A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF VEGETABLE MARKETS IN DZIVARASEKWA 3, HARARE SUPERVISOR: PROF. PAUL HEBINCK Submitted by Blessing Chitanda For the partial fulfilment of the degree of the MSc. Program International Development Studies Sociology of Development and Change
Wageningen University August 2015
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DECLARATION
I, BLESSING CHITANDA declare that, this thesis on Vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa 3, Harare, Zimbabwe is my own work and it has never been submitted for a similar purpose at any other University.
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BLESSING CHITANDA
Date: ………./………/2015
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Abstract
Urban vegetable markets occupy considerable space in low income suburbs. Conceptualizing these markets goes beyond the economic mechanisms of demand and supply to incorporate the socio- cultural values of the society. This study looks at vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa, one of the oldest residential suburbs in Harare, Zimbabwe. Tracking the changes and continuities that have occurred in the vegetable markets over the years is another interesting aspect of the study. Women continue to dominate these markets as traders and customers alike and their interaction produces cultures of a socialized market. Markets are embedded in the social and cultural values of the society and analysing them from a sociological perspective gives a better understanding of the markets. It is important to analyse these markets in terms of assemblages because of the different human and material elements with various motives that are drawn together to form the market assemblage. Agency is diffuse in the assemblage and elements exercise it in different ways. The various social actors and non-human elements of the assemblage converge at the markets giving the market its multiple orders and diverse organizational styles. The study explores and analyses the various elements of the assemblage and the interfaces that results from such interactions. A case study design was used and data was collected through participation observation, life histories, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and various participatory tools. The vegetable wholesale markets continue to be the main suppliers of vegetables to the city traders producing dynamic interfaces. The transfer of tradable commodities into consumable ones is never a linear process but incorporates trust relationships as well as decisions based on moral economy of the community. While the markets are shaped by the cultural values of the people the economic gains of these markets should not be ignored as they contribute to the reasons why traders establish these markets. Keywords: Vegetable markets, assemblages, women traders, agency, trust, moral economy
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ACRONYMS AIDS Acquired Immuno-deficiency Syndrome ESAP Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes FFVs Fresh Fruits and Vegetables FTLRP Fast Track Land Reform Programme GNU Government of National Unity HCC Harare City Council HDAs High Density Areas HIV Human Immune Virus LSCF Large Scale Commercial Farms RENAMO Resistência Nacional Moçambicana ROSCAs Rotational Savings and Credit Associations SAPs Structural Adjustment Programmes SCC Salisbury City Council SPSS Statistical Package for Social Sciences UDI Unilateral Declaration of Independence ZIMSTATS Zimbabwe Statistical Agency ZUPCO Zimbabwe United Passenger Company ZRP Zimbabwe Republic Policy
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DEDICATIONS
I dedicate this thesis to my parents Betty and Ishmael who taught me to persevere. To my husband Tendai, my siblings Abigail, Shorai and Andy. To Mudiwa, all my nieces and nephews.
Acknowledgements Thank you Professor Paul Hebinck for the great supervision. Your perpetual motivation and continuous guidance resulted in the completion of this thesis. I am grateful to the Dutch Government for the Netherlands Fellowship Programme for funding my studies; this journey was possible with your support. For reading my work thank you Slai Bhatasara. Eva Mutenga I cannot thank you enough for being a pillar of strength throughout this academic walk. Thank you Hans Kok for your editing and typographical skills. You gave shape to my thesis. Tafadzwa Mupesa thank you for being there when I needed to unload my emotions and frustrations. Mrs Vhigas for introducing me to many traders. Devine and Andy for all those errands. I would like to express my gratitude to Ruzivo Trust for the support during my internship and fieldwork. Thank you Dr Matondi, Michael Ndimba, Justice Muchati, Sheila Chikulo, Onismas Chikorose, Wilbert Marimira, Tsitsi Musiwa, Chipo Gono, Wimbai Makunike, Alfred Mafika and Mai Aggie. I extend my gratitude to George Mukosi of the City of Harare Housing Department for processing my permission to carry out this study. I am indebted to various traders within the study area who opened their markets and their homes to me. Special mention to my host families whom I shared meals with and treated me like their own sister. To my husband Tendai thank you for taking me to my field work even in very odd hours of the morning. To Tembelani Ndebele thank you for being with my family. To my sister Abigail I wouldn’t have come this far if it hadn’t been for your sacrifice. I’m so indebted to you. A big thank you to all my friends in Wageningen and Zimbabwe for all your support. Last but not least I thank my family for all the prayers, support, encouragement, care and love they showed me even when I was so far from home. I love you. Above all I thank God.
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Contents
Abstract ...... iii Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.0 An Overview of Markets in Africa ...... 1 1.1 Theoretical debates on markets ...... 3 1.1.1 Conceptualising the ‘African’ Market ...... 4 1.1.2 Informalization and Expansion ...... 5 1.1.3 Women traders ...... 5 1.1.4 Literature review: Vegetable markets in Zimbabwe ...... 6 1.2 Conceptual framework ...... 7 1.2.1 Assemblage ...... 8 1.2.2 Agency ...... 9 1.2.3 The socialized markets ...... 9 1.3 Problem statement ...... 10 1.3.1Objective ...... 10 1.3.2 Research questions ...... 10 1.4 Methodology ...... 11 1.4.1 The Study Site ...... 11 1.4.2 Gaining Access ...... 12 1.5 Research Techniques ...... 12 1.5.1 Life histories ...... 12 1.5.2 In-depth and key informant interviews ...... 12 1.5.3 Participant observation and conversations ...... 13 1.5.4 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) ...... 13 1.5.5 Market Mapping ...... 13 1.5.6 Desk studies and literature review...... 14 1.5.7 Data analysis ...... 14 1.5.8 Challenges Faced ...... 14 Chapter 2: The History of Markets in Harare...... 16 2.1 Introduction ...... 16 2.2 Development of High Density Areas (HDAs)...... 16 2.2.1 The Colonial Economy and Markets ...... 17 2.2.2 The Post-Colonial Economy and Markets ...... 19 2.2.2 The Post 2000 Economy and Markets...... 20
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2.3 The Modern market (pre-independence to early 1990s) ...... 21 2.3.1 Women vegetable traders: colonial period ...... 22 2.3.2 Entering the vegetable trade ...... 22 2.3.3 Accessing a trading stall ...... 23 2.3.4 Accessing Produce ...... 23 2.3.5 The market in reality ...... 24 2.4 The changing market (1990s to 2005) ...... 25 2.5 The Socialized Market...... 26 Chapter 3: Urban Vegetable Provision through the Wholesale Markets...... 28 3.1. The wholesale markets ...... 28 3.1.1 Horticulture Production and Marketing ...... 28 3.2 The Mbare Wholesale market ...... 29 3.3 The Lusaka Market ...... 30 3.4 Purchasing the produce ...... 31 3.5 Competition ...... 32 3.6 Wholesale Market Trips ...... 33 3.6.1 Kombi Discussions ...... 34 3.6.2 The pricing and packaging at local markets ...... 34 Chapter 4: The contemporary vegetable markets ...... 36 4.1 The socio-culturally oriented markets ...... 36 4.2 The culturally negotiated gender roles ...... 37 4.3 The Market Entertainment ...... 37 4.3.1 Market stories ...... 38 4.4 Purchasing commodities on credit ...... 38 4.4.1 Dreaded Debtors: The senior citizens ...... 39 4.5 Societal roles assigned to the trader ...... 40 4.5.1The society’s ‘counsellor’ ...... 40 4.5.2 The moral umpire ...... 40 4.5.3 The unsolicited witness ...... 41 4.6 The life of a trader ...... 42 4.7 Meanings attached to being a trader ...... 42 Chapter 5: The Manifestations of diversities ...... 44 5.1 The spatial space occupied by markets ...... 44 5.2 Introduction to the traders ...... 46 5.3 The diversity among the traders ...... 47
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5.3.1 The Successful traders ...... 47 5.3.2 The Break -Even traders...... 48 5.3.3 The “Destitute” traders ...... 50 5.3.4 The Newcomers...... 51 5.3.5 The Front Markets ...... 52 Chapter 6: Conclusion ...... 54 References ...... 56 Appendices ...... 62 Annex 1: The Material Elements of the Market ...... 62 Annex 2: The Market in Pictures ...... 66
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Chapter 1: Introduction
1.0 An Overview of Markets in Africa
Prior to the 1960s African urban commerce and markets had little coverage and recognition among scholars except for a few including the Bohannan and Dalton (eds) Markets in Africa (1962) which produced extensive work on African markets. The various authors provided detailed descriptive accounts of markets in the Guinea Coast, the Congo, the Western Sudan, the Horn of Africa, East and Central Africa and a few developing cities and industrial centres of Africa. However, it is worth noting that there were only three chapters out of the 28 chapters that specifically concentrated on urban markets in this book. The rest were rural markets. According to Hill (1963) it left out the most expanding cities of the time such as Accra, Kumasi, Ibadan and Onitsha which could have provided more information on the urban food markets. The lack of academic coverage on African markets is a result of low level of official encouragement and interest from the colonial governments of the African commerce as they feared competition (Bauer 1968: 50-55 Good 1970: 205-209, Marris and Somerset 1971: 8). Moreover urbanization centred on industrialization in Africa was an upcoming phenomenon that had not generated much interest among academics. Most scholars thereafter relied on economic theories that had been used by their counterparts studying rural markets such that what could not fit into their analysis and anything not of ‘Western inspiration’ was classified as economic backwardness. This had been done by Douglas (1962) Lele economy compared with the Bushong: A study of economic backwardness. It is worth noting that to date the balance of published research still weighs heavily in favour of the West African region. Newbury, (I969) attributed this imbalance to the historical fact that markets have been more prominent in West Africa. This assertion cannot be completely true. It could be that most scholars had a bias towards West Africa hence other regions were excluded and unaccounted for. House-Midamba and Ekechi (1995) sought to address this apparent neglect by looking at the economic role of women in all regions of Africa. Hence their book African Market Women and Economic Power had a comprehensive analysis of African market women in Eastern, Central, Western and Southern Africa. In spite of this, publications on East and Southern African markets are still relatively fewer even though urban informal food markets have become an everyday reality in these places as well. Several scholars such as Hill (1963), Mintz (1971), Good (1973) and Clark (1994) noted that a majority of West African city residents buy nearly all of their food, both cooked and raw, from the markets. Their organization and spatial locations suit the needs of the city dwellers therefore making them relevant to the people. In East Africa the first urban food markets were established in the late 19th century to cater for a growing population of Indians who had settled in Railway towns as well as the increasing number of Europeans (Temple 1969, Eberlee 1997). Almost the same can be said for the developments of urban markets in the Southern Africa that were also around the copper belt and numerous mining towns in Southern Africa (Ferguson 1999). Zimbabwe’s urban food markets in its main cities were developed due to the establishment of the cities as colonial administration points and residential areas for majority of the whites, Indians and lesser extent blacks. However in most parts of Africa the monetisation of the economy, industrialization, urbanization and migration were the key drivers of these food markets. This implies that any changes to the aforementioned aspects and other unseen ones greatly alters the urban food markets resulting in adverse or auspicious effects which makes the urban food markets dynamic.
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Urban food Markets in Africa have been analysed in economic terms, as mere places/spaces for the exchange of goods and services. There has been emphasis on the infrastructure and institutions that enable the operation of such markets. From an economic perspective the existence of markets is the outcome of the demand and supply mechanism at play and for the profit maximization of the traders (Becker 1976). Originally most food markets in urban areas in Africa established during the colonial era have been analysed from such perspectives. The social and cultural aspects of markets had been neglected. It was the works of anthropologists such as Mintz (1959, 1971), Hill (1966) and Clark (1994) that have provided more information on the socio-cultural aspects of the market. They analysed the market not only as an economic entity but incorporated the socio-cultural values of the social actors and the material artefacts as an important expression of the market. According to Guyer and Hansen (2001) they re-defined the African markets and conceptualized them with a sociological approach that economists often fail to fully capture. The contemporary food markets in Africa take various forms. While the last decade has seen the expansion of supermarkets in Africa they still represent a smaller fraction of food consumed by urban populations especially vegetables. They fail to compete with the ‘informal markets’ and other specialized formal vegetable sellers on pricing (Romanik 2008). Supermarkets tend to serve high and middle income consumers while the poor who are the majority have to rely on informal markets which sell at a cheaper price (ibid). Therefore in Africa the informal markets still dominate in the sale of fresh fruits and vegetables, (Nyoro et al 2004). These markets can navigate within or without the policy frameworks in place and create a niche for themselves, something which supermarkets and other formal vegetable markets find difficult to achieve because of their adherence to various laws and ethical codes. Portes et al (2007) noted that these informal food markets combine the economics of demand and supply with formal and informal management styles, while getting minimal support from the government and outsourcing finances from informal money lenders. Traders have the option of organizing their own access to commodities if farmers do not bring to a specific location. Traders experience some degree of control from local authorities and a taxation system which they may out-manoeuvre. Culture and religion are also important tenants of the market and they have created their own institutions and organizations that support their cause. Nevertheless traders can operate without any direct linkage to any organizations. These markets do not necessarily require built enclosures and roofing but can operate from open spaces as ‘open air’ markets, (Good 1973, Nyoro et al 2004). Moreover these markets are dynamic, new relationships are forged as conditions change and commodity prices rise and fall, (Clark 1994, Guyer and Hansen 2001). The ability to evolve and adjust is what makes these markets an important entity in urban areas. This is influenced by their organization as family or one man enterprises such that change is not a bureaucratic exercise (Romanik 2008). Amis (1995) and Rogerson (1996) termed these markets survivalist enterprises since a majority of them do not expand into bigger entities. This thesis argues that the ‘informal food markets’ which I will call socialized markets (markets that are shaped by the social norm and cultural behaviours of the society) are best understood as an assemblage of human and material elements that are drawn together by various motives and interests. The manifestations of diversity at the markets are an expression the heterogeneity of elements. There are different organizational structures, various commodity chains, different networks, various ways of exercising agency, different traders who utilize different spatial locations and all these elements of the assemblage with a different coordination mechanism and different cultural repertoires converge at the markets. This assemblage of practices manifests in the market diversity which can take various forms. Therefore analysing the multiplicities is an important way of understanding the market.
