Jump-Starting the African Monetary Fund
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Safety Net for Africa: Towards an African Monetary Fund?
Robert Triffin International A watch on the international financial and monetary system A SAFETY NET FOR AFRICA: TOWARDS AN AFRICAN MONETARY FUND? Dominique De Rambures, Alfonso Iozzo, Annamaria Viterbo After the Second World War, the establishment of the United Nations was completed, in the financial area, with those of the IMF for financing the balances of payments, and the World Bank for financing infrastructure and investment projects. The European Union has created the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) for financing the member States who are dealing with payment problems, which can be compared to the IMF, and the EIB for financing the investment project which can be compared to the World Bank. China numerous entities for financing investments, such as the China Development Bank, Export-Import Bank, and many funds and development banks dedicated to a specific purpose such as the ABII (Asia Bank for Infrastructures and Investments) to support the OBOR policy (One Belt One Road, i.e. the New Silk Roads). Beyond their aim of financing investments, China uses these financial organizations and others such as the sovereign fund, China Investment Corp., and the state banks, for buying government bonds to countries such as Greece and Portugal during the 2008 crisis, that are dealing with payment problems. The African Development Bank grants loans to finance infrastructure and investment projects, but Africa has no financial institution such as the IMF or the ESM. Why should Africa build up a financial institution of this kind while the Africain countries have so far called upon the IMF for their financial needs? - the IMF does initiate a financial package but does not provide the whole amount of funds needed. -
103 South-South Cooperation and the Changing Role Of
SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION AND THE CHANGING ROLE OF THE GULF STATES Kristian Coates Ulrichsen1 This article assesses the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) in the framework of South-South Cooperation. It charts the different phases of engagement between the Gulf States and other developing countries, and the shifting dynamics that underpinned them. These phrases demonstrated profound changes that reflected policymaking calibrations in response to domestic, regional and international catalysts. When read together, the internal and external forces that press upon the GCC States shape the analytical perspective of this article. Further, these internal and external pressures shaped the Gulf States’ contributions to South-South Cooperation, and framed the intra-regional and international realignments within which GCC engagements took place. The opening section examines the deeply entrenched historical dynamics that initially limited the Gulf States’ relationships with the Global South. These entrenched dynamics included the conservative leanings of their post- traditional systems of government and the Gulf States’ enmeshment in Western spheres of influence, politically and militarily. These shaped the international politics of the Gulf States and insulated their polities from many forces that swept the developing world during the 1950s and 1960s. This period, nevertheless, witnessed the countervailing beginnings of trans- national interconnections that bound the Gulf States to other developing nations, initially through the provision of overseas development assistance and the patronage of international Islamic organisations. In the 1980s and 1990s, these growing cross- border links became intermeshed with highly accelerated globalizing processes. Contemporaneously, the end of the Cold War facilitated normalization with China and post-communist states that transitioned to market economies. -
Legal Instruments – Adopted in Malabo – July 2014
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA P. O. Box 3243 Telephone: 517 700 Fax: 5130 36 website: www. www.au.int EXECUTIVE COUNCIL Twenty-Fifth Ordinary Session 20 - 24 June 2014 Malabo, EQUATORIAL GUINEA EX.CL/846(XXV) Original: English THE REPORT, THE DRAFT LEGAL INSTRUMENTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE SPECIALIZED TECHNICAL COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND LEGAL AFFAIRS EX.CL/846(XXV) Page 1 THE REPORT, THE DRAFT LEGAL INSTRUMENTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE SPECIALIZED TECHNICAL COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND LEGAL AFFAIRS 1. The First Meeting of the Specialised Technical Committee (STC) on Justice and Legal Affairs (former Conference of Ministers of Justice/Attorneys or Keepers of the Seal from Member States but now including Ministers responsible for issues such as human rights, constitutionalism and rule of law) was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 6 to 14 May 2014 (Experts) and 15-16 May 2014 (Ministers). 2. The First Ministerial Session of the STC was attended by thirty eight (38) Member States, two (2) AU Organs and one (1) Regional Economic Community (REC). 