attain their goals. injecting the blood back into the system so Phillips (1992) describes one athlete's bat­ that the athlete has a reserve of strength tle with steroids: and oxygen" (Ludwig 1976, p. 21-22). In 1985, when Hannamann was 17, his These actions increase red blood cell mass trainer gave him tiny blue pills containing a and increase the amount of oxygen given daily dose of five milligrams of oral turin­ to the muscle (Catlin, Murray 1996). Prac­ abol, a steroid. "I knew it was illegal, but tices started in the military during WWII everybody was taking them," says Hanne­ and moved to the Olympic arena in the mann, now 24 and a sports reporter ... " I was seventies (Williams 1996). In past terrifically motivated~! was 17 and I want­ Olympic events, athletes were accused of ed to be a world star. The trainers said you needed the pills for that five-percent edge injecting their own blood into their bodies that makes you a champion (p. 51). and today they are accused of injecting engineered blood. Blood doping became Ben Johnson, perhaps the most well an issue when ten Dutch and Belgian known Olympic athlete who tested posi­ cyclists died of sudden heart attacks when tive for steroid use at the 1988 Olympic they were supposedly at their best physical games, most likely perceived the benefits level (Testing Problems 1992, p. 32). No of steroid use and gave little attention to one knows whether blood doping caused the negative aspects associated with the their premature deaths, but many suspect it drug. Because of the positive test results, played a role. It was not until several U.S. Johnson was banned for life from track cyclists admitted to blood doping during meets. He, of course, is not alone. Recent­ the 1984 Olympics that blood doping was ly, East German swim coaches admitted actually listed as a banned substance that they gave steroids to world-class (Catlin, Murray 1996). The reason the swimmers in the 1970s and 1980s (Noden cyclists doped their blood was to gain an 1992) edge in attaining their goals. Clearly, blood Again, the desire to become a champion doping is an example of the innovator (and win) is set forth as the reason for mode. using the drug. The "Olympic innovator" Cases where the athletes' coaches or is also described by Catlin and Murray parents engage in illegitimate means in (1996) who write: order to win are also examples of the inno­ It is partly a function of the sport, but vator mode. In particular, it has been chances are that the athlete began his or her argued by some commentators that the climb to elite status while young. It is likely strict regimentation and discipline coaches that he or she has had to forsake many other provide-especially among female gym­ aspects such as the development of other tal­ nasts- is a form of child abuse (Press ents, a rich social life, and education to per­ 1992). The training athletes undertake fect their athletic abilities. At some point exceeds that which the average person's along this arduous climb, perhaps after exercise routine requires. Tofler et al many years of effort, the athlete may dis­ (1996) note that the training of female cover that his or her competitors hold an advantage based on their willingness to use gymnasts starts at a very early age (5 to 7) performance-enhancing drugs .... fsome] find and "most are usually injured during train­ themselves feeling compelled to use perfor- ing and performance and many are encour- Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 103 aged to continue performing with the Olympics, ritualism applies to those ath­ injury" (p. 281). Tofler et al (1996) go on letes who still work out, keep practicing, to suggest that many athletes develop eat­ invest time, energy, and money (e.g., the ing disorders in an attempt to remain as legitimate means) despite the fact that they small as possible. fail to reach the goal of winning ( or even When investigative reporters or competing in the Olympics). According to researchers learn about training programs, Merton, ritualists arc deviant but not crim­ they sound nearly torturous. For instance, inal. during the 1992 Olympic games many Retreatist. Retreatists are those who allegations of child abuse filtered through reject the goals and reject the means. the media. These charges of abuses against Applying this mode to Olympic athletes young female gymnasts never got further requires that we look at the athletes' emo­ than the media. Interestingly, conceptual­ tions after participating in the Olympics. In izations of child abuse rarely consider particular, one author has described to potential abuses inflicted on young people "post-Olympic blues" to capture the feel­ who are employed in 'adult occupations' ings of depression that some athletes expe­ (i.e. athletics and the film industry). rience after the Olympics (Plummer 1996). Indeed, there