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1.1 Theoretical debates on markets
Markets need to be approached from a sociological perspective (Lie 1997, Portes et al 2007) where economic transactions are important but the social, cultural, political elements and networks need not be ignored, because they influence how the markets operate in general. If urban informal food markets are solely analysed from an economic approach then there is a tendency to sum up people’s behaviour at the markets as utility maximization and profit maximization (Becker 1976), yet other factors like goodwill, trust and special tastes determine people’s interaction with specific markets (Lie 1997). Economic anthropologists have provided a better understanding of markets by investigating the markets in cultural terms. Zelizer (1988:618) defines the market ‘as the interaction of cultural, structural and economic factors’. This is a noble contribution, however, care needs to be taken so as to avoid over socializing the market. This is because the market is also about making economic gains, hence the silent haggling, bargaining, negotiations and persuasions because traders want to make the maximum profit possible (Hill 1963, Uchendu 1967, Clark 1994, Mupedziswa and Gumbo 2001, Portes et al 2007). The market is also not devoid of power and politics, therefore political interventions may be found at the markets making other traders indispensable or politicising the operations of the markets itself for the benefit of the powerful. It is wiser to analyse what is exactly happening at different markets in order to fully conceptualize the market. Analysing the market exposes the diversities and heterogeneity of elements that comprise the market. Therefore there cannot be a blanket term that defines a market and is universally applicable. More often than not it is inequality that determines whether city residents purchase their vegetables from supermarkets, open air markets or otherwise. Gender, age, class, race, ethnicity and other social attributes can determine people’s interaction at the markets both as traders and consumers alike. It has been well documented in Clark (1994) study of Kumasi (Ghana) how gendered roles have been negotiated such that men concentrate on cocoa fields while women trade. Mintz (1971) in Men, Women and Trade had also noted same about the Yoruba (Nigerian) women whose traditional role has been trading as well. Therefore understanding the market goes beyond the demand and supply mechanism at play. Marshall (1920) quoted in Lie (1997) Sociology of markets consolidates the above by suggesting that markets are actually embedded in social networks and social relations. He noted that “…But nearly everyone has also some ‘particular’ markets; that is, some people or groups of people with whom he is in somewhat close touch: mutual knowledge and trust lead him to approach them…in preference to strangers”. This is very apt for urban residential markets under study because over time residents have developed networks based on trust and kinship relations. Even though the urban population is dynamic there are those traders who have survived all odds and have established themselves to the society. This may distinguish them from new traders who might be lacking these relationships. Therefore these traders may order their markets differently and that contributes to the market being an assemblage of diverse entities. In concluding this theoretical debate on markets, it is imperative to consider the contributions of economic anthropologists by analysing markets from the cultural, structural and economic perspective. Therefore markets take various forms ranging from being physical entities to being placeless markets which contribute to their multi-layered nature. The social aspects of the market are the lifeline of their existence, sustenance, organization and institutes around the markets. The market is an assemblage of various human and material elements were agency is diffuse. Care needs to be taken to avoid over socializing the markets because the economic gains are an important motive for the traders as well. Therefore, adequately analysing markets is comprehended from a sociological approach of the markets.
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1.1.1 Conceptualising the ‘African’ Market Good (1973) noted that “ while most outsiders can find the open air markets as disorganised places with the noise and haggling the African market has its own form of order with different characteristics. The outwardly chaotic spectacle of traders, children, con men and jesters, the haggling and the noise, the hooting cars, the garbage and the hordes of people walking deftly others lackadaisically in the markets while others seem to be lost makes these markets an interesting place, (Good 1973, Clark 1994, Portes et al 2007). Masquelier (1993) rightly pointed out that markets are often unbounded spaces that anyone can enter therefore the space can be shared with other activities. An inward looking at these markets show that the traders know each other and have developed social networks that makes their trade viable. Moreover they have their own informal structures that represent them especially when the market is under ‘attack’ (Clark 1994). This is why open air markets in Africa do not need an aerial view approach but rather a ‘microscopic’ one with each component being fully analysed so as to have a better understanding of these markets. Having a closer look at these markets brings out the differences among the traders who are outwardly doing the same things. While the open market traders vary in gender and age majority of them are women below their middle ages. Traders are also organized according to commodities they sale. Most women are found in the sale of perishable commodities especially the tomatoes, leafy vegetables and tomatoes and these are the key products for this research. Unfortunately these commodities have the least profit margins as compared to other horticultural commodities at these markets (Mupedziswa and Gumbo 2001, Portes et al 2007). It is not surprising to find children from the age of 6yrs helping at the markets directly by manning the market or indirectly by playing with the baby while the mother attends to customers (Clark 1994). Therefore the role of children at the markets has to be analysed as traders with children can organize their markets differently than those who don’t. There can be price uniformity both at wholesale markets and residential ‘open air’ markets but there is often bargaining over quantity and quality (Clark 1994). At the wholesale markets traders who buy for resale often bargain over price because commodities are already sorted in bulk. When these traders then sell to individual households then customers often bargain over quantity and quality. Each customer would want to maximize exercise their agency by demanding add-ons locally known as basela (Bohannan and Dalton 1962). Each trader is somehow obliged to give these add-ons so as to gain customer’s loyalty and expand their customer base. The price formation is also depended on the time of the day and individual needs. Traders of perishable goods often reduce their prices towards the end of the day so as to get rid of their commodities which will not be appealing to customers the next day. Moreover if an individual has pressing financial needs they can reduce their prices to get more customers and other traders often do not have powers to prevent this (Clark 1994). Therefore there is no homogeneity as circumstances are different for each trader. The ‘open air’ residential markets often serve low income households who cannot afford to buy in bulk because of lack of refrigeration facilities and constant incomes (Clark 1994). This means the packaging has to consider this hence packaging mostly done by unbundling the huge bundles of vegetables to create smaller ones, heaping of tomatoes and selling single bulbs of onions has become the characteristic of these markets and this is how their profit is calculated (Clark 1994). Even though the study was carried out in a generally low income area there are always differences in lifestyles and income sources and this determines the market different people go to and the quantity and quality of vegetables they buy. These differences in tastes and choices are supported by Lie (1997) that they determine people’s interactions with specific markets. Most horticultural commodities that are sold in the cities are often brought by the farmers to the wholesale markets or directly to residents (,Bohannan and Dalton 1962, Good 1973, Clark 1994). Supermarkets and intermediary traders have the capacity to get directly from the farms. However most low income city dwellers rely on the wholesale markets in the city where traders obtain from and resale to them in smaller quantities 4 they can afford. Imports from neighbouring countries can also play a role. The Nakasero Market of Uganda in the 1960s got most of its fruits and vegetables from Kenya and others from peri-urban farmers (Temple 1969). The same can be said of Southern African Fruit and Vegetable markets (FFVs) that are mostly dependent on South Africa. Therefore the African open air market is linked to various places regionally and nationally and such food chains need to be analysed for a greater understanding of the market. 1.1.2 Informalization and Expansion Africa in the 21st century implemented Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) which had disastrous effects on the urban African populace (Riddell 1997). Many economies were affected and the nature of industries was passively revised in favour of the informal sector. Formal economies continue to face challenges hence the growth of the informal sector with the survivalist enterprises being the prominent ones (Amis 1995, Rogerson 1996). Even among the survivalist enterprises there are those who are actually able to survive from these markets and those who are struggling. These differences require further analysis and understanding beyond the broader labels of being survivalist businesses. The expansion of the sector as a whole only comes from the fact that more and more people are entering this trade because of easy entry and exit but each entity is not necessarily growing to the point of employing more people (ibid). Guyer and Hansen (2001) noted that while parastatals have been privatised, migrants continue moving in search of new opportunities therefore urban areas are still expanding thus stimulating the local and regional markets. Large populations living in urban areas are no longer directly attached to the land (Mintz 1971, Guyer and Hansen 2001), therefore creating a clientele base for survivalist enterprises. Fafchamps (1997:733) noted that African market arrangements and institutions take many forms that it would be misleading to lump together into a single “informal sector.” Nash (1965) differentiates them by identifying those sectors capable of growth and capital accumulation and those which offer little more than barest survival. This indicates that the informal sector is broad hence the need to delimit the sectors that the study is concentrating on. This research focuses on urban vegetable markets in residential areas even when narrowed down to vegetable markets there are also varieties within the markets. Their spatial locations, the material organization, commodity chains and at times recognition by urban authorities contribute to the diversity. In South Africa the common ones are Spaza shops which are small retail enterprises operating from a residential stand or home, usually found in black townships. There are perhaps more than 100,000 spaza shops in South Africa, (Ntloedibe 2005). This is where people from townships can purchase their vegetables among other goods. In Kenya, it is estimated that about 55 percent of the urban households that purchased fresh fruits and vegetables bought from open-air, or “wet” markets; 33 percent from kiosks; less than 7 percent from supermarkets; and 3 percent from hawkers (Nyoro et al. 2004). In Zambia, it is estimated that approximately 75 percent of the fresh produce consumed in urban areas goes through wholesale markets (and mostly the Soweto market), (Emongor 2004). These are differences at a broader scale which can influence differences at the community level where the local vegetable markets operate from. 1.1.3 Women traders West African women had a traditional/cultural role as traders of food at various markets both in urban and rural markets. The Asante, the Ibo, the Hausa, the Yoruba women and many other noted by various scholars including (Ottenberg 1959, Bohannan and Daiton 1962, Hill 1966, Mintz 1971, Good 1973, Clark 1994) had been traders even prior to the colonial era. The Kikuyu and Baganda women in East Africa also had a trading role and encroached to main cities like Nairobi, Mombasa and Kampala (House-Midamba and Ekechi 1995). In the Southern Africa women in urban areas gradually got into this role due to lack of skills and opportunities for them in the urban areas and found it easier to trade instead of being in formal jobs. (Horn 1995, Mupedziswa and Gumbo 2001). Even so it is imperative to note that the colonial Governments in Southern Africa in general had much influence in the food sector (Mosley 1987, Horn 1995). They had strict controls over trading which prevented the growth of this sector. What can be concluded to date is that in
5 most of African cities, the trade of daily consumables both raw and cooked is in the hands of women. Apart from trading being their traditional role Seligmann (2001: 21) noted that ‘more women turn to market vending for purposes of survival and poorer members of society find they can only afford what is sold by informal market women’. More women have resorted to trading as a result of successive economic crises stretching back to the Structural Adjustment era (Wiley 2014). As such women have to find means of looking after their families and with formal employment being scarce vegetable trading is an easy entry (Portes et al 2007). It’s a fact that the trading of fruit and vegetables is dominated by women in Zimbabwe. The closure of factories and industries and the general economic hardship has left most men with no options as well except to trade. Mupedziswa and Gumbo (2001) had noted these changes at the turn of the millennium and this trend has continued to grow. This has seen spheres that have been traditionally classified as women’s domains now being pursued by men as well. The society has evolved to accept these changes and this has become the ‘new normal’ especially among vegetable traders in the city centre1. The dominant gender ideologies in the division of labour are being re-invented and negotiated as the society strives to survive and adjust to the economic realities of this age. Therefore profiling the different traders is imperative in developing an understanding of their different experiences in the trade where some are actually successful and yet others are drowning in misfortune. 1.1.4 Literature review: Vegetable markets in Zimbabwe Literature on urban vegetable markets in Zimbabwe became more explicit when the country gained its independence in 1980. Prior to that there wasn’t much focus on the black economy which the colonial government discouraged (Arrighi 1966, Mkandawire 1985, Mosley 1987). The vegetable markets in the urban areas were merely mentioned in relation to some other economic or urban planning issues. Wild (1992) made reference to the increase of urban hawkers in the city whom the town planners depicted as a problem to the sanity of the city. He noted that prior to WW2 there were several hawkers and vegetable traders around town who travelled daily from Seki reserve, Epworth mission and other peri-urban zones. Wild (1992:32) noted that “About 35 vegetable traders traded from the corner of Charter road and Kingsway (now Julius Nyerere way) having abandoned the Market Square section because they resented trading under municipal control.” At the same time much pressure could not be exerted on them because they provided cheaper food including vegetables which made it convenient for government to maintain lower wages for the black workers (Arrighi 1966, Wild 1992). Residential vegetable markets in black neighbourhoods seemed not to draw much attention either because the Salisbury City Council (SCC) had exerted its authority thereby ensuring maintenance of an order they approved. This is evident in formal correspondence between the SCC and Department of Native Affairs were the former continuously indicated the order they want to see in black neighbourhoods including the markets2. Even though the aforementioned sources could not provide in greater detail how these vegetable enterprises were organized it gave insights into the traders, the vegetable sources, the potential consumers and the overarching colonial environment the traders operated in. Thereafter, most scholars descended on reversing the dichotomies of formal and informal economy that had been created during colonial era (Mkandawire 1985, Peters-Berries 1993, Shinder 1997, Potts 2007, 2008). The works of many scholars aimed at correcting this error by making sure that the informal sector, under which vegetable markets fell was recognized and awarded the required recognition and is legitimized. After the realisation that the majority of actors in the informal sector were women a gender approach to the study of vegetable markets was adopted. The extensive work of Nancy Horn, The informal fruit and vegetable
1 https://www.newsday.co.zw/2014/04/08/zimbabwe-nation-traders/
2 National Archives file LG 191 (12/7/3/2) Municipal Markets Oct 1958- Nov 1963 6 market in greater Harare (1986), Women’s fresh produce marketing in Harare (1994) and Cultivating customers: Market women in Harare (1994), provided greater insight into the lives of market women and their trade. The research revealed why women traded, their socio-economic backgrounds and the various constrains they face in the trade as compared to their male counterparts. It challenged the state to recognize the economic contributions being made by the women hence the need to legitimize their operations in order to alleviate their constraints. The work of Mary Johnson-Osirim on urban Zimbabwe and Jeanne Downing on women entrepreneurs in Southern Africa published in African women and Economic Power (eds Midamba-House and Ekechi 1994) share the same sentiments with Horn by enquiring and advocating for the recognition of the role of women in economic development. Their findings are very useful in conceptualizing the women traders, their interests in trading, their educational background and social roles. However it did not dwell deeper into bringing out the heterogeneity among the woman traders themselves. Apart from the age, marital status and the educational background It used an umbrella definition of women and the produce thereby ignoring the inherent differences in the trade ranging from market sizes, trading points, commodities, profit margins and so forth. This could have been beyond their scope hence the motive of this research to have a microscopic analysis of the traders focusing on particular commodities and a specific place thereby bringing new knowledge into this field. Other scholars who wrote about the urban vegetable markets leaned more on a livelihoods approach and urban space appropriation underpinned on the effects of Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAP) 1991-1995 and economic challenges facing the country since the turn of the new millennium. These include Kanji and Jasdowska 1993, Brand and Mupedziswa 1993, Drakakis-Smith 1994, Mupedziswa and Gumbo 1995; Mupedziswa and Gumbo 1997, 1998, 2001, Brown 2001, Jones 2010). Their contributions indicated how the trade had transformed following an increased number of people entering the trade to diversify family incomes following a decrease in formal employment facing the country. The vegetable market is viewed as trade that people resorted to when they could not get formal employment elsewhere hence an increase of people in the trade. All this could be apt but does not provide adequate information on the day to day running of these markets as most authors tended to cover vast livelihoods activities in their researches. Porter, Lyon and Potts (2007) Market institutions and urban food supply in West and Southern Africa analysed the linkages of markets to several institutions and key players whose interaction can further improve the urban food supply system is also notable. Chamlee‐Wright (2002) brought out the important aspect of savings and accumulation strategies of the market women which is an important tenant of the trade. It is the aim of this research to fully analyse the urban vegetable markets in low income residential areas as an assemblage of heterogeneous elements whose interactions between and among themselves at various levels of the assemblage reproduce the market diversity. The market is also shaped by the socio- cultural systems of the people (both traders and consumers) who capitalize on these attributes in organizing their markets for economic gains. Therefore the market does not have one social order but it has multiple orders.