3. The purpose of the meeting was to finalize seven (7) Draft Legal Instruments prior to their submission to and adoption by the Policy Organs. 4. Consequently, the STC considered the following Draft Legal Instruments: a) Draft African Union Convention on Cross-border Cooperation (Niamey Convention); b) Draft African Charter on the Values and Principles of Decentralization, Local Governance and Local Development; c) Draft Protocol and Statute on the Establishment of the African Monetary Fund; d) Draft African Union Convention on Cyber-Security and Protection of Personal Data; e) Draft Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights; f) Draft Protocol to the Constitutive Act of the African Union on the Pan- African Parliament; and g) Draft Rules of Procedure of the Specialized Technical Committee (STC) on Justice and Legal Affairs. -
Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development (AFESD) Arab
GULF CO- OPERATION COUNCIL ( GCC) 73 Official language: English. exploiting these resources on scientific bases; to increase agricultural Headquarters: PO Box 4222, Kathmandu, Nepal. productive efficiency and achieve agricultural integration between Website: http://www.saarc-sec.org the Arab States and countries; to increase agricultural production Secretary-General: Arjun Bahadur Thapa (Nepal). with a view to achieving a higher degree of self-sufficiency; to facilitate the exchange of agricultural products between the Arab States and countries; to enhance the establishment of agricultural ventures and industries; and to increase the standards of living of the labour force engaged in the agricultural sector. Arab Fund for Economic and Organization. The structure comprises a General Assembly Social Development (AFESD) consisting of ministers of agriculture of the member states, an Executive Council, a Secretariat General, seven technical — Established in 1968, the Fund commenced operations in 1974. departments Food Security, Human Resources Development, Water Resources, Studies and Research, Projects Execution, Functions. AFESD is an Arab regional financial institution that Technical Scientific Co-operation, and Financial Administrative assists the economic and social development of Arab countries Department—and two centres—the Arab Center for Agricultural through: financing development projects, with preference given to Information and Documentation, and the Arab Bureau for overall Arab development and to joint Arab projects; encouraging Consultation and Implementation of Agricultural Projects. the investment of private and public funds in Arab projects; and providing technical assistance services for Arab economic and Members. Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, social development. Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria*, Tunisia, Members. -
Has Saudi Arabia Been a Positive Influence in the Middle East?
Has Saudi Arabia Been a Positive Influence in the Middle East? By Dr. John Duke Anthony Published: February 19, 2004 SUSRIS Editor’s Note: This article originally appeared in History in Dispute, Volume 14, The Middle East Since 1945, First Series by David W. Lesch, Editor. Available online at: http://susris.com/2004/02/19/has-saudi-arabia-been-a-positive-influence-in-the-middle-east/ Has Saudi Arabia Been a Positive Influence in the Middle East? By Dr. John Duke Anthony Published 19 February 2004 by the Saudi-U.S. Relations Information Service Has Saudi Arabia Been a Positive Influence in the Middle East? Viewpoint: Yes. Saudi Arabia has been successful in building up its infrastructure amid relative political stability and it has been a moderating influence in the region. Saudi Arabia is a one-of-a-kind country. Alone among the world’s 212 countries, the kingdom is the only one to have entered the international comity of nations in the twentieth century not out from under Western imperial rule. For the past seventy years it is unrivaled in being the United States’ longest-standing Arab ally. State revenues from the Saudi’s prodigious supplies of oil began in the late 1930s. However, these revenues were not large until following the oil embargo of 1973–1974, begun in conjunction with the October 1973 Arab-Israeli War. The Kingdom then entered an era of modernization and development unmatched by any other developing nation and, indeed, by few among the older, industrialized societies in any region. Beginning in the late 1960s, and against persistent advice from international consultants, Saudi leaders began adding a technologically advanced industrial base to its energy sector. -
Why Is the African Economic Community Important? Mr