seems barely any concern These feelings of depression are not about gymnasts who practice or exercise to always caused by the inability to attain states of exhaustion, or who develop life one's goals. In fact, there have been cases threatening eating disorders in an effort to where winning leads to depression. In maintain small size of their weight. these cases, it is believed that the fact that As another example of the innovator the athlete did not get what he or she mode, one might additionally consider the expected as a result of winning leads to financial crimes perpetrated against depression (Gallahan 1996; Springer, Starr Olympians when financial managers 1996). One athlete describes his retreating and/or parents (frequently one in the same) in the following way: "You train so hard misuse or misappropriate earnings from for a medal, you get it, then you wake up appearances or endorsements. Consider as and things haven't changed dramatically. an example, Dominique Moceanu, who You achieve that lofty goal, and then claimed that her parents (as financial man­ what?" (Goldberg 1996, p. 42). agers) squandered $4 million of her Retreatism might better explain adapta­ money, effectively everything in her trust tions at other sport levels. For instance, fund earned after her gold medal at the retreatism could apply to recreational 1996 Olympics (Becker 1998). In this sports. Consider the high school athletes case, her parents used illegitimate means who are successful when they are young to attain their financial goals. but do not compete as much once they Ritualist. Ritualists are those who do enter college. Later in life they drop out of not accept the goals but continue to abide organized sports to become "beer-belly" by the legitimate means. This mode of softball players who eventually give up on adaptation does not easily apply to competitive sports altogether. Thus, they Olympic athletes because the very nature reject the goals and the means. of their socialization involves the develop­ Rebellion. This adaptation involves ment of goals toward which they make instances where individuals "reject and every effort to attain (Catlin, Murray replace" the goals and the means to attain 1996). Ritualists do not necessarily reject the goals and is related to some deviant the goals, but arc unable to attain their acts by Olympic athletes. The U.S. hockey goals while stubbornly holding on to using team's acts of vandalism against the hotel the means. Note that the goals of athlete room after their unexpected defeat seem to arc not the goals of society but are specific relate to this adaptation. Briefly, the trans­ to athletes (winning). In the context of the gressors felt anger at their loss ( or anomie) 104 Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology and took out their feelings on the hotel that an abundance of norms could cause room. Or, they rebelled against the rules. norm confusion. However, when faced Rebellion also applies to athletes who with a large volume of rules one is likely to not only give up on the goals and means of become somewhat daunted if not con­ the Olympics but do something else in fused. As a graphic example, consider the hope of revolutionizing the way we think complexity of instructions that frequently about sports. Some would argue that the accompany "do-it-yourself' office equip­ Xtreme sports athletes and underground ment such as desks, bookcases, and the cultures of hardcore skateboarders and like. Many people experience considerable surfers fit this category. Indeed, they are confusion in the anomic situation of trying rejecting typical sports events and replac­ to figure out the pages of instructions­ ing the events with their own activities. usually depicted as pictures, rather than Acts of terrorism against athletes can written instructions in language. The rem­ also be seen as relating to the retreatist edy for many people experiencing such mode. Until the recent bombing of Centen­ anomic situations is simply to ignore the nial Park in Atlanta, when discussing instructions and sequence, and fabricate crime and the Olympics, the 1972 Olym­ the item on their own-in short, violate the pics was perhaps the example cited most rules. often. After holding eleven members of the At the Olympics, if there are too many Israeli Olympic team hostage, the Pales­ rules confronting the athletes, and some of tine Liberation Organization shot and these rules seem to exist simply for the killed each hostage (Doctorow 1994, p. sake of having rules, they may be taken 60). Doctorow ( 1994) writes: "Internation­ less seriously than desired by the govern­ al games are a precise gauge of interna­ ing committee. Because some of the rules tional relations" (p. 65). On a related level, may be seen as futile, the athlete may be Krantz (1996) notes that the Atlanta attack unsure as to which