1.2 Conceptual framework
The section discusses the major concepts that guide this study and how they are related. The discussion is underpinned on these three concepts: assemblage, agency and socialized markets. These concepts enable the study to analyse how different elements human and non-human are assembled together into a non- bonding relationship. These elements have the ability to exercise their agency at the same time the market being embedded in the socio-cultural systems of the people produces multiple organizations of the markets that supply urban consumers with their daily food needs. Statistics indicate that the world urban population
7 will almost double, increasing from approximately 3.9 billion in 2014 to over 6 billion in 20503. This means a huge percentage of the population will be living in cities, no longer directly depended on the land but on markets (Mintz, 1971, Fafchamps, 1997, Guyer and Hansen, 2001) therefore urban food supply needs to be refocused. This comes at a background of increasing inequality and urban poverty in most African cities (Potts 1995, Rogerson 1996, Bond, 2000). Formal employment continues to shrink as economies are not growing as anticipated therefore most people continue to make their living outside formal economies. It implies that low income households will continue to spend less on food therefore continually looking for markets that suits their meagre incomes (Seligmann 2001). There is need to fully understand these markets that will continue to serve the vast low income populations in the cities. The organization of these markets need to be analysed and their practices examined as they represent a form of ordering that brings together various entities, human and material into an assemblage whereby heterogeneous elements come together in a non-homogeneous grouping (Anderson and McFarlane 2011). This results in diversities in the markets that can be portrayed through various market organizations, different spatial locations and visual images of the markets. Other concepts that will be used in analysing markets are: moral economy (Cheal 1989) and trust (Blois 1999) 1.2.1 Assemblage Assemblage is often used both as a descriptive term and as a concept. In this research more emphasis is placed on its functioning as a concept. Anderson and McFarlane (2011) defines assemblage as the process of co-functioning whereby heterogeneous elements come together in a non-homogenous grouping. The term is often used to emphasize multiplicity, composition of diverse elements into some form of socio- spatial formation (ibid). De Landa (2006) indicates that assemblages are made of parts that are self-subsistent so that a part can be detached and made a component of another assemblage. Elements of the assemblage can be human and non-human, social and material and all have the capacity to exercise agency. This aligns with Li (2007) description that assemblage links directly to the practice i.e. to assemble. The practice of assemblage signals agency i.e. the hard work required to draw heterogeneous elements together, forge connections and sustain their existence (ibid). However this agency is diffused such that no single element can claim agency as elements are linked not in a linear fashion but rhizomatically (Li 2007). All of these processes are recurrent and their variable repetition synthesizes the entire populations of the assemblage (De Landa 2006). It therefore invites an analysis on how these elements are assembled, how they sustain their relationships and forge new ones when others collapse. Assemblage is a good concept that diverges from analysing socio-spatial relations as fixed forms but accommodates the fluidity and heterogeneity nature of elements that comprise the assemblage. It enables us to remain open to the forms of unity, its durability, the type of relations, human and non-human elements involved (Anderson and McFarlane 2011). Urban vegetable markets can be best analysed as assemblages because of the consistency in which the set of elements that I will mention are drawn together. The market assemblage emerged during the quest to provide cheaper commodities to city populations within a changing governance system of food markets, dynamic populations, livelihoods strategies and an economic environment that has passively chosen informalization. Traders have to organize their markets to satisfy the demands as well as to suit the culture and in turn various elements, human and non-human are drawn together into this assemblage. Therefore the assemblage brings together social actors with different interests and motives, material elements with various uses and connotations that converge at the markets and give the market its meaning as a heterogeneous composition which can be seen in different organization and management styles, in spatial locations and visual images of the market. The assemblage therefore includes customers who have various needs that have to be met at the market, traders who want to make livelihoods, residents who reproduce the market culture that is embedded
3 http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/news/population/world-urbanization-prospects-2014.html, accessed 20th May 2015 8 in the socio-cultural systems of the society, house owners who want to exercise their control over space, municipality officials who want to maintain the by-laws, transport operators who want to make profits, farmers and middle man want to sell their produce at maximum profits, policy makers and planners who want to prescribe a good way of managing the city, tradable goods that have to be transferred into consumable ones, food supply chains, the vast material elements including the money being exchanged at various encounters. Agency is exercised in various ways along the various encounters of different elements and ‘order’ is constantly negotiated for therefore it is not fixed. Analysing the assemblage will enable the study to bring out specificities of these important elements listed below.
Commodities- tomatoes, leafy vegetables and onions. The study focuses on these commodities because they are consumed almost on a daily basis by many households as a casserole together with the staple food Sadza. Low-income households are likely to purchase these commodities nearly every-day which makes these markets viable. This research will adopt the term ‘vegetables’ to refer to these three commodities under study. Other horticultural commodities produced in Zimbabwe are shown in Fig 3:1 The traders and their profiles. There is no homogeneity in the groups such that traders have different socio-economic and cultural backgrounds. There are various entry points to becoming a trader and market management styles can also be different The consumers and their various needs. Consumers are also a heterogeneous group that interacts with the markets for various purposes beyond purchasing commodities. Consumers and traders co-shape the markets by incorporating their values and cultural systems into the markets 1.2.2 Agency Long (2001) defines agency as a socially generated, culturally defined phenomenon that takes different forms depending on the context. It is embodied in social relations, existing or newly created networks. Agency is the ability to act attributable to individuals, this imply that individuals are capable of processing social experience and device ways to cope with life (Long and van der Ploeg 1995). A similar definition is also provided by Giddens (1984) who viewed agency as the capability of doing certain things, action is thus dependent upon individual capabilities. The notion agency goes beyond the individual and encompasses social relations and interactions within a given context (ibid). In line with these definitions agency is not just exercised by individuals who are able to see opportunities and utilize them but it’s because there are enabling factors around them that allow them to exercise this agency. These can be the social networks that are already in place or the kingship relationships already there or simply put the people around them who give them room to exercise their agency. Various elements of the assemblage exercise their agency in various ways which sustains the assemblage or creates new ways of becoming. Giddens (1984) acknowledges the potential in actors to choose actions deliberately and to carry them through effectively, even in defiance of established rules and prevailing powers. This is very prevalent in urban vegetable markets where multiple orders are created by various actors and institutions within the assemblage hence traders exercise their agency to manoeuvre around these and create a niche for themselves. Agency is not only exercised by traders but also other elements in order to satisfy their motives and interests within/without this assemblage. 1.2.3 The socialized markets The socialized markets can also be referred to as people’s markets or informal markets. These markets incorporate the social norms and cultural behaviour of the society such that the market goes beyond provision of goods to meeting other social needs of the consumer. The urban residential market occupies a central role in the food chain. It is the node between demand and supply which links the urban to the rural as well as various producers to the final end user. Markets are the locale or place based specific outcome of activities and practices of traders and consumers and at the same time it unfolds as a space or a spatial node where different commodity supply networks feeding the city converge with the specificities of the commodities traded and purchased. The market as a locale and a space is an important element of the 9 assemblage. The markets operate in different arrangements, these can be ‘open air’ markets which operate from open spaces without much infrastructure, or street markets where traders are often lined along the streets with makeshift tables or placemats on the ground, or backyard/front yard markets where the market is placed in front of the trader’s house as well as hawkers who are mobile around the neighbourhood shouting for attention to their commodities, (Horn 1986, Clark 1994, House-Midamba and Ekechi 1995, Nyoro et al 2004 ). The socialized markets are often established in a trail of linkages and relationships between the markets and clientele such that external influences often fail to control how these markets operate. Most of these markets operate from ‘unbounded’ places, (Masquelier 1993) that it is often difficult to deprive other users from sharing the space for different activities. This is what makes these markets more social oriented. Brown (2001:327) who did her study in Highfield, an area with the same historical background as Dzivarasekwa, noted that “Even on the pavements there are those who consider themselves ‘established’— regular traders who trade from tables at the same pitch each day—and ‘newcomers’—resented by the more established group, many of whom sell vegetables from plastic sheets on the ground”. This symbolises the diversities among the traders and the different networks that can be developed by each trader by virtue of being established or newcomer. The socialized markets as a concept enable the research to fully analyse the various activities that are taking place at different vegetable markets within the study area. These activities influence how the markets are organized to accommodate these cultural values and relationships that are developed thereof. This would substantiate the market as a place beyond economic transactions and focus on the interactions of the various elements of the assemblage which creates multiplicities of the market. 1.3 Problem statement
Urban vegetable markets in ‘Africa’ are the opposite of homogenous entities. They are heterogeneously composed social spaces where the human and non-human elements interact generating specific forms of organisation or assemblages. Markets are the locale where outcomes of these interactions manifest. The markets draws together the food supply networks which involve the wholesale markets, as well as the commodities traded that are diverse in nature and structure. Traders, consumers, residents and various elements co-shape and define the market such that it is important to investigate the outcomes of the interfaces of various elements of the assemblage. The nature of the relationships that they cultivate and how they are sustained has to be inquired as well as the motives and interests that draws elements together. An analysis on how elements exercise agency in order to remain relevant in the assemblage as well as to forge new becomings is of great importance. Therefore, investigating interactions of various elements of the assemblage enables the study to explore the heterogeneity of the vegetable markets. 1.3.1Objective The objective of the thesis is to explore the vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa as an assemblage of different orderings. 1.3.2 Research questions How do the different elements of the assemblage interact and shape the vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa? 1 Who are the social actors involved in the vegetable markets? What is the profile of traders engaged in vegetable trading? What kind of interfaces emerge among the traders and consumers, among traders and farmers/middlemen and among the various elements of the assemblage? What are the social norms and cultural values shaping the market? 2. What are the non-human elements and aspects of urban food markets and what specific spaces do these create? 10