House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations Hearing on “Will there be an African Economic Community?” January 9, 2014 Amadou Sy, Senior Fellow, Africa Growth Initiative, the Brookings Institution Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and Members of the Subcommittee, I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for convening this important hearing to discuss Africa’s progress towards establishing an economic community. I appreciate the invitation to share my views on behalf of the Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution. The Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution delivers high-quality research on issues of economic growth and development from an African perspective to better inform policy research. I have recently joined AGI from the International Monetary Fund’s where I led or participated in a number of missions to Africa over the past 15 years. Why is the African Economic Community Important? Mr. Chairman, before we start answering the main question, “Will there be an Africa Economic Community?” it is important to look at the reasons why a regionally integrated Africa is beneficial to African nations as well as the United States. In spite of its remarkable economic performance over the past decade, Africa needs to grow faster in order to transform its economy and create the resources needed to reduce poverty. Over the past 10 years, sub-Saharan Africa’s real GDP grew by 5.6 percent per year, a much faster rate than the world economy, which grew by 3.2 percent. At this rate of 5.6 percent, the region should double the size of its economy in about 13 years. -
Print This Article
ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. -
Bridging the Mediterranean: for an Enlarged, Comprehensive and Equitable Integration Between the Eu and Its Southern Neighbours
Policy Brief N. 109 BRIDGING THE MEDITERRANEAN: FOR AN ENLARGED, COMPREHENSIVE AND EQUITABLE INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE EU AND ITS SOUTHERN NEIGHBOURS Mondher Khanfir Head of the think tank “For a shared prosperity in Africa” Introduction The European Union (EU) cooperation treaties with the Southern Mediterranean Countries (SMCs) have grown in successive layers to become, over time, a comprehensive and multi-layered corpus comprising integration pacts in security, economy, environment and culture. Since 2003, a geopolitical concern gave birth to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP),1 which associates a broad spectrum of partner countries with the EU. Those countries are supposed to be selected on the basis of political stability and economic resilience criteria in order to accelerate their development by strengthening their ties with the EU. Therefore, the Euro- Mediterranean area encompasses a wide diversity of countries with different levels of development. 25 years after the Barcelona Declaration for a regional integration around the Mediterranean, the prosperity differential is still marked between the southern and northern shores, with a wide dispersion of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, from 1 The ENP comprises Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Egypt, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Moldova, Morocco, Palestine, Syria, Tunisia and Ukraine. Its aim is to strengthen prosperity, stability and security for all. 2 Bridging the Mediterranean: For an Enlarged, Comprehensive and Equitable Integration between the EU and its Southern Neighbours less than €3,000 to more than €100,000 as shown in figure 1. This partly explains the mistrust of the SMCs regarding the ENP, illustrated by the reluctance of some of them to endorse the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement.2 Figure 1. -
African Court of Justice
The ASSEMBLY is the African Union’s (AU’s) supreme organ and comprises Heads of State and Government from all Member States. It SUBSIDIARY ORGANS: determines the AU’s policies, establishes its priorities, adopts its annual program and monitors the implementation of its policies and THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL decisions. The Assembly’s mandate is to accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the African continent. The Assembly Committees reporting to the Council came into existence on 25 May 1963, as part of the ratification of Organization of African Unity (OAU). It consists of the 54 heads of state Permanent Representatives' Committee THE AU ASSEMBLY and government of the member countries, and meets once a year at the AU Summit. The Chairperson of the Assembly’s most important Specialized Technical Committees functions is to preside at the Pan-African Parliament during the election and swearing in of the President of the Pan-African Parliament. The Judicial And Human Rights Institutions current Chairman of the Assembly since January 2017 is President Alpha Conde of Guinea. The COMMISSION of the African Union acts as the executive/administrative branch or secretariat of the AU. It consists of a number of AU COMMISSION (CHAIR AND DIRECTORATES) Chairman of the Commission and Deputy| Commissioners dealing with different areas of policy. The Commission is headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The Commission's specific Conference and Publications| Peace and Security| AU COMMISSION functions, as set out in article 3 of the Commission -
Energy and Arab Economic Development
