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Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Combining FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 COMBINING MERTON'S STRAIN THEORY WITH LABELING THEORY AND MORAL ENTREPENEURS Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL Abstract Ritzer (197 4) wrote that sociology is a multi-paradigmed discipline where each framework can hold several theoretical explanations. Such declarations are often treated individually, but there are often unexplored confluences between them. Merton's goals-means theory of social strain, for example, is here considered as a labeling one heavily laced with implications about moral authority when applied to studies in deviant behavior. The synthesis of dialogues, illustrated with socio­ logical ideas from modern novels, validates the thesis that social complexities deserve integrated explanations. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2010 38(2). INTRODUCTION have long believed that literature "Being a disfigured felon carries is a marvelous outlet for social dis­ weight in certain circles ... " course that readers can easily under­ (novelist Carl Hiaasen 2010) stand. Novelists have always been peripheral social activists (R.G. O'Sul­ "Police had a natural suspicion of livan 1 2007) exploring such complex teenagers, especially those who topics as deviance and conformity, already had track records of trouble." reporting their findings to faithful (novelist Tami Hoag 1991/2006) followers. Sociologists do the same, but in different ways and venues. "Not all sexual predators are Introductory sociology textbooks all killers or serial rapists. The most contain a chapter on deviant behavior successful of them live well within where social deviance is defined as the boundaries of the law and rule -or norm-breaking behavior and they're probably more common than conformity is defined as rule- or norm­ we'd like to believe. See ... abiding activity. The texts, however, the problem is identifying rarely identify specific conduct codes the bastards. They're not social used as standards for evaluations, a anomalies; they are deviants." failure noted by O'Sullivan (2007). The (novelist Randy Wayne White 1998) 'FfG. O'Sullivan is hereafter just called O'Sullivan, except when needed to avoid possible confusion with F.D. O'Sullivan. 99 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 deviants will be treated as outsiders explore sociology by going "outside resulting from social stigmas, but rule the box" of convention. followers or conformists are not usu­ ally accorded halos (O'Sullivan 2007) LOOKING AT DEVIANCE AND because quiet choices do not garner CONFORMITY: TRADITIONALLY notoriety. AND ALTERNATIVELY The chapters include many of the The social sciences are dependent historical and modern masters of the on their key terms as bases for discus­ subjects, including Merton's 1967 the­ sions, and sociology is no exception. ory of adaptations that is co-refer­ Sometimes, however, such simplicity enced in the social strain and rational is confusing. Sociology, for example, choice frames, telling us that people is often considered as the scientific make studied economic choices rather study of society, making one wonder if than spontaneous ones toward cultural there is an unscientific approach, and and social expectations. The chapters what, then, are the roles of history, e­ also offer information from Goffman's conomics, political science, social/cul­ 1963 study on stigmas and H.S. Beck­ tural anthropology, and social ecology er's2 discussions on moral entreprene­ if they are not comprised of empirical urs as elements of the interactionist explorations and explanations? approach, enhancing our understand­ The same dilemma of absolutism ings about social labeling and a com­ exists with traditional definitions for de­ munity's moral oversight. Little space viance and conformity. Before leaving is available in the texts to combine academia, I offered my students an these approaches on adaptation, la­ alternative perspective because any beling, and moral authority so that task understandings of deviance and con­ is accomplished by following several formity involve ideal and normative be­ steps. ginnings, individual conduct choices First, some alternative ways to look based on evaluations of those codes, at definitions for deviance and con­ and social responses to the acts and formity are offered because traditional the actors. ones are simplistic and limiting. Sec­ As I see them, deviance and con­ ond, the basic premises of Merton, of formity refer to the definitions that exist Goffman, of Becker, and of O'Sullivan for inappropriate and appropriate be­ are highlighted, setting the stage for haviors based upon the local morali­ their ultimate synthesis. Third, those ties (O'Sullivan 1994) of groups, or­ thoughts are made available in easy­ ganizations, communities, and larger to-read and side-by-side manners to social systems. Two examples exist. envision the bonds between them and All states have criminal codes that de­ within them, with discussions follow­ fine illegal acts in "thou shall not" ing. No numerical data are offered. In­ forms, including listings about inappro- stead, existing expressions are mixed with emergent ones, "new wine in an ~- Becker is hereafter just called old bottle," as a different way to look at Becker to avoid possible confusion with familiar subjects for those who like to H.P. Becker. 100 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 priate methods of goal acquisitions. My preferred classroom definition The states also have rules for the road for deviance evolved into "those viola­ handbooks that define proper motor tions of mores, institutional traditions, operation as "thou shall" guidelines. and laws that reinforce each other", Such codes and others exist at invoking social indignation against the several levels of social importance in violators. This outlook contains the civil, military, and religious settings triune of definitional, behavioral, and containing differential distribution of responsive elements, but it is still op­ social power to protect people, their positional to the reciprocal facets of properties and rights, as well as group, conformity. That weakness was par­ organizational, and societal preserva­ tially addressed by O'Sullivan (2007) tion. The mere presence of the codes, as he identified social variance as act­ however, guarantees neither adher­ ivities that exist between the dichoto­ ence to them nor their effectiveness. mies, thereby easing the problems of People evaluate the norms in terms of a dualist fallacy creating a sliding efficacy and opportunities, responding scale of deviance-variance-conformity. with a range of options that includes Merton's. Others then respond to the LOOKING AT SOCIAL selections by assigning the labels of LABELING: MERTON, GOFFMAN, deviant or conformist to the participant BECKER, AND O'SULLIVAN and choices, allowing social and legal definitions for deviance to expand and Merton, Goffman, and Becker are deviant labels to amplify through sys­ renowned sociologists, O'Sullivan is temic processes (Buckley 1976; Lem­ less well known. All have made contri- ert 1951; Quinney 1970). Responses butions to social labeling theory and to conformity do not grow in similar studies in deviant behavior so their manners. individual sets of ideas are quickly Deviants are likely to receive public reviewed. and sociological attention whereas conformists fly "under the radar" fitting Merton's Thoughts personal ethics with the community's. Merton's stylized adaptations to At times, however, such anonymity cultural materialism are standard fare goes unrewarded and special notes of in most discussions about deviance good deeds are made. Prominent and conformity enhancing our ability to sailors have ships named after them, discuss both topics simultaneously: and school committees honor distin- They give dualistic capital to the other. guished alumni. People are canonized He stated that we have a variety of for religious deeds, and monies tradi- goals worthy of achievement and ac- tionally bear the images of prominent cess to them, but discrepant availabil- politicians. Military personnel are ity to each causes social strain. The awarded with medals and promotions adaptations of conformity, innovation, for acts of bravery, whereas post office ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion are walls have historically been strewn ultimately based in perceived econo- with posters of less honorable people. mic outcomes of gains versus losses. 101 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 Merton's adaptations also show O'Sullivan (2010) revisited that continuity with labeling theories. The study, making a needed adjustment to act of conformity is made by the innovation's quitting-out-of-anger conformist and the act of innovation is mode. As companies downsize offer­ accomplished by the innovator3. The ing reduced hours and take-home pay, act of ritualism is accomplished by the wage-earning employees with station­ ritualist, and the act of retreatism is ary cost-of-living and cost-of-work accomplished by the retreatist. The act expenses exercise a personal version of rebellion is accomplished by the of asset-liability management. The rebel, so the acts designate the actor. workers may participate in proffered Any act other than conformity has the voluntary layoffs, pursuing other jobs potential for being called deviant, or unemployment and COBRA insur­ depending on its consequences, the ances that outweigh the reduced actor, and the
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