3. What are the motives and interests of various elements of the assemblage and how do they exercise agency?
1.4 Methodology
This section discusses the methodological choices and decisions that were made during my fieldwork. The fieldwork logistics were solely organized by the researcher with a supporting letter from Ruzivo Trust, an organization I was doing my internship with. The research took the form of a case study. A case study is a detailed investigation of phenomena in its context enables rich data can be produced with the aim of understanding how processes are influenced by and also influence context. It allows for in-depth review of new or unclear phenomena whilst ‘retaining the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real-life events’ (Yin 2009: 4). This was suitable for urban vegetable markets which are dynamic and complex therefore requiring detailed investigations. Huberman and Miles (2002, p. 9) further explain that case studies usually involve all data collection methods such as archives, interviews, questionnaires, and observations as such allowing the why and how questions to be answered in the real life context of events. Social phenomena can be complex therefore triangulation was also adopted so as to enhance data quality. Therefore the research employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. 1.4.1 The Study Site Harare is Zimbabwe’s capital city with a population of just over 2 million people of which 52% are women. Out of the total population 64% are between the ages of 15-64 which makes it a generally young population. The rate of natural increase is 3% and the literacy rate is 99% (ZimStats 2012). Dzivarasekwa, popularly known as DZ is a city located to the west of the city centre and is a low-income residential area. Dzivarasekwa was established in 1962 and has the same characteristics of the early black residential areas built during the colonial times 1890-1980 (Zinyama et al 1993). This residential suburb was specifically established to accommodate black low class workers who were employed in the city as their numbers were increasing. The original house owners were mostly house maids and gardeners who had been living on the white’s backyards4. Others were general workers from the nearby farms, mines and industries like Aberacres, Reingham farm, Mt Hampden, Nyabira farm, Turner farm and other surrounding areas. It is important to note that some of the people employed in these jobs were migrant hence making Dzivarasekwa a multicultural society with descendants from Mozambique, Zambia, Malawi infused with the locals5. It later accommodated an influx of Mozambican refugees fleeing RENAMO6 (Mapira 2004). There was also a section for middle income families like teachers, policeman, nurses and others. These had the option of purchasing houses with bigger plot sizes because they had a higher income. Dzivarasekwa is further divided into four sections namely one up to four and to date majority are third or fourth generation occupants of the houses. The population and incomes are heterogeneous as majority are self-employed but also the unemployed, the aged, loafers, entrepreneurs and the formally employed. This area was one of the areas economically affected by the 2005 Restore Order campaign as most of the businesses were and are still conducted on backyards and open spaces (Tibaijuka 2005)7. The area is also prone to waterborne diseases like cholera and typhoid as well tuberculosis mostly due to overcrowding and erratic water supplies. Dzivarasekwa constituency has a population of about 48 000 people (Zimstats 2012). This research is limited to parts of ward 39 and 40 only which falls under Dzivarasekwa 3. The choice of this study site was based on the qualification of the area as one of the low income areas with a multicultural
4 National Archives file LG 191 (12/7/3/2) Municipal Markets March 1960 (Letter from Secretary for Local Government to the Town Clerk) 5 Interview Mrs Sigauke, trader and original resident, Dzivarasekwa 3, Feb 2015 6 Resistência Nacional Moçambicana an insurgent group fighting the Mozambican government 7 http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/zimbabwe/zimbabwe_rpt.pdf, accessed 10th May 2015 11 composition as well as a colonial background. This was suitable to trace the changes and continuities in the vegetable markets by particularly getting the inputs of the residents who had experienced both the colonial and post-colonial food markets. The houses in this area cannot be sold because they still technically belong to the Harare City Council that is why the original owners have been able to maintain them hence the prevalence of senior citizens in this suburb. 1.4.2 Gaining Access Getting permission to carry out research in a specific area is one of the daunting processes that every researcher has to go through. As for my research the main gate keeper is the City of Harare, Housing department. Ruzivo Trust, the organization that was hosting me for my internship had written a letter acknowledging me as a student researcher seeking permission to carry out the study on urban vegetable traders in Dzivarasekwa. It took three weeks for the letter to be placed with the rightful department, another three weeks of processing it and another three consecutive days of waiting at the Housing Department to collect the letter. In these three days various excuses were given ranging from missing signatories, missing stamps and so forth. This is when it dawned to me that the approval letter had not been written and it was now being processed during my presence. It took almost two months to get this approval document from the Harare City Council. I then had to approach the District Administrator’s office at the Municipality offices in the study area Dzivarasekwa and present the letter to them as well so they can approve my presence in the community. When this was done I then had to approach different actors in the vegetable trade and each time had to constantly negotiate access. Getting access in the community was made difficult as I was not representing any organization and more so there was a pending by-election to be done in a few months in the constituency. Faced with these challenges I had to make use of my own networks since I had previously resided in this study area. My association with people well known and trusted by the community was very helpful. Two of the women were my key informants which made access easier with time as the traders began to trust me. 1.5 Research Techniques
1.5.1 Life histories Life histories are defined by Watson (1976:127-128) as 'the way a person conceptualises the stream of experience that constitutes his life as he knows it, in accordance with the demands and expectations he and others impose on the act of relating that life'. They involve a combination of exploration and questioning within the context of a dialogue with the informant (Thompson 1981). They are useful for gaining an understanding of the life cycle of the people in question (Crane and Angrosino 1974). In this regard life histories with long-term residence and traders were used to enquire on the changes that were happening in the vegetable markets as well as the residential area in general. Some of the life histories dated back to the early sixties when the area was established. 1.5.2 In-depth and key informant interviews Ethnographic interviews were used to gather most of the data during the fieldwork. Giddens (2006) noted that informal in-depth interviews allow for greater flexibility in asking questions. The in depth interviews dated back to the person’s first involvement in trading and some had more than 30years in the trade hence the interviews required a lot of patience. The interviews were not completed in a single day as there was so much to talk about and moreover the researcher required some time to reflect on the interview and come up with follow up questions. Interviewing was very suitable for this research as it provides more understanding of the trader’s lifeworld, perspectives and meanings they give to certain phenomena in their lives. The interviews were often conducted in a conversation mode which made room for fruitful discussions. This was very suitable as it gave the respondent as ‘expert’ role (Lerner 1957:27). It made the traders want tell more about their trade because they felt their value was being recognized. It was amazing
12 how the traders had a vivid memory of events that had affected their trade in one way or another such that it was not difficulty to gather information. Key informant interviews are qualitative in-depth interviews with people who know what is going on in the community8. Seven key informants’ interviews were done in the community with original house owners, retired traders, municipality officials and long term residents in the area. The key informant interviews were very important in bringing out the trends in the urban food market and the various players’ perspectives. The history of the neighbourhood from the residents lifeworld, the livelihoods, occupations, income brackets, markets evolution were discussed at length to provide a better understanding of the community. Some of the key informants were gate keepers in different capacities and it further enhanced my access to the community. 1.5.3 Participant observation and conversations Participant observation or accompaniment is another method that was used to collect data from the participants as well as to get the feel of the trade. It is about experiencing the lives of the people under study. Bernard (1995) says participant observation involves the immersion of the researcher in the culture of the actors and learning to remove himself every day, from that immersion so he/she can intellectualize what has been seen and heard, put it into perspective and write about it convincingly. In order to understand people’s culture, behaviour, tradition, beliefs, activities and strategies, there was need for me to actively participate in all activities relevant for this research. I would often accompany the traders to the wholesale markets where they obtain their commodities and spend the whole day with them at their residential markets. Hence it includes more than looking, listening and experiencing and required living in the area for some time so as to establish and maintain relationships with the people being studied. Observation was used to understand how the various markets in the area operated. This was followed up with a conversation to get clarity if possible. At some instances the researcher had to take a covert role as it was not possible to reveal the true identity especially at wholesale markets. In that case then the researcher had to simply observe the transactions taking place but at the residential markets the researcher could be an observer-participant, (Hammersley and Atkinson 2007) 1.5.4 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Focus group discussions are another ethnographic technique used in this research. Hammersley and Atkinson (2007) defines this as talking to more than one informant at a time. This was prompted from the desire to have multiple views from the people’s interactions with the markets. considering the time span only one proper (FDG) was carried out comprising former trader, a customer/resident and a rural woman who had come to the city to accompany his father who sales onions to the wholesale markets. Of course as indicated by many scholars it is often difficult to control such discussions I had to constantly lead them back to the discussion. Other impromptu discussions would erupt at the markets while seeking possible respondents for the questionnaires. In these cases answering questionnaires for individuals was made difficult by the crowds so the best way to manage the situation was to ask random questions about the vegetable markets and consumer perspective thereby spearheading a discussion. Useful insights were obtained from such discussions. 1.5.5 Market Mapping ‘A market shed map is a local, regional, or national map plotted with information collected during key informant interviews and focus group discussions,’ (Timmer et al 1983). This method was used to come up with the specific vegetable market ‘hot spots’ that were according to the respondents the sites dominated by vegetable traders. The researcher enhanced this map by making a physical count of all vegetable markets in the study area on a randomly selected day. The counting was done in the mid-morning and towards the
8http://healthpolicy.ucla.edu/programs/health-data/trainings/Documents/tw_cba23.pdf, accessed 29 June 2015 13 evening of the same day to capture the differences in numbers. A map was drawn indicating the markets in the area. This was helpful in identifying markets that were operating from homes, street corners, and shopping centres and to a less extend mobile ones. To some extend it enabled the researcher to map where residents mostly purchased their vegetables through conversations with them, locations of the markets on a map as well as their responses in questionnaires. 1.5.6 Desk studies and literature review Reviewing literature on urban food markets across time and space specifically focusing on low-income consumers was very helpful for this study. It involved visiting the national archives and other information centres so as to gather records on the urban food issues during the colonial era. Literature reviews were necessary in understanding the social context of the study site, population size, composition and ethnic background of the residents which informed some of the research questions. Apart from this literature from across the globe was also used to have insights into other case scenarios where low-income earners resort to certain markets and how they interact at these markets. 1.5.7 Data analysis The raw data was mostly collected in the native language Shona which the community speaks and that is also my first language so there was no need for interpreters. The raw data was written in notebooks as field notes while some were recordings that I later transcribed into English. In addition to notebooks some of the data was recorded on questionnaires, flipcharts, maps and costing tables. Photographs were collected with the consent of the members. Grounded theorizing was used in analysing the data Hammersley and Atkinson (2007). Coding was used to sort the data according to themes and groupings for further analysis with regards to the research questions, concepts and scenarios, (ibid).Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to analyse data obtained from the consumer questionnaires. 1.5.8 Challenges Faced Access is one of the ethical dilemmas that is common to researchers, Hammersley and Atkinson (2007). As I indicated that the main gatekeepers delayed processing my approval to conduct the research it was difficult for me to just sit by while my time is running out. That means in the first two months of my research I had to conduct my research without their permission. During this time I was honest to the community about my identity as a researcher and they had their own suspicions. It limited my research to observations, conversations and accompaniments. I could not distribute questionnaires because they raise a lot of attention. My key informants would identify people that I could talk to after assuring me that they would not cause any problems. I realized that most of the members did not actually expect me to be having the approval letter from the Harare City Council because that letter represented something else. First the residents in urban areas do not have much regard for gate keepers they somehow make individual decisions on whether to talk to someone or not. Secondly, among the traders the City Council is regarded as the ‘enemy’ of their trade so having an approval from them was taken with suspicion that I was working for them to find out more information about ‘illegal’ traders. A point to note here is that there was already a tense atmosphere as the Government had mentioned the need to tax traders and at the same time indicating the need to relocate them to specific selling points. This is something that the traders had vowed to resist hence identifying myself with the City Council was not a good thing. Thirdly not having that approval and being seen moving around the community which is regarded as the stronghold for opposition political party would trigger suspicion from the ruling party supporters who were also launching their campaign in the area because of the by-election that was to be conducted in June. That meant I had to keep a balance on what I said depending on who I was talking to. However when I later obtained the approval the traders never really asked for it. They were just still curious why the study was important considering that no one had ever asked them about what they do. This required me to explain about my studies and how their contribution is going to help me. Most of them understood 14 this but another problem came when I mentioned that I was studying with a university abroad which they associated it with possible funding opportunities for their business. When I told them otherwise some would refuse to participate in the research. Then at some points I just had to slightly misrepresent myself by saying I am a university student without mentioning the university and they would naturally assume it to be a local university which was good for me. Another problem synonymous with urban populations is their impatience on things that do not directly benefit them. The most response from potential respondents was that they would ask if there was any financial benefit attached to the research. It was unethical for me to pay them hence I declined and would look for those who are willing. There were also certain markets that operate in the evening when there are more customers. This meant that the participant observation had to be carried out during their time of maximum anxiety when they are trying to serve and lure customers (Clarke 1994). In these cases we both had to endure the disturbances because there was no other way of seeing how the market is managed during the peak hours. I would make sure that I do not ask questions but simply observe and provide my assistance and would ask follow up questions at another time. Distributing questionnaires was the most hectic process in this research. This is due to the existence of various markets in the area that had to be accommodated as well. Apart from these rotations the crowds would often gather and then the questionnaire distribution would not be possible as there won’t be any privacy hence the process took longer to complete. Often these crowds would ask different things from me and on top of their requests was for me to give them jobs. Some would offer to help me with the research for a fee and others to link them to what I was doing. This was very disturbing because these people were very desperate and willing to do any job that would make them survive. Others would simply scold me for using the poor people in the research so that I make lots and lots of money for myself. I had to emotionally detach myself from this otherwise it would have skewed my focus. The section above has outlined important details about the ‘African’ markets so that they are configured differently from typical Western markets. It has noted the heterogeneous nature of the organization of the markets such that they are dynamic. The economic failures being experienced in many parts of Africa has seen the expansion of ‘informal’ food markets which provide cheaper foods. Moreover the number of traders especially women continue to increase in the trade of vegetable which unfortunately provides little profits. The chapter sets the conceptual framework of analysing the markets that is underpinned on assemblages, agency and socialised markets, other concepts that are key in the study are trust and moral economy. The various interfaces among the human and material elements that withhold their rights to differ reproduce the market diversity such that there is no single order that defines the market. The market as a space and a physical locale becomes the node that connects all these diverse elements together resulting in multiple orderings. The market is also embedded in the socio-cultural values of the society hence the sociological approach to the study. This research takes the form of a case study which enables data collection in its context. Various research techniques and triangulation were used in an effort to understand the market assemblages.
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Chapter 2: The History of Markets in Harare
2.1 Introduction
Colonialism necessitated the establishment of Salisbury, now Harare, first for administration purposes and later to accommodate both white and African workers who were greatly needed for various casual jobs in the city. As race was of paramount importance the black workers occupied the unskilled jobs with meagre wages and housing allocations were done along racial lines as well (Arrighi 1966). In Rhodesia during the 1930s there was no meaningful industry that was operational, except for few small family owned firms. Therefore most black workers in the city were employed as house helps and casual labourers. It was the onset of World War 2 that promoted various manufacturing industries as imports were difficult to access yet the export market was very lucrative (ibid). The period after WW2 huge investments were made in mining, tobacco industry and numerous manufacturing industries in and around the cities. This transformed the industry to large scale mechanized corporate owned factories (ibid). This required recruitment of more labourers from the rural areas who had to be accommodated in the city therefore more black neighbourhoods were established in the Western parts of the city (Zinyama et al. 1993, Andersson 2002). The black workers lived in overcrowded and squalid conditions as ideally they did not ‘belong’ to the city. Family friendly neighbourhoods were later established as a way of attracting more labourers as the supply continued to lag behind the demand, hence the black population in the city increased (Wild 1992). Various terminologies are used by different authors and experts to refer to African neighbourhoods both during and after colonialism in Zimbabwe. These African neighbourhoods are often referred to as townships, black neighbourhoods, native urban areas, locations, low income suburbs and High Density Areas (HDAs). In this thesis the term High Density Area will be used to refer to these former townships where population density per square metre is fairly high.