rules will be enforced destroyed "whatever innocence remained and which will not. Thus, too many rules of the Olympic games" (p. 25). The politi­ might lead to rule breaking on the part of cal nature of these crimes is clear. The the athlete, as he or she becomes daunted Olympics provide a setting where terrorists and confused by the volume of trivial or are able to accomplish their perceived confusing rules. For instance, Morris goals and gain worldwide attention. (1992) notes that among other rules, there are rules describing how golfers can swing Anomie as Confusion of Norms and the putter, that polo players must be right Anomie as Norm Saturation handed, that table tennis players cannot Martin et al. (1990) suggest that too wear white shirts, and that yellow balls many rules leads to confusion among cannot be used in indoor volleyball. members of a society or culture. Specifi­ Though some of these rules may be war­ cally, they write: "[T]he problem is not so ranted given the nature of the specific com­ much with an absence of norms as it is petition, the fact is that too many rules may with the difficulty in assimilating a multi­ be more problematic than helpful. tude of rules or norms" (p. 56-57.) That As another example of norm confusion, there is likelihood that too many norms consider the case of Ross Rebagliati. After might cause confusion is related to deviant winning the gold for snowboarding in acts committed by Olympic athletes. 1996, Rebagliati tested positive for mari­ The exact number of rule violations at juana and lost the gold medal. He claimed the Olympics is unknown. It seems clear, that he had not used marijuana in months however, that the majority of the athletes and that the amount found in his system are aware of the rules guiding their events. was the result of second hand smoke from It might appear, on the surface, unlikely his friends sulking over the death of a Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 105 friend. Experts claimed that there was no To combat the potential problems stem­ way that second hand smoke would lead to ming from gender misrepresentation and the amount found in Rebagliati's blood. to prevent men from masquerading as Eventually, the IOC returned the gold female athletes, the International Olympic medal and the victory to him. However, the Committee started gender tests in 1966. IOC's decision was not overturned because The first tests involved the female athletes they believed his argument about second standing nude in front of a group of gyne­ hand smoke. Instead, "Under Olympic cologists who would certify the athletes as rules, marijuana is banned only if the female. This demeaning and controversial sport's governing body says it is" (Chidley, method changed in 1968 to a theoretically Hunter 1998, p. 42). Since the Federation "more scientific chromosome test" of International du Ski never banned mari­ (Lemonick 1992, p. 65). juana, the substance could not be banned Polymerase Chromosome Reaction from snowboarders. Snowboard supporters (PCR) gender verification tests are current­ were pessimistic about the IOC's norm ly given to the female Olympic athletes. confusion. One said, "Thanks to an idiotic Although chromosome tests have been mistake made by the IOC, snowboarding's used to determine an athlete's gender for debut is going to be remembered as the nearly three decades, the actual purpose year those wacky pot smokers invaded the and effectiveness of the tests is question­ Olympics, not as the year snowboarding able (Grady 1992, p. 78). Proponents of athletes showed the world an amazing new chromosome tests include Bernard Din­ sport" (Galbraith 1998). geon, the individual in charge of gender Tied into this rule making process is the verification at the Albertville Winter rationale for a governing body's develop­ Olympic Games. He praises PCR as ment of specific rules. In particular, if a opposed to medical examinations, suggest­ governing body fears it is losing control, it ing that the medical examinations would will implement and enforce laws in an be too costly (Dingeon 1993). attempt to prevent chaos (e.g. anomie). In contrast, Simpson et al (1993) point The result, however, is that the implemen­ out that the chromosome tests have an tation and enforcement of the rules leads inherent potential for an insufficient false­ to, rather than prevents, chaos. Consider positive rate. They point out that an error the example of gender misrepresentation, rate of 1 % (as indicated by supporters of which entails males posing as females in PCR gender verification) would potential­ order to gain a competitive edge over com­ ly eliminate 6 female athletes each time the petitors. test were administered to all of the female Concerns about gender misrepresenta­ Olympic athletes (I 993, p. 358). tion can be traced to Dora Ratien who fin­ Maria Jose