Arab Human Development Report Research Paper Series Energy and Arab Economic Development Bassam Fattouh & Laura El-Katiri United Nations Development Programme Regional Bureau for Arab States United Nations Development Programme Regional Bureau for Arab States Arab Human Development Report Research Paper Series 2012 Energy and Arab Economic Development Bassam Fattouh & Laura El-Katiri The Arab Human Development Report Research Paper Series is a medium for sharing recent research commissioned to inform the Arab Human Development Report, and fur- ther research in the field of human development. The AHDR Research Paper Series is a quick-disseminating, informal publication whose titles could subsequently be revised for publication as articles in professional journals or chapters in books. The authors include leading academics and practitioners from the Arab countries and around the world. The findings, interpretations and conclusions are strictly those of the authors and do not neces- sarily represent the views of UNDP or United Nations Member States. The present paper was authored by Bassam Fattouh* and Laura El-Katiri**. * Director of the Oil & Middle East Programme Oxford Institute for Energy Studies 57 Woodstock Road, Oxford OX2 6FA, United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)1865 311377 – Fax: +44 (0)1865 310527 Email: [email protected] ** Research Fellow at the Oil and the Middle East Programme Oxford Institute for Energy Studies Tel: +44(0)1865 889134 – Fax: +44 (0)1865 310527 Email: [email protected]. The authors would like to thank Theodore Murphy and Majid Al-Moneef for their very helpful comments on this paper. Abstract Like no other region, energy resources have shaped the Arab world and its modern-day develop- ment trajectory. -
The Role of Regional Financial Safety Nets in the Global Architecture
FPRI’s Research for the Fiscal Policy Research Institute ASEAN+3 Research Group Draft Report The Role of Regional Financial Safety Nets in the Global Architecture Fiscal Policy Research Institute (FPRI), Thailand Contents Page Introduction 3 1. Objectives of the study 4 2. Scope of the study 5 3. Conceptual framework of the study 7 4. Output 8 Chapter 1 Development of Regional Financial Safety Nets 9 Chapter 2 Current Regional Financial Safety Net Arrangements 13 2.1 Chiang Mai Initiatives Multilateralization (CMIM) 13 2.2 European Financial Assistance Mechanism 17 2.3 Arab Monetary Fund (AMF) 21 2.4 North American Framework Agreement (NAFA) 26 2.5 Latin American Reserve Fund (FLAR) 28 Chapter 3 Financial Safety Net Elements 31 3.1 Elements of regional funds/FSNs 31 3.1.1 Fund size 31 3.1.2 Speed of decision making 31 3.1.3 Linkage with the IMF 31 3.1.4 Surveillance and monitoring 32 3.2 FSNs characteristics and funding adequacy 35 3.3 Challenges for the development of regional FSNs 38 Chapter 4 An Analysis of CMIM Enhancement and Implementation 39 4.1 Policy measures to enhance FSNs’ efficiency, effectiveness, 39 complementarities and sustainability 4.2 A scenario analysis of an enhanced ASEAN+3 financial cooperation 41 Chapter 5 Conclusion 51 5.1 Measures that leverage on countries’ resource and financial markets 52 5.2 Measures that complement the global FSN and other regional FSNs 53 References 55 Fiscal Policy Research Institute (FPRI), Thailand 1 Table Page Table 1.1: ASEAN+3 Total Reserves (includes gold) 9 Table 2.1: CMIM contributions, -
Economic Integration Under the African Union
At a glance November 2017 Economic integration under the African Union Although it tends to prioritise political objectives, the African Union (AU) pursues a no less ambitious project for economic integration with the ultimate goal of creating a common market and a monetary and economic union. Currently, the main responsibility for driving economic integration forward is carried by the regional economic communities, which are overseen and coordinated by the AU. However, the pace of progress is very uneven. In addition, the AU has developed its own programmes for promoting the continent's economic development. The African Economic Community (AEC) The Constitutive Act of the African Union, as amended by the 2003 Protocol, lists accelerating socio-economic integration, promoting sustainable socio-economic development and developing and promoting a common trade policy within the African continent, among the African Union's key objectives. From its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the African Union inherited a more specific and ambitious economic integration project, framed by the Treaty establishing an African Economic Community (AEC), which was signed in Abuja in 1991 and entered into force in 1994. This treaty conceived the AEC as an integral part of the OAU’s institutional and legal structure. This status was implicitly transferred to the African Union. The AEC now forms an integral part of the AU and all of its tasks are performed by the AU bodies. However, as the AU tends to focus mainly on political issues, that it steers the AEC brings some disadvantages to the latter, among which the AEC lacks own resources and visibility.