2.2 Development of High Density Areas (HDAs)
The emergence of urban food markets is largely considered a product of colonialism that saw the development of cities as permanent homes for white people and ‘temporary’ homes for black workers (Zinyama et al, 1993). Since the founding of Harare, then Salisbury in 1890 the colonial government made frantic efforts to modernise it and make it a replica of their mother countries which was considered the epitome of modernity. Therefore urban planning in Rhodesia was done to match the modern standards of the time as well as to maintain the racial divide between the blacks, mixed races, Indians and whites. The first African neighbourhoods were built shortly after 1890 in the South-West of Salisbury now Harare to provide accommodation for black workers. As demand for labour continued to grow other black townships were established. Harari township, now Mbare was established in 1908s then later Highfields 1935, 1960s Kambuzuma, Dzivarasekwa9* 1962, 1970s Glen view and Glen Norah; Mufakose, Mabvuku 1972, Chirambahuyo now Chitungwiza 1974, and others (Musekiwa 1993). These High Density Areas (HDAs) as they were later known, were established to accommodate black urban workers and later on their families, and their sizes ranged from 150-300 square metres. Zinyama et al (1993) points out that the population density per square metre was much higher than those allocated for whites. The location reflected politics of racial segregation, which required African settlements to be ‘sufficiently’ separated from white areas located mainly to the north-east of the city (Musekiwa 1993).
9 *Dzivarasekwa was called Gillingham until 1972 when its boundaries were extended. The name Dzivarasekwa originated from a lady spirit medium (Sekwa) who used to reside by the river (Dziva). The river is adjacent to the Presidential army barracks. 16
Source: Google Maps Figure 2: Map Location of Dzivarasekwa and other Residential Areas in Harare
In 1936 about 20 000 African men were employed in Salisbury; the number of women and children in the city was still very small at that time. In 1956 more than 150 000 Africans lived in Salisbury and its environs (Plewman Report 1958). Urbanization in turn boosted various industries, in particular the manufacturing industry (Wild 1992). In 1962 about 300 000 Africans lived in Salisbury and eighteen years later the figure had more than doubled (CSO, 1971). The 1945 Rhodesia Town Planning Act and the 1946 Native (Urban Areas) Accommodation and Registration Act, 1949 African Administration Department had given enormous powers to the colonial government to control the existence of blacks in the cities10. The colonial government was noted to generally function by an overarching hand of oppression of the black majority. This was evident in the racially skewed and segregative nature of the laws they passed and violently enforced.
2.2.1 The Colonial Economy and Markets The post-World War 2 Rhodesia saw a huge economic boom as the demand for products such as tobacco and manufactured goods increased both at the world and domestic markets. This resulted in development of local industries and manufacturing companies to meet the demand. In 1958 the number of tobacco producers rose from just over 1,000 to 2,669 (Barber, 1961) and the African wages rose to more than £600,000 thus keeping up internal demand for manufactured and agricultural products. The bulk of the African purchasing power was concentrated in urban townships and mining towns were they earned wages (Wild 1992). Since they had been gradually separated from their communal areas and had become dependent on the purchases of goods and services via the markets. During the 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) Southern Rhodesia's economy performed remarkably during the initial period11. In 1970 the economy was stable such that the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) annual growth rate reached its
10These Acts gave the authorities powers to determine planning and building regulations and strict frameworks on the developments in the city, required employers and local government authorities to provide accommodation for the African workers and their families, to remove the unemployed from the city, empowers council to control blacks wishing to carry out any business or trade in any proclaimed area. The African Administration Department would work as the mediator between the white government and the black urban citizens. 11 Central Statistics Office; Report on the Results of the National Income and Balance of Payments, of Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland and Southern Rhodesia, 1954–63, Salisbury 1964. (foreign investment in Southern Rhodesia, which amounted to £13.5 million in 1947, more than doubled in 1949 and reached £50.7 million by 1951 (Arrighi, G 1966). The net domestic product at current prices had risen more than nine fold from £27.4 million in 1939 to £251.1 million in 1961, and that fixed capital formation in the period 1946–61 was at a yearly average of more than £50 million (Wild, V 1992) 17 highest ever at 22.57%12 . It was only the height of the civil war in 1975-9 that affected the economy such that exports dropped and the increasing cost of financing the war continued to burden the economy (Arrighi 1966). However the majority of the black wage workers were able to maintain their jobs.
In spite of the existence of a strong economy that accommodated most black wage workers, the informal sector, operated at various capacities throughout the colonial and post-colonial times. The informal sector which was dominated by black traders had thus been in existence since the pre-colonial times only that then the traders were referred to as business people (Wild 1992). Potts (2007) noted that the colonial government’s introduction of formal structures to such an economy then classified what could not fit into their ‘modern’ structures as informal and less desirable. This view concurred with Mkandawire (1985: 16) that ‘all economic activities outside the ‘white economy’ were discouraged or prohibited to force the African population into wage employment in the mines and settler farms . The white economy was summarized as registered entities that had formal management styles and paid tax and their employees earning a weekly wage or salary. The colonial government detested black entrepreneurship therefore classified most black owned businesses as informal, but the informal sector was just the lowest stratum of black business. Therefore the actual number of players in this trade was at times underrated (Davies, 1978). The Rhodesian Property and Finance Report of 1968 indicated that the Salisbury Director for African Affairs complained about the huge number of African traders, mostly hawkers that were now operating in the city. The Director indicated that the urban informal sector was getting out of control and proposed firm application of the laws to suppress it. Nevertheless such legislations and heavy surveillance did not completely prevent their existence. The 1969 census placed the number of street traders at 1800 (CSO 1971) but did not classify them according to gender or the products that they sold. The Salisbury City Council adhered to a modernist planning that had been adopted in developing the cities in then Rhodesia (Potts, 2008). In this sense the Salisbury City Council (SCC), had the mandate to define what a market was, what it looked like and how it was to be used in the HDAs. This was evidenced by the fact that the SCC was the one that identified locations that were suitable for a market and approved the physical structure according to their own plan. It equipped the markets with the necessary facilities and had by-laws to guide the use of such markets. This was based on their idea of a ‘modern city’ were residence are ‘ordered’ to behave in a way that pleased the authorities by adopting some etiquettes that were expected in a modern society. There was a connection between the market and the transport system as most markets in the HDAs were located at bus termini. The government was also in control of the transport sector. This set up was developed with the anticipation that when people get on and off the public transport they would purchase their vegetables from these markets. The residence got accustomed to such a system and adopted it quickly, which made these markets viable. HDA residents could not afford to build and own markets because of the by-laws and bureaucracies that prevented such activities. This struggle is exemplified by the request from a white farmer to build markets for his produce in the city which was declined by the City Council13. This response implies that it was only the SCC that could determine the allocation and establishment of markets. Requests by the Secretary for Native Affairs in 1958 for more market facilities for black grown produce to be sold in HDAs were declined as well by the Town Clerk citing that it was beyond the provisions in the Native Accommodation and
12 http://www.tradingeconomics.com/zimbabwe/gdp-growth-annual, accessed 5th February 2015 Between 1968 and 1974, GNP grew by 8,3% per annum (Wild. 1992) and in 1970 the economy was stable such that the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Annual Growth Rate reached its highest ever at 22.57%. 13 National Archives file LG 191 (11/290) Sell of fruits and vegetables by E.W. Marshall 1951 Nov 13 to Dec 21 (Mr Marshall requested permission to sell fresh fruits and vegetables from a stall on a vacant municipal space in 1952. He was willing to provide the sanitary, ablutionary and other facilities as required by Public Health Act and Bye-laws. However his request was not granted because such activities could not be done on vacant stand owned by the SCC.) 18
Registration Act14. The SCC indicated that “it had no plans for the establishment of additional marketing facilities in existing Native Urban Areas…. [when] new areas were established however, provision would be made for eventual provision of markets to serve these residents”15. This alone depicts the struggles involved in establishing markets that were outside the plans and discretion of the SCC. The SCC also had various departments in place that were in control of marketing points in the city. These were responsible for granting trading licenses, allocation of market sites and monitoring to ensure that the traders were sticking to the stipulated standards at the markets. The SCC had the human, technical, constitutional and political support to implement and monitor these activities therefore the black urban population could not resist them.16 The sale of fruits and vegetables in the HDAs during this period either as hawkers or from official structures build by SCC was classified under the informal sector. Their existence was necessitated by the growing urban black population which demanded food that was affordable in relation to their wages. These markets in general helped to reduce the cost of living in the urban areas, therefore keeping down the wages for African workers. This is also why the colonial government could not completely suppress hawkers (Wild, 1992). Apart from this the colonial discriminatory laws had created separate markets for people according to their race. Therefore these markets in the HDAs were then suitable and convenient for the residence. Since SCC had control over the HDAs it also controlled the markets by licensing traders operating from the stalls but much less the hawkers. The white farmers were the main suppliers of horticultural produce including fresh fruits and vegetables17. They benefited from the operation of these markets that expanded their supply chain (Horn 1995).
2.2.2 The Post-Colonial Economy and Markets The war finally ended in 1980 the new black government inherited one of the best economies according to African standards. The economy continued to be ‘dualized’ with preference being given to the formal sector but in the name of ‘freedom’ people began to expand their livelihoods ventures in the Informal Sector with little restriction from the state. During this period 1980-90 urban poverty had declined in former Salisbury, now Harare such that the proportion of families in HDAs living below the minimum industrial wage had fallen to between 10-15% while the proportion living below the poverty datum line actually decreased to between 25-30% as compared to 60% during the early 80s, and majority were employed in the formal sectors of the economy (Rakodi 1995:128). The informal sector became very visible as some laws that had prevented its existence were abolished and others revised (Peters-Berries 1993, Shinder 1997). It is during this period that the Informal Sector experienced a huge growth and expanded. Though these operations were not really legalised and the government still concentrated much on the formal economy, the presence of Informal Sector was beginning to be felt in most HDAs in Harare. Even though the economy was performing well it could not absorb all people now living in the cities. In 1982 the population of Harare was estimated to be 828,527 and in 1992 had increased to 1,485,615 (CSO 1992) therefore the Informal Sector was providing employment to the surplus population.
The inception of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAP) in 1990 dramatically transformed the economy. ESAP requirements included currency devaluation; price, wage and trade liberalisation; reductions in government spending, removing subsidies and privatization of public offices. This resulted in huge numbers of formally employed people in the urban areas losing their jobs as industries
14 National Archives file LG 191 (12/7/3/2) Municipal Markets Oct 1958- Nov 1963 (Letter from Town Clerk to Department of Native Affairs) 15 Ibid 16 The Councils Act Part 1 General, Part XI, section 90, 94 and 99 and their subsections on food hygiene, markets and hawkers and street traders gave the City Council authority to license, collect charges, regulate markets and prohibit haphazard trading within or outside council area . Section 198 of the same Act, stipulates the powers of the Council and in paragraph 12 gives them powers to control the activities in the operations of markets and agricultural produce and to develop by-laws suiting such operations. In this regard the City Council had both the technical and financial capacity to maintain its standards and control on vegetable stalls in this area. 17 HPC: Transforming Zimbabwe’ horticultural sector (1999) 19 retrenched and some closed, leading to urban poverty in the following years. The negative effects of ESAP on workers, unemployment and welfare was analysed in detail (Rakodi 1994, Kanji 1995, Potts and Mtambirwa 1998, Potts 2000, Raftopoulos and Mlambo 2009, Sutcliffe 2012). ESAP exacerbated urban poverty and people became desperate for new livelihoods. Therefore the expansion of the informal sector as an alternative can be seen as an effect of urban poverty.
Matshalaga (1997) in a study of low income areas of Dzivarasekwa and Tafara in Harare in the mid-1990 indicated that as a result of ESAP 94% of the households in the study were engaged in vending and 50% in urban agriculture. Women predominated the petty trading particularly in the least profitable sector of fruit and vegetables (Nachudwa 1995, Matemba 1996). The increase in the number of vegetable traders in HDAs was a direct challenge to the established traders who operated from the City Council stalls. These City Council stalls were too few to accommodate all the aspiring traders, hence the new emerging traders found new trading points along the streets where they did not have to pay any fees. The economy further declined during the 1997 budget crisis, the 2000 Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP) and the subsequent droughts that followed.
The FTLRP of 2000 contributed to unemployment but also the disruption of the FFV supply chain such that vegetable shortages were experienced at some points. This is because the horticultural production had been dominated by white Large Scale Commercial Farmers (LSCF) and such a vacuum could not be filled in quickly. A point to note is that the land redistribution had then increased the number of players in the horticulture production. The LSCF were left with 5% of the land while the newly settled black farmers under A1 scheme had 19% and A2, 10%. This increased the number of small holder farmers who are now supplying most of the vegetables at various markets. These changes transformed the vegetable supply chain such that during shortages traders had buy commodities directly from the farmers and vice versa, by-passing the wholesale markets.
2.2.2 The Post 2000 Economy and Markets. The period after 2000 was marked by disputed elections, economic meltdown and hyper-inflation and food insecurity. This economic plunge is further detailed by several authors including Davies (2005) and Raftopoulos (2006). Urban households were further pushed into the informal sector as formal jobs were hard to secure after year 2000. The city became a hub for exchange of goods and services through informal means. The Operation Clean the City in 2005 had one of the agendas among many, to clean up the city and remove ‘illegal’ structures and houses most of which the informal sector traders operated from and restore the ‘order’ that was now lacking in the cities (Potts 2006). This operation not only led to homelessness and forced migrations to rural areas but also the livelihoods of many people in the urban areas were affected (Tibaijuka Report). This was a reversal to the gains that had been made in the operations of the informal sector.
In 2007-8 the economic situation worsened and the country was hit with commodity shortages as most companies failed to access foreign currency to make imports. This led to the flourishing of the parallel market also known locally as black market which proved that the clean-up had failed. These markets became the hype in most HDAs and became the reliable sources of almost household commodities18. The markets operated from any open space along the streets, the shopping centres and on resident’s yards. This scenario further ‘endorsed’ the operations of markets from any point because these traders were meeting the needs of the residence and whenever they operated they would be flanked with vegetable traders who had also redefined how the markets operated beyond the organized structures. While street trading took the centre stage, migration to neighbouring countries was another way that HDA residents dealt with unemployment.