Martinez Patino, a Spanish ished fourth place in the women's high hurdler, was one such false positive at the jump in the 1936 Olympics held in Berlin. World University Games held in Kobe, Two decades later, the world learned that Japan, in 1985. Patino is but one of a hand­ Dora Ratien was actually Herman Ratien. ful of women who fail the chromosome Ratien indicated that he was ordered by his test each year due to chromosome anom­ superiors to participate as a female (Ulti­ alies. After being certified as female, they mate Olympic Test 1992, p. 16). As one are given certificates they can present to might expect, most cases of gender mis­ officials at the games and avoid subsequent representation involve males posing as tests. Patino forgot her certificate and was females in hopes of exercising biological eliminated from the competition (Lemon­ superiority and increasing chances of vic­ ick 1992, p. 65). Part of the error rate tory. includes a bias that is built into PCR gen­ der verification. Specifically, the test 106 Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology excludes females who have Turner's Syn­ might border on the extreme. On the other drome-a condition describing women hand, it is possible that some of the acts are who have a single X chromosome (rather more common than some may think. Voy than two) (Brown 1992, p. 13). ( 1991) for example has accused the IAAF An International Amateur Athletic of covering up positive drug tests. In par­ Foundation (IAAF) panel has stated that ticular, he writes: "[I]f by chance, my drug the false positive can "wreck a woman's testing crew were able to detect an elite mental health" and destroy an athlete's athlete's drug use, there still seemed to be emotional stability (Ultimate Olympic Test enough loopholes in the protective testing 1992, p. 16). Stephenson (1996) notes that program to allow the athlete to get off the the tests "have the potential for causing hook with little problem" (p. 106). Based great psychological harm for women who, on his views about the flaws of testing sometimes unknowingly, have certain dis­ Olympic athletes for drugs, Voy (1991) orders of sexual differentiation" (p. 177). makes a number of recommendations that Negative treatment towards females in would reduce the amount of drug use by sports has been linked to a desire to pre­ athletes and increase the efficiency of the vent their participation in athletics testing programs. We contend that similar (Kunesh, Hasbrook, Lewthwaite 1992). recommendations would be useful to deal Because of this, the IAAF now uses a ver­ with all of the deviant acts of which ath­ sion of the original method in that a doctor letes have been accused. The model Voy takes a quick look at the athletes' genitals (1991) advocated included the following: during a routine physical (Lemonick 1992, 1) Lay down the law; 2) Improve research; p. 65). Through this technique, the false 3) Change attitudes; 4) Initiate better test­ positives will be eliminated and only those ing procedures; 5) Involve the right people; who are obviously misrepresenting their 6) Change authority; and, 7) Implement gender will be eliminated from events the plan. Each of these elements seem to sponsored by the IAAF (Brown 1992). It is imply that Olympic athletes are rational interesting to note that while the tests have actors and that awareness about laws, prac­ been in effect since 1966, there have not tices, and changes in policies will reduce been any substantiated documented cases the likelihood of deviance by these ath­ of men masquerading as women (Ultimate letes. Based on this, it seems important that Olympic Test 1992, p. 16). Because of this, the role of education as it relates to anomie some say that the tests are basically useless and deviant acts by the Olympiad becomes (Stephenson 1996). The high rate of false of significant import. positives combined with the negligible Indeed, if anomie contributes to success rate brings into question the use­ deviance, then increased understanding on fulness of the chromosome tests. Or, it various levels should be a useful tool to seems that confusion has arisen from the minimize the likelihood of deviant acts. In development of additional rules. Nonethe­ other words, educating various actors less, the IOC still uses the chromosome about the rules and risks of criminal or tests. deviant behavior should help alleviate the problem. Education efforts should be Concluding Remarks directed toward athletes, fans, potential The preceding discussion focused on offenders, and policy makers. Educating deviance in the Olympics. Of central con­ the athlete should include efforts of coach­ cern was whether anomie theory can be es, family members, and trainers. At the used to address Olympic deviance. On the same time though, the "educators" must be one hand, it seems as if few athletes made aware of the consequences of the engage in these acts and some of the con­ illicit actions. Skolnick (1996) quotes one trol exerted over the athletes by the IOC athletic trainer who said that he helps par- Free lnquily in Creative Sociology Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 107 ents obtain prescription diuretics for their Third, increased understanding about children "and defended the practice as deviance in the Olympics equates to safer than vomiting or enemas to 'make increased understanding about deviance in weight"' (p. 348). Clearly, not all parents general. Fourth, understanding why crimes and coaches would encourage this behav­ are committed against athletes and fans ior. That some do, however, is trouble­ will provide the boundaries to minimize some. future risk. Fifth, since criminal and Athletes must also come to realize that deviant acts by Olympic athletes are rela­ expectations placed on them are typically tively rare as compared to the illicit acts of too high, and that strain (e.g. anomie) will other athletes (i.e. professionals), finding occur should they focus too much on those out what it is about the Olympian that expectations. Past Olympic skating cham­ decreases likelihood of malfeasance could pion Scott Hamilton stated: "Olympic ath­ shed some light on ways to decrease illicit letes are expected to live up to a higher actions in other groups as well. Finally, ideal, to remain pure" (Smolowe 1994, p. through examinations of such phenomena, 61). Interestingly, based upon reports in a more in-depth understanding of the the media, deviance by Olympic athletes dynamic relationship existing between the seemed to be lower than deviance by other different systems in society (i.e. political, athletes. This suggests that understanding social, educational, economic, and legal) why most Olympic athletes do not commit and the Olympics will be provided. deviant acts may help explain why other athletes do engage in such behavior. WORKS CITED Our purpose in this paper was not to Becker, D 1998 Olympian flees parents, suggest that anomie theory is the only the­ sues to become adult USA Today Oct ory that explains deviance in the Olympics. 22, 1,1 lC Indeed, several other theoretical approach­ Benjamin, D 1992 Prov amateur Time July es might be just as useful to serve as a 27, 140(4) 64-5 guide in understanding these sort of acts. Blackwell, J 1991 Discourses on drug use However, given the nature and breadth of Journal of Drug Issues 21 174-85 anomie theory, we believe it is a good Brown, W 1992 Sex-test confusion could point at which social scientists can begin create havoc at Olympics New Scientist their approach to building a better under­ Jan 18, 133(1804) 14 standing about deviance and the Olympic Callahan, G 1996 Don't look now Sport's athlete. Illustrated July 1, 85(1 ):44-7 Relatively speaking, empirical social Catlin, DH, TH Murray 1996 Perfor­ science research on crime and deviance mance-enhancing drugs, fair competi­ and the Olympics is noticeably scarce. tion, and Olympic sport Journal of the However, the role that athletics and the American Medical Association 276 Olympics play in our social arena cannot 231-38 be overlooked. In fact, there are six practi­ Chidley, J, J Hunter 1998 Counterculture cal reasons why social scientists should hero Maclean's Feb 23, 111(8) 42-3 continue to examine deviance in this arena. Connolly, P 1994 Removing the essence of First, Olympic athletes are in the public man from women's athletics New York eye and information on their misdeeds are Tzmes Oct 2, 144(8) 13 generally available to the social scientist. Dingeon, B 1993 Gender verification and Second, because such examinations are the next Olympic games Journal of the retrospective, there is no reason to expect American Medical Association 269 that scientific observation impacts the ath­ 357-58 lete's actions. That is, problems associated Doctorow, EL 1994 After the nightmare with the Hawthorne effect are negligent. Sports Illustrated July 25, 81 (4) 60-7 108 Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology

Drugs, Crime and the Justice System: A Morris, S 1992 Be a Sport Omni 14(10): National Report from the Bureau of Jus­ 30 tice Statistics 1992 Washington DC: US Nemeth, M 1993 Ben Johnson faces a life­ Government Printing Office time ban from track Maclean 's March Durkheim, E 1897 Suicide New York: Free 15, 106 (11) 18-9 Press Noden, M 1992 Nowhere to run Spans Eitzen, S 1988 Conflict theory and Illustrated April 13, 76(14) 14 deviance in sport International Review --- 1991 Setting the records straight for the Sociology of Sport 23 193-204 Sports Illustrated December 16, 75(26): Forsyth, CJ, TA Marckese 1993 Thrills and 138 skills: A sociological analysis of Poach­ Phillips, Andrew 1992 A haunted past ing Deviant Behavior 14 157-72 Maclean 's 105(30) 51-3 Frey, JH 1994 Deviance of organization Plummer, W 1996 Degrees of difficulty subunits: The case of college athletic People Weekly July 22, 46(4) 61-2 departments Journal of Sports and Poulakidas, Kostas. 