18 http://reliefweb.int/report/zimbabwe/fews-zimbabwe-food-security-update-21-oct-2002, accessed 3rd March 2015 20
Migration had been at its peak since 2000 and remittances were identified as a major source that was helping to sustain the urban households19. The Government of National Unity (GNU) in 2009 and the adoption of the multicurrency the same year ensured that basic goods were available in the shops, inflation went down but there was no significant creation of employment. Key sectors of the economy namely mining, industry and agriculture did not recuperate as expected due to various reasons. Instead companies continued to retrench while many have shut down since the end of the GNU in 2013, which had began to raise economic revival prospects. . Almost seven years after the adoption of multicurrency the formal economy is still in the mud as the state funds are reportedly fast running out. The country has been since been nicknamed a vending nation20 as fewer people have secure jobs and the rest have to trade something to survive.
Unemployment has been difficult to decode because of contrasting statistics between the (ZimStats 2012) and other sources as well as difficulties in measuring what exactly employment, unemployment and underemployment entails in the Zimbabwean socio-economic context. According to Zimstats 2012 Zimbabwean unemployment rate in 2011 was 10.7% while the ZimAsset admits that it is over 50%21 yet most economists and industrialists believe that unemployment is between 70% and 85%22. There is no doubt from these statistics that the informal sector and its several branches, including vegetable vending, have taken the centre stage in the urban livelihoods discourse in Harare and beyond. Almost all vegetable markets in HDAs are operating from unofficial selling points. Prior to 2013 traders in the HDAs used to experience sporadic raids from the municipal police but the raids in the city centre were consistent. This was a way of reminding traders that those trading points were not recognized under city by-laws. However 2014 marked a new era for the traders as the country’s political terrain became very competitive and politicians were vying for ways to gain political support. One politician quoted the indigenization and empowerment rhetoric and some influential political figures openly encouraged traders to sell from anywhere in spite of the stipulations of the city by-laws thereby creating a trader’s paradise. In this context vending in Zimbabwe had become the order of the day with the city being almost overtaken by the FFV business. This paradise was short-lived in the Central Business District as by July 2015 the City Council again flexed its muscle and chased away these traders from the city23. However traders in the HDAs were less affected by these changes. 2.3 The Modern market (pre-independence to early 1990s)
As mentioned earlier on, markets in Dzivarasekwa established in the early 60s had a modern connotation. The city Council was the sole gatekeeper of the markets and controlled all its activities. These markets were built on allocated places using bricks and roofed with asbestos/corrugated iron sheets. They were furnished with fitted sinks and water taps, overnight lockers and next to each of them was a flush toilet. Some markets had electricity to enable traders to sell in the evening. The occupants were responsible for cleaning the stalls and ensuring refuse collection by the city council vehicles on specific days. The maintenance of the place was done by employees of the City Council who were also responsible for cleaning the toilets. These hygienic and maintenance standards and routine visits by the City Council officials are stipulated in the Councils Act. Each stall had a specific number of people allowed to operate and these traders had a monopoly over the market since all residents in the suburb had to buy their fruits and vegetables only from these stalls24. It is
19 http://www.herald.co.zw/zim-diaspora-remits-14-billion/ (some sources say that a total of 3million Zimbabweans are in the diaspora with over 2million of them in South Africa. In 2012-14 remittances sent to Zimbabwe by individuals excluding industrial organizations amounted to 1,4billion, this amount could be higher considering the informal channels that are not captured by RBZ) 20 https://www.newsday.co.zw/2014/04/08/zimbabwe-nation-traders/ accessed 18 May 2015 21 http://www.dpcorp.co.zw/assets/zim-asset.pdf, accessed 21 May 2015 22 ZimStat Labour Survey 2011, p.22 23 https://www.newsday.co.zw/2015/07/06/vendors-expose-govt-council/ accessed 16th August 2015 24 In-depth interview with Rose, resident and trader, Dzivarasekwa 3, February 2015 21 important to note that during the 70s and much more in the 80s people were generally living a comfortable life where they could afford a ‘good’ basic standard of living (Rakodi 1995). The majority of the residents in the Dzivarasekwa had a wage employment in factories, industries, farms, mines or as house helpers and after 1980 in government and the private sector. Therefore these market arrangements were viable for traders and residents alike. 2.3.1 Women vegetable traders: colonial period Women who engaged in vegetable trading during the colonial times had found themselves in the city mostly because of their union to men employed in the city. The bottleneck system of education had affected women much more, so that they had not acquired skills for employment but rather for domestic duties (Summers 1996). Women had found themselves in artificial town communities that were products of urbanization which lacked kinship ties and other ingredients of a natural community (Nehwati 1970). The black townships were characterized by multiple ethnic groups who had been assembled together through migration for the sole purpose of providing cheap labour to their white masters. This society had a weak base and what seemed to unite them was the similarity of the problems they experienced in their urban environment (ibid). This community was not well equipped to provide social institutions that would arbitrate on societal issues. It is in this predicament that black urban women had to find ways of providing for their families in the event that a spouse loses his job or is not providing financial support to the family. In general women in the townships were comfortable to be full time home minders and those involved in petty trading were seen as the anomalies. There was a lot of stigma attached to being vegetable traders in town as this was identified as a rural trait25. This was very paradoxical in the sense that these women were providing the services that are really needed in the township but the society looked down upon those engaged in it. More respect was given to those with a formal job and much more to those in white collar jobs. 2.3.2 Entering the vegetable trade Interviews with women who were involved in vegetable trading in Dzivarasekwa during the colonial period revealed that women generally had some experience in trading before their relocation to townships. Stella, now 75 years old, indicated that she had been brewing and selling beer together with her mother in Chivi, their rural home, before she came to the city. Brewing beer in the city was very profitable but highly restricted (Schlyter, 2003) and she didn’t want to be in trouble with the police, so she couldn’t do it. Rose had been living in Mt Hampden compound where her husband and her father worked. Petty trading was not restricted in the compound so she had experience as well. When they relocated to Dzivarasekwa when the township was established they were determined to continue making their own money since their husbands were in the habit of going for beer drinking sprees in shebeens26 when they got their weekly wages. Rose’s husband worked at a brick moulding factory in Mt Hampden and the only thing that she was guaranteed that her husband would bring was the cooking coal which was readily available at his workplace. It is these challenges that prompted them to engage in vegetable trading so that they could afford their children’s school fees among other things. Vegetable trading does not require much start-up capital but in these circumstances getting that capital was difficult considering that people had just been relocated and had not developed such networks. One had to rely on their blood relations to be able to get financial assistance. Rose had to borrow money from her mother because her husband would not give her the money. Stella had to be more creative by cutting the family food consumption as well as hiding some groceries and when her husband gave her grocery money then she would put that money aside. This is how the women got their first start-up capital for their first produce purchase. At this point there weren’t any formal institutes that would lend money to petty traders
25 In-depth interview with Stella Sigauke, resident and trader Dzivarasekwa, February 2015 26 Shebeens were illegal beer drinking bars operating mostly from backyards in black townships. Homebrewed as well as commercial beer was sold there. The white government labelled these places as social ills synonymous with crime and prostitution and people found there often faced arrests. Men often went to drink and could spend some days there as board and food was also provided for a fee. 22 because the government discouraged the informal sector activities which posed a threat to their supply of labour (Wild 1992). 2.3.3 Accessing a trading stall Getting a stall for my respondents was not difficult at all because they were among the first families to settle in Dzivarasekwa when the township was established in 1962. They indicated that once the market stall was complete the Salisbury City Council (SCC) officials sought for occupants. The allocation process was a very formal exercise. Applicant had to avail themselves at the local municipality offices in possession of their national identity cards, their housing card and rules and regulations were explained to them. The allocation was on a first come first serve basis and during these first encounters most of the aspiring applicants got a stall. The trader was given a trader’s card bearing their name, home address and stall number and required to pay a monthly fee for using the stalls. In spite of this, such market allocation structures were deeply rooted in exclusion. Those who had no identity cards as well as proof of accommodation in the area only accessed by house owners could not enter this trade. This emanated from the well-known role of the City Council which was to govern and control urban populations. Awarding stalls to documented residents only was a way of discouraging urban entrepreneurship. The City Council in this regard was the governing body and its influence was felt among the traders as failure to comply with its stipulations resulted in punishments, threats and evictions27. The city council was the sole body responsible for replacements of traders in the stall and settlement of disputes that were within its parameters. This gave the City Council a very important role as the gate keeper of the markets and in turn shaped what the market meant to the society. It controlled the space occupied by markets in the society as well as managing the physical spaces where markets were located thereby influencing the interaction of people with markets and the meanings derived from it. 2.3.4 Accessing Produce Once the stall had been allocated traders had to find the vegetables for resale to the community. My respondents indicated that getting produce was not the problem but rather the transport to go to the wholesale markets and other places where vegetables were sold. Mbare wholesale market had been established in the late 1950s and was the main vegetable wholesale market for Africans living in townships. A journey to the market started as early as 3am in the morning when the ZUPCO28 bus picked up residents in townships to various drop off points on its way to Mbare market. Upon arrival usually around 5am each trader had to present their trader’s card to be allowed to purchase from the wholesale arena. This was a way of monitoring the number of people who could purchase from this market thereby limiting the possibility of non-registered traders entering this trade. The respondents indicated that the City officials often argued that they required these trader’s cards so that ‘order’ is maintained so as to prevent overcrowding in the wholesale markets. “In case a trader has forgotten the trader’s card at home she was very lucky to be allowed to buy,” Rose said, this consolidating how strict the system was. It implied that the wholesale market was also approached with certain conditions. The produce that was sold at the wholesale market was brought by both black farmers from communal areas as well as white commercial farmers who could ‘dump’ their low quality produce that had no place in the white supermarkets (Horn 1995). According to my respondents there was never scarcity of vegetable in the markets neither was quality a factor because all farmers brought fairly good quality. The traders could distinguish produce from the commercial farmer through its packaging in huge similar boxes bearing the farmer’s name at times. For their return journey traders could optionally hire Peugeot 404s in groups but this was more expensive than the bus as many people didn’t have cars then. Usually they waited for the bus again which operated with a certain schedule and paid a fair price for their purchased produce.
27 Interview with Stella Sigauke, resident and trader, February 2015 Dzivarasekwa 3, Harare 28 Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO)the government owned buses, former Harare United Omnibus Company (HUOC) 23
Apart from Mbare wholesale market the traders could also obtain their commodities from nearby plots in Snake Park, Rhenam, Tynwald, Stapleford, Mt Hampden and other surrounding areas. Unlike when they went to Mbare when they would just meet at the bus station, visits to the plots were planned beforehand. They would still start their journey around 3am as well and walked to the plots on foot. It required a group of at list six people in order to feel safe especially in the morning. They had to arrive just before 6am so as to get the best quality when the plots open. At the plots it was difficult to negotiate for prices because the farmer had no fear of losses since the produce was obtained direct from the field by potential buyers. Everything was then weighed on a scale to determine the cost price. The only chance of exercising their agency was to bribe the workers if the superiors were not there so that he writes a lesser weight and charge lesser amount. Such relationships were cultivated over time such that the plot workers could inform them upon arrival if ‘dealing’ was possible or not on that particular day. This influenced the selection of the plots that they would visit regularly and others they would only go to when they couldn’t find the commodity at their preferred plot. The return journey was the most tedious as each one had to carry their produce by head at times for over 20km. This concurs what was noted by Clarke (1994) that the market is not for the sickly, the frail and the old. This exercise required someone who was fit enough to carry such load and operate the market as well until evening. 2.3.5 The market in reality The market during the colonial period had strict formal rules and law that divided the black and white business people. The City Council made it clear to the traders that they were only allowed to sell vegetables and no other commodities as that was the mandate of supermarkets and shops that were largely owned by white capitalists. In addition the sale of drugs and alcohol would result in harsher punishments. The traders, just like many other township dwellers, generally felt themselves to be completely at the mercy of their town rulers (Bourdillion 1976:313). The restrictive laws monopolised certain business and there was limited entry or expansion by the black majority. The women interviewed expressed that there was no room for expansion in their trade as having multiple stalls or expanding was really difficult and somehow prohibited. They appreciated that at least they had found space in a modern city where they were allowed to trade and their lives were improving. Rose and Stella agreed that after just a few months of trading their lives had improved and they were able to take care of their children as well as the extended family who often came to the city in search for jobs. Even though their husbands were still drinking, that seemed not to worry them anymore as they now had their own incomes. They felt they were becoming relevant to the society. The vegetable traders forged relationships with each other and everyone occupying the stalls. These women obviously had stories of their own city experience to tell as noted by Watson and Studdert (2006). Some were widows who gained the sympathy of the society depending on how the husband had died. These were usually much older women. Other women traders were those with unemployed husbands because they didn’t have identity cards. These were mostly migrants from Mozambique. Rose considered herself to be young when she traded in the stalls as she was below thirty and often raised the curiosity of many people. The community was still small in terms of numbers as tenants/lodgers were officially not allowed. They eventually knew about her husband’s drinking habits and understood why she had to trade. These were mostly the stories they talked about in the market stalls as well as the social and economic problems. Political issues were very sensitive to discuss then. They would also pass time knitting and crocheting and they considered this to be time well spent. There was a silent competition for customers in the stalls. It was not a very aggressive style because they were all guaranteed to go home with some money at the end of the day. The interviews revealed that it was possible for a customer to prefer to buy from an absent trader who had gone home for an errand and other traders can serve the customer without coercing her to buy from them. They would however outdo each other in giving out add-ons known as basela to gain customer loyalty. Customer relations were also
24 established along ethnical and social lines. Customers preferred to buy from women with whom they shared some values, identity, background or ethnicity among other things. Customers could identify this through regalia, jewellery, language and accents. The respondents recalled that some of their first customers were people they had previously stayed with before their relocation to Dzivarasekwa. Others recalled that the most difficult customers were those who had previously resided in the low-density white areas as house help. They regarded residence who had come from the compounds known as prazos as dirty and dull as they claim they lacked ‘modern’ mannerisms. This is evidence of a changing culture in the city (Bourdillion, 1976) that was also being experienced at the markets. At this point these markets could be defined more or less in economic terms as mere places of exchange of goods and services with the sole need to maximize their utility (Becker, 1976). This is because there were laws against loitering and unofficial gatherings such that customers could not stand for long at these markets as they risked being arrested. When the country attained its independence in 1980 the new government continued with the same Acts and by-laws that had guided the operations of all activities in the city including the fruit and vegetable markets (Wekwete 1987b). The city by-laws still maintained that there should be designated points of sales yet the enforcement of these laws had slackened as people enjoyed ‘freedom’ (Kuzvitonga Kuzere)29. Some people began to operate their vegetable markets from the streets in the name of freedom and enforcing the law on them was equated to the Whiteman’s oppression so the new government was not keen to strictly enforce such laws. It is during this period that the Informal sector became more visible and began to grow. There were more traders, yet the Council stalls were still occupied by the first occupants. The surplus traders had to find new selling points hence they went either to prominent street corners or shopping centres just a stone’s throw away from the Council stalls which increased the competition. Some traders began to leave the City Council stalls and trade in the streets as well because of the comparative advantage. Some still would send their children above the age of 14 to be hawkers in the nearby formerly all-white suburbs like Mabelreign and Belvedere as the laws were no longer strict. All this symbolized the changes that were happening in this vegetable markets and these changes continued to restructure this trade. However, it is important to note that markets were still organized around a physical structure and those outside it were seen as anomalies.