1993. "Olympia." Social Issues 18 110-112 Europe 327: 37. Galbraith, J. 1998 Dazed and confused Press, A 1992 Old too soon, wise too late? Time Feb 23, 151(7) 78-79 Newsweek Aug 10 120(6) 22-5 Goldberg, K 1996 Olympian dives in Simpson, JL, A Ljungqvist, A de la defense of '92 gold Insight on News Chapelle, MA Ferguson-Smith, M July 17, 12(23) 42-43 Gene!, AS Carlson, AA Ehrhardt, and E Goode, Erich 1999 Drugs in American Ferris 1993 Reply to gender verification Society 5th ed McGraw-Hill: Boston and the next Olympic games Journal of Gorman, J 1994 The Name of the Game: the American Medical Association 269 The Business of Sports NY: John Wiley 357-58 and Sons Skolnick, AA 1996 Tougher drug tests for Kanin, DB 1981 A Political History of the centennial Olympic games Journal of Olympic Games Boulder, Colorado: the American Medical Association 275 Westview 348-49 Krantz, M 1996 The fire last time Time Smolowe, J 1994 The slippery saga of August 5, 148(7) 25 Tonya Harding Time Feb 14, 143(7) 60- Kunesh, MA, CA Hasbrook, R Lewthwaite 1 1992 Physical activity socialization: Snyder, EE 1994 Interpretations and expla­ Peer Interactions and affective respons­ nations of deviance among college ath­ es among a sample of sixth grade girls letes: A case study Sociology of Sport Sociology of Sport Journal 9 385-396 Journal 11 231-48 Lemonick, M 1992 Gender test comes Springer, K, M. Starr 1996 Ups and downs under fire Time Feb 24, 139(8) 65 Newsweek June 24, 127(26) 72-4. Ludwig, J 1976 Five Ring Circus: The Starr, M 1993 Dear pros Newsweek Jan 25, Montreal Olympics Garden City, NJ: 121(4) 54 Doubleday Stephenson, J 1996 Female Olympians' Martin, R, RJ Mutchnick, WT Austin 1990 sex tests outmoded Journal of the Criminological Thought: Pioneers, Past American Medical Association 276 and Present New York: Macmillan 177-8 Merton, R 1938 Social Structure and Testing problems rais~ fears about blood Anomie American Sociological Review doping at Olympics 1992 Medical 3 672-82 World News 33(7) 32-33 Mollins, C 1992 Whose games are they? The Ultimate Olympic test 1992 US News Maclean 's Feb 3, 105 (5): 58-9 and World Report February 24, 112(7) 16 Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Volume 27, No. 2, November 1999 109

Tofler, IR, BK Stryer, LJ Micheli, LR Her­ Williams, MH 1996 Ergogenic Aids: A man 1996 Physical and emotional prob­ Means to Citius, Altius, Fortius, and lems of elite female gymnasts The New Olympic Gold? Research Quarterly for England Journal of Medicine 35 281- Exercise and Sport 67: 58-64 284 Voy, R 1991 Drugs, Sport, and Politics ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Champaign, IL: Leisure The authors would like to thank Randy Williams, FP, MD McShane 1994 Crimi­ Gainey and anonymous reviewers for their nological Theory 2nd ed Englewood input in developing this paper. Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall

INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF MODERN SOCIOLOGY INTERNATIONAL & REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY MODERN SOCIOLOGY MANUSCRIPTS should be submitted in duplicate and in acceptable form. REFERENCES and FOOTNOTES should be according to the FORMAT used in AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW. Style rnstruc­ INTERNATIONAL tion for gurdance rn preparing manuscrrpts will be provrded upon re­ JOURNAL OF quest to the EDITOR. SOCIOLOGY PROCESSING FEE of $25.00 must accompany each paper submitted e,ther to INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF MODERN SOCIOLOGY or IN­ OF THE FAMILY TERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY The manuscrrpts not accompanred by the fee will not be processed unlil the fee rs received by the EDITOR.

EDITORIAL OFFICE: Address correspondence on manuscripts. news and announcements. Mail to: Editor; Or Man S Das: Sociology Department: Northern Illinois Unrversrty: DeKalb lllinors 60115-2854 USA. BUSINESS OFFICE: Address corrspondence on subscrrptrons, change of address. renewals. advertis;ng. reprrnts of rndrvidual artrcles and permrssron to quote. Mail to. International Journals; PRINTS !NOIA. 11 DARYA GANJ; NEW DELHI 110002 INDIA SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Annual RS 200. $40; single issue RS 100, $20. Biannual MISSION: Both Journals are devoted to encourage cross-cultural. cross-natronal and rnter-d1sciplinary research and exchange of rnformatron concerning s1gnrfrcant developments in comparatrve sociology and sociology of marriage and the family. The 1ournals publish theoretical. methOdologrcal and empirical articles. book reviews. letters to the Editor. comments, re1rnnoers. annotated b1bl1ograph1es. news. and announcements.,