2.4 The changing market (1990s to 2005)
The years of ESAP and the massive retrenchments as discussed above pushed most of the people into informal trading. Fruit and vegetable trading being one of their newly adopted livelihoods solution saw an increase in the number of traders. In this period the City Council markets were partially functional with some stalls unoccupied. The years that followed saw the vandalism of the City Council markets at bus termini and shopping centres. The water taps were vandalised such that there was no longer supply of water to these stalls. The same was done to the electricity cables, plugs and bulbs30. In the streets of Dzivarasekwa people were now selling from every corner. The municipality was turning a blind eye on street traders maybe because they realized people were desperate. ESAP had ensured the partial deregulation of the transport sector such that the introduction of Kombiwagen now popularly known as Kombis to transport people introduced new routes (Maunder and Mbara 1995) therefore further limiting customer base for City Council stalls located at termini. The street markets had their own gate keepers who would determine whether new comers could come in or not. The gatekeeper was usually the person who started trading at that spot first. Since there was no direct
29 A Shona word which means self-rule, freedom in its fullness. It was coined during the attainment of independence in 1980 where black and majority rule were signs of total freedom 30 Interview with Stella Sigauke, resident and trader, Dzivarasekwa 3, 7 February 2015 25 involvement of the City Council, these gatekeepers were the leaders. Even though they knew that more traders had come because of job losses they would still make it difficult for new comers. Their excuse was that they had always been trading even when formal employment jobs had been available, yet those who were joining them had been in the luxury of having other jobs31. The older traders always tried to discourage new traders because they feared competition and did not want to lose their customers. A new trader had to have the right connections/relations to access this market or had to be bold enough and stand up to the old traders who in most cases would eventually accept them. This intimidation worked very well to discourage new traders. Since there were no formal structures to protect their existence some traders aligned themselves to political parties, while others to ethnic or religious groups, burial societies and other important groups in the community in order to access markets or maintain their stay at the markets32. The relationship with customers became more casual as customers, friends or relatives could go to these street markets and chat the whole day without any disruptions. The market became a social place (Watson and Studdert 2006) and the heartbeat of society. The street traders would always have the latest news and gossip that they pass on to the customers. These traders, together with parallel market traders who sold other household commodities along the streets, had now redefined what a market was, which can be contextualised as a social space. These markets were also the target of the 2005 Operation Restore Order that was condemned by the United Nations (Tibaijuka 2005) 2.5 The Socialized Market
According to Lie (1997) and Watson and Studdert (2006) markets are not only places where goods are exchanged for money or otherwise but are also arenas of social interactions. This is where networks are established and expanded, and societal entrepreneurial skills are exercised. This definition of markets is very relevant to the street markets in Dzivarasekwa where the market has maintained its social role with traders being very popular people in society and the market being an open space where people go to relax and discuss important life issues. As a strategy to maximise profits the traders have to have good customer care skills. This involves socialising and listening to people complaints mostly conveyed through jokes (Wiley, 2014). The trader has to keep their customers satisfied because chances of losing them are very high as competition has become stiff in this trade33. Traders have become a force to reckon with because their numbers have increased as compared to the previous years. Some political figures have openly pledged their support to them because they have seen the potential of harvesting a large number of votes. The traders themselves exercise their agency by attaching themselves to any influential figure that ensures that they can trade without much harassment from the police. This does not necessarily mean that traders share the same vision with that influential figure but it is just a calculated move that ensures their survival as traders. The markets have become dynamic with different key players, diverse supporting structures and multiple orderings. It has shifted from a physical structure to a much more dispersed space with much concentration of people. The 2005 Restore Order fell short in subduing vegetable street markets traders as macroeconomic instability and political situation compelled them to return to the streets together with other traders. The City Council police would make sporadic ‘raids’34 prior to 2013 on the traders to try and reinforce what the Clean Up campaign had failed to do. This was met with difference responses. Some traders negotiated with the police and ‘pay them’ to regain their commodities, others would simply run away while the unfortunate ones were
31 In-depth interview with Mai Munyaradzi, resident and vendor, Dzivarasekwa 3, February 2015 32 Ibd 33 Ibid 34 This is when municipal police enforce the by-laws by arresting and collecting commodities from traders selling at undesignated points 26 caught and had to pay a fine of $10 USD but the commodities are not given back to the trader35. These are some of the experiences in the trader-City Council interfaces in which the council still strives to order the market. The improvements in telecommunication systems have made their efforts difficult as traders are informed about their actions prior to their arrival. In this era the role of gatekeepers both official and unofficial ones at the markets is no longer very significant because of the poverty levels in the HDAs. It is well known countrywide that almost everyone is relying on the market for their survival so denying them the chance to sell is equated to a ‘death sentence’36 by traders. However it does not mean that this is uniform in all places in the streets because some street market gatekeepers still resist new traders. There are many vegetable traders now with different trading practices. Some are mobile, some with trucks that just come to ‘dump’ vegetables in the HDAs, some on the streets and many others in front of their yards. This has transformed the power dynamics at the markets. Selling from home has become very common such that almost everyone can become a trader whenever they chose to. Most traders indicated that selling from home was a liberation from the jealous and gossip from other traders in the streets. The established traders find themselves competing with new comers as well as impromptu ones. The arena has become so brutal such that even successful traders can find themselves out of business because the profit margins have been eroded37. What has sustained this trade is the Rotational Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) the loan sharks and remittances. Traders who are not able to access any of these are at risk of getting out of business because the profits margins are very low. This chapter has chronicled the development of the cities in general and urban markets in particular. It has provided a brief economic and political background that influenced the operations of vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa. The onset of independence, the adoption of ESAP, the Fast Track land reform and the economic meltdown that followed has influenced the operations of vegetable markets. The vegetable markets that once operated with a modern connotation resulting from urban planning structures and ordering the city has evolved into a socialized market that is influenced by the socio-cultural persuasions of the society where new forms of order are constantly negotiated for. The market is no longer identified by a physical building established at specific locations in the neighbourhood but the market is embedded into the socio-cultural systems of the society. The boundaries that used to limit the number of players in this trade have been destroyed by many factors including the informalization of the economy. Vegetable trading has surged as the new ‘laissez faire’ creating diverse traders, supply networks, consumers, different selling points, commodities and different material organization of the markets. These are some of the elements of the assemblage and their interactions create various forms of order. Elaborate details of the socialized markets, interactions of various elements of the assemblage and how agency is exercised are closely analysed in the following chapters
35 Interview with Mai Sean, resident and former trader, Dzivarasekwa December 2014 36 Interview with Mai Charity, resident and trader, February 2015 37 Ibid 27
Chapter 3: Urban Vegetable Provision through the Wholesale Markets
3.1. The wholesale markets
Urban vegetable provision for low income households in High Density Areas (HDAs) is mainly through the wholesale markets located within the urban environments. The largest market is Mbare and the other one much smaller is Lusaka market in Highfield and they are key elements of the assemblage. These two markets are about 18km and 16km from Dzivarasekwa respectively. Mbare market had enjoyed the monopoly until 2005 when Lusaka was established. Mbare has the advantage of being at a central location closer to the city which attracts various buyers and its prestige attracts many farmers. Mbare also hosts the main long distance bus termini that links the urban to several rural areas. It hosts several Small to Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and the largest second –hand clothing market in Harare. Mbare is basically the epitome of informalization. It is within this backdrop that traders have to make choices on where they want to purchase their commodities depending with their own rationales. Over 90% of traders interviewed preferred the Mbare market because of the availability of varieties of produce unlike at Lusaka where fruits and other horticultural varieties are in short supply. The horticultural produce at these markets is supplied by both communal and commercial farmers from all provinces but the leafy vegetables, tomatoes and onions are mostly from Mashonaland East and Central provinces. The low supply of other horticultural produce from the farmers necessitates the entry of South African produce into the market for example onions when the local supply is exhausted. This reflects the interaction of local and regional networks that are linked through the markets making them important elements of the assemblage. The trader-farmer interfaces at these markets create another ordering of the markets as traders have to survive in such brutal environments. Their ability to survive and manipulate such market cultures is reflected at their local markets were they are able to capitalize on situations and order their markets as such. 3.1.1 Horticulture Production and Marketing The horticultural produce in Zimbabwe is being grown by three groups of farmers. These are the Large Scale Commercial Farmers (LSCF) including the A2 farmers; the small holder farmers comprising of communal, new resettlement A1, old resettlement, small scale commercial farmers and then the peri-urban and urban producers practicing horticulture in the backyards of their residential properties. The growers market their produce through different channels but it is mostly the communal and commercial farmers who supply to wholesale markets, other growers supply supermarkets and other vegetable kiosks. Most of the growers do not rely on a single crop throughout the year because they cannot afford the soil treatment costs to control pests, hence they practice crop rotation. This awards the farmer the benefit of producing all year round. For instance farmers after harvesting onions in July get ready to plant tobacco on the same field. This then affects the availability of other products as farmers tend to shift to other cash products hence creating supply gaps in the sector. In this regards, the horticultural sector has not been able to fully satisfy the domestic market that’s why the country has to rely on fresh fruits and vegetable imports from South Africa. The horticultural map below (Fig 3.1) shows the flow of vegetables from the outlying areas into the urban areas and wholesale markets. Several factors determine where the farmer markets their produce and those factors cannot be exhausted here. What is imperative is that Mbare and Lusaka markets rely on these farmers and brokers for their daily supplies which make these wholesale markets viable.
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Fig 3.1: Zimbabwe Horticultural Map 2012
3.2 The Mbare Wholesale market
The Mbare vegetable wholesale market has completely transformed from a controlled entity during colonial period to a market with complex forms of organization and heterogeneous actors. The market is an area cut out of its own fabric in terms of the people’s culture and behaviour. The security walls reflect years of neglect and dilapidation. It is about half the size of a football pitch and overcrowded with traders, farmers, middlemen, traders, push carts, wooden boxes, reed baskets and uncollected garbage. There are approximately 40% farmers and 60% middlemen (makoronyera)38 in the market who contribute to the shaping and defining the market. The market scenario agrees with Good’s (1973) description of a market as it is overwhelming with the noise, haggling, whistling and movements of crowds in between the heaped vegetables, tomatoes, cabbages and many other commodities heaped in piles. There can be crowds of over 2000 people per day competing to buy and sell produce and provide services. The huge crowds make it a conducive environment for pick pockets and other swindlers. Order is arbitrary as the insiders have created their own order based on the diversities of various stakeholders in this market which outsiders may find chaotic. The wholesale markets are scattered with material elements that are synonymous with the trade. Traders are identified by reed baskets, sacks as well as commodities they carry in different ways. Farmers are synonymous with package boxes as well as commodities they trade. The place is also full of push carts, trucks, wheelbarrows and the various social actors keeping their money in small bags close to their chests.
38 Makoronyera means unscrupulous middle people 29
These material elements shape the market and influence the interaction of actors as they are used as instruments of agency. More details on the material elements of the markets are provided in the Annex. Language is used in defining the different groups of people at the markets and how information is conveyed can foster inclusion or exclusion. At this market speaking obscene is part of the official language along with slang39, sign language and secret codes. These languages can be used to communicate, intimidate, confuse or deceive depending with situations. Men dominate at this market as farmers, middlemen, pushcart drivers, security guards and Municipal officials while women are mostly traders who purchase the produce for resale. Children also accompany parents while some sell snacks, cigarettes and packaging independently. The security system in the market is very complex. The City Council workers provide security in the market as well as Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP)’s neighbourhood watch arm. The youth groups who assert allegiance to the ruling party also claim the same role of providing security and ensuring smooth transactions between traders and buyers. This often results in power struggles among them creating loopholes in the security system. The farmers who come from the communal areas arrive with their produce in the early hours of the morning and pay $10usd fee to the municipality office for a day’s sell. There are also middlemen who use sly tactics and buy produce from farmers on spot at lower prices for resale in this market for a profit. Apart from them there are other ‘unknown’ brokers who facilitate the procurement of produce, mostly onions, apples, bananas, carrot, oranges, peaches and tangerines which arrive in the wee hours in huge haulage trucks from South Africa and are offloaded at the markets for further packaging. It is in this complex, multiple ordered market with heterogeneous actors, various networks in a volatile environment that women have to purchase their produce for resale therefore requiring a lot of experience and dexterity. 3.3 The Lusaka Market
The Lusaka market in Highfield is a complete opposite of the Mbare market. This market was created in 2005 as a temporary market site during Restore Order when Mbare was difficult to access as some illegal structures were being destroyed. The efforts to reverse the massive urbanization taking place centred on Mbare market resulted in the creation of another market which is also fuelling urbanization through the creation of opportunities linked to the Lusaka market. Lusaka is relatively smaller and attracts fewer traders and buyers than Mbare. The people are a bit ‘conservative’ in term of behaviour. They address each other with respect and dignity to some extent. There is also a lot of shouting and haggling but the noise is less intense. There is enough space for both traders and buyers to manoeuvre hence the less congestion. The produce suppliers are more or less similar to Mbare market but the women traders seem to know a lot of the regular farmers/middlemen by name. Women interviewed indicated that Lusaka market was ideal for the elderly or sickly traders, those who value the hygienic conditions of a market, those traders who do not need a variety of commodities and those who do not want to be harassed by other buyers and farmers alike. These are some of the rationales that determine which wholesale market the trader prefers.
39 The city language which can be a mixture of English and local language and invented words that can have multiple meanings depending with situation and listeners. It is common among city people and the younger generation. 30
The adjacent picture signifies a typical market situation with push carts transporting purchased produce in and out of the market. Potential buyers are surrounding the produce, some kneeling down to select the best quality. The sellers are closely watching the buyers and at the same time shouting for attention. The filled reed baskets are placed aside for safekeeping with someone watching over them as buyers continue their scouting for best produce.
Fig 3.2 Lusaka Wholesale vegetable market, source: Author 3.4 Purchasing the produce
Purchasing produce is cumbersome task based on experience, skill and at times mere luck. The interviews with traders revealed that every market day is a different day. Traders at times gather information concerning the previous day’s selling prices through mobile phones especially for traders who do not purchase produce every day. In this they try to determine the trends. This is possible for traders who have developed networks with other traders. For those who don’t have any they just have to go to the market without prior knowledge which may affect their bargaining position. During my several trips with various women to the wholesale market I realised that the market is approached with an open mind. This is done by making enquiries from other traders, scouting and taking turns to peep through the walls to see the quantities of produce in order to determine the demand and supply mechanism. This information is used to determine the haggling style of the day. This is where the trader’s experience in the business is required. The ability to choose the right farmer to negotiate with is the starting point. I noted that women preferred to negotiate with the real farmers, not the imposter farmers/middlemen whom they could identify by their language, appearances, package boxes and to some extend their faces. Women have developed antennas to sense desperation in a farmer and therefore negotiate in a shark style. They however find it challenging to negotiate with women farmers, whom they accused of being ‘stingy’. The buying skill goes beyond negotiating for good prices but also includes ability to select good quality, prioritizing produce in limited stocks and spreading the risk by avoiding purchasing all produce from one farmer because ‘you might miss out on better deals elsewhere’. Sometimes the women followed their instinct when buying and at times mere luck.
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What they all observed was the secret code of never revealing to the next person when price has been reduced specifically for you through your negotiation prowess. Every trader wants to purchase produce at the lowest price possible, hence the haggling and the movements as alluded to by Uchendu (1967) and Clark (1994). These skills are very rewarding at their residential markets where quantities of commodities sold and profit margins differentiates those who purchased at favourable prices and those who didn’t. The former becomes the winners of the day and if they maintain such a standard they are likely to belong to the class of successful traders. In this regard the wholesale market influences the organization of residential market as ‘winners’ would order their markets differently from ‘losers’. 3.5 Competition
Competition is always evident in any business and it is only the competing skills that differ depending with the trade. In this case competition at the residential market is fuelled by the fact that there are many more traders than before yet the customer base is not widening. Giving extras and customer care have their limits, yet every trader wants to get the highest profits. During the early markets traders often accused each other of using charms and witchcraft on others but these perceptions are no longer common among traders. They rather talked about being lucky or having been favoured by God. Some traders take advantage of the crowds at wholesale markets and exercise their agency by stealing produce from farmers so as to increase their profits. Dzivarasekwa women traders have been stereotyped as thieves at these markets and my investigations on this matter proved that these stereotypes are highly upheld by most farmers and the Municipality security guards. They confirmed that two years ago there was a point when women from Dzivarasekwa were not allowed to purchase produce together with other traders because they had to be closely monitored. They had to purchase afterwards when the crowds are reduced. My further inquiries brought out the story below from one of the respondents. Maidei (39) had been a vegetable trader since 1995 when she lived in Tafara. In 2001 she moved to Dzivarasekwa with her husband and children. She continued to trade from a street corner but it was different. Competition was so tough but other traders at the corner seemed to be doing very well. One day one of the traders approached her and asked her to join them when they go to Mbare for purchases. The woman explained that she does not have to buy anything but just carry the cash in case of ‘emergency’. Maidei was given specific instructions and the role she was to play in the team with three other women. Her role was to exchange the filled reed basket with an empty one. All the way to the market Maidei had so much fear, her mind was anticipating for the worst. At the market the experienced woman’s role is to confuse the farmer through excessive enquiries, the second brings a basket and fills it with produce, the 3rd woman Maidei, exchanges the baskets and carries away the one with produce and the 4th woman brings another basket until they are satisfied and move to other commodities. Maidei overcame her fears and began to enjoy this as it made the trade more viable. She enjoyed huge profits and was able to send all her 3 children throughout secondary school as a successful trader.
Source: Author’s Field note, April 2015
These scenarios are very common at the wholesale markets where people ‘hear, see and say no evil’. Everybody simply minds their own business and those who want to expose stealing cartels are punished with beatings. The interviews revealed that the cartels often involve the various security guards who charge ‘protection fees’ such that in the event of being caught they do not harass or arrest the offender. The farmers have resorted to disciplining the offenders themselves without handing them over to the guards. The interviews revealed that those who are often caught are perceived to be ‘amateurs’ in the business and not connected to the right people. Successful cartels are then able to repackage their commodities in an 32 extravagant way at their markets. This attracts more customers and they enjoy huge profits without incurring high costs. At the end of the day these are also the winners in the trade. 3.6 Wholesale Market Trips
Accessing the wholesale markets has been greatly improved by the dominance of private players in the transport sector since the late 1990s. Over the years the transport operators and traders have forged relationships that sustain both businesses. In spite of the availability of transport traders still go to the wholesale markets early in the morning. This is because they want to choose the best quality just when the market opens at 6am as the wholesale arena closes at noon. When traders have finished buying at the wholesale market they head towards the termini where the Kombi crew and loaders known as hwindis show their agency by competing to intercept the traders to load in various Kombis waiting to ferry them. The Kombi crew exercise their agency by memorizing their regular customers so that they are not waylaid to other unknown Kombis that they call ‘poachers’. The Kombi crew are interested in making a profit and regular traders ensure the survival of their transport business. The traders who have known each other for a while and have developed ‘market friendships’ prefer to board the same Kombi as a clique. The wholesale market and transport arena is a free space where traders express themselves without facing judgements because they have cultivated a trader’s culture where they can behave in a way they want and bystanders have accepted it. The Kombis play loud music and at times some traders can draw attention by dancing or singing along loudly especially those in a clique. At the termini I observed the Kombi crew addressing the women traders by their names or their children’s names and the women doing the same which can be quite odd. After some thought I realised that it symbolized that they have known each other for a while and their boundaries were very flexible. The kombi crew could pick some bananas from the traders and eat them and this did not result in a brawl. The women would respond by mocking them and questioning their manhood if they can’t afford to buy a banana in the market. This was followed by jesting and sarcasm centred on sexuality. This drifted into a battle of sexes with man proving their manhood by loading the heavy baskets into the Kombi while the women continued with their mockery based on that they carry those baskets every day. The language they use shows that women have settled in a man’s world. They no longer shy away from the vulgar language but when a man uses it they respond with much more intense vulgar that the man has to brace himself for it. One of the women traders had this to say: “When I first joined this trade I was very shy and timid especially when the men use obscene language to me. One day a loader dropped my basket and shouted for the attention of the ‘prostitute who owns an old basket’ to come and pick up her tomatoes. I went berserk towards that loader and held him by the trousers I screamed at him all the obscenities I knew. I am not sure what was going to happen if he had started a fight but he simply picked up my basket and collected all the tomatoes including the broken ones. From that day he holds my basket with caution.” The above scenario indicates the diversities among the traders at the markets. The ones who are familiar with the market have cultivated many ‘market friends’ and are known to the Kombi crews. They are accustomed to market language and behaviour and stamp their verbal authority onto whoever wants to undermine them. The new traders are still timid and still have their moral ethics that prevents them from shouting obscenities. These women are usually by themselves and board any Kombi that takes them home but avoid those one boarded by cliques. There are also other women who have been in this trade for many years but do not want to develop any ‘market friendships’ hence they also stick to themselves. They don’t want too much familiarization with the people and use this as a tool to avoid squabbles. They have other means of stamping their authority. It could be their ability to fight or merely having a stern face. If there is one characteristic of women traders that they acquire from various interactions at wholesale markets it is being foul-mouthed and daring. These traits are portrayed in their markets as well.
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3.6.1 Kombi Discussions As soon as the traders are settled and the Kombi is moving they begin to discuss about the market prices. Those who have struck good deals are excited and show off to others and describe which farmers they bought from even though others might not have seen that farmer. If the prices had been too high the grumbling actually starts at the termini while the kombi is loading.
Fig 3.3 Kombi loaded with traders and produce, source: Author It is during such conversations that the traders organize themselves to look for produce elsewhere if the prices are ridiculous especially during winter when tomatoes and vegetables are scarce. Organizing such produce scouting trips does not require any leadership. The women simply pick a date and meeting point and whosoever knows where there is cheaper produce leads the way and they share transport costs. These impromptu groups are not permanent but change all the time. Their organization reflects on the urban markets themselves where non-formal systems are used to organize the markets. During the discussions traders also share ideas on how they would package the quantities especially when the commodities had been expensive. Some give feedback to other traders on how their customers responded to the reduced quantities. The success stories of traders are emulated by others depending on their market locations and customer bases. 3.6.2 The pricing and packaging at local markets The commodity prices at the traders markets are not necessarily influenced by the price fluctuations at the wholesale markets. This is because their customers are not willing to embrace such price changes, hence the trader has to adjust the packaging and quantities but the price remains fixed. This way, if commodities were expensive at the wholesale market the trader does not change the selling price. In the same way if commodities were cheaper the trader simply increases the quantities to attract more customers but does not reduce price. The common price for tomatoes at markets in Dzivarasekwa was $ 0,20c and $ 0,50c for an average of four tomatoes whose sizes differ with the pricing. Leafy vegetables were $ 0.10c for a bundle of 6 leaves. Onions were usually $ 0,10c for a single bulb. In the events of price hikes or shortages at the wholesale markets the traders simply reduce the quantity they repackage. This then calls for the agency of customers to negotiate for add-ons as noted by Clark (1994), referring to markets in Ghana. This way, traders remain relevant to the society by adhering to the same prices so that their customers are not disturbed by price fluctuations. Traders who are able to negotiate for cheaper prices and those into pilfering at the wholesale markets really satisfy their customers by maintaining similar quantities as well. This doesn’t mean because the prices are ‘fixed’ each trader loses their agency to make changes that are profitable. 34
One morning after our wholesale trip from Mbare a male customer arrived when we had just finished setting up the market with Marita. The man seemed to be nursing a hangover which most men would cure by eating Sadza early in the morning. He asked for tomatoes that cost $ 0.10c and Marita told her that the price starts at $ 0.20c. The man indicated that he did not have any more money so Marita gave him the option of taking only 2 small tomatoes from a heap and he accepted. I probed Marita over such price changes and her answer was simple “money starts from a cent so I cannot let that money just go, I have to do something to ensure I get the money” Another young woman approached the market and began to scrutinize the tomatoes (it’s very typical of women customers). She immediately shouted for Marita’s attention and complained that the tomatoes were expensive. It didn’t mean the price had been changed but she was referring to it in proportion to the quantity and sizes of tomatoes. Marita assured her that it was because commodities were expensive at the wholesale markets because many farmers did not bring produce as it was a holiday. She encouraged the woman to buy and would give her the broken tomatoes as extras and the customer agreed to buy. This chapter on the wholesale markets has portrayed the various outcomes of the trader-farmer, trader- Kombi crew interfaces as well as interactions with other non-human elements of the wholesale market. The wholesale market is a point of convergence where the traders and farmers are brought together to access and trade commodities. The wholesale markets present a platform where the women can exercise their agency at different capacities which will shape their individual markets. The women traders intermingle in a 'men’s world' and their capacity to survive enables them to adopt similar survival capacities at their local markets. The wholesale market is not void of power and gender dynamics that influence the interactions of traders, farmers and Kombi crew. Women have mastered the art of manoeuvring within these poles in order to benefit from them. The various elicitations above have provided a window to peep through these interactions and how they influence the ordering of the residential markets. Therefore the residential markets are also shaped by the various interactions of the human and material elements of the assemblages that manifest at the wholesale markets.
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Chapter 4: The contemporary vegetable markets
This chapter discusses the social organization of contemporary vegetable markets that was established due to the end of colonialism, changing governance and excessive urbanization. These factors among others contributed to the transformation of the markets into socially open spaces and people interact with them as such thereby reproducing the market culture. These markets are heterogeneously composed social spaces where the human and non-human actors interact, generating specific forms of assemblages. The market as a space and physical locations becomes the converging point where the outcome of such interactions is portrayed. The human and non-human elements of the assemblage are non-conforming all the same as they withhold their rights to differ. There are various traders with diverse networks who occupy different spatial space of the markets and have different interactions with the supply networks. These interactions create socially but also spatially diverse realities. The interactions of various actors reproduce the market culture which is embedded in the socio-cultural values of the society. Therefore this chapter focuses on the social aspects of the market as an open space were the trader and consumer interfaces meet and reproduce market cultures. The various forms of heterogeneity are highlighted much more in the following chapter.
4.1 The socio-culturally oriented markets
The vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa reflect immensely on the socialization and culture of the traders as well as those who sustain their existence. The market allocations are organized around kinship ties, social networks and friendships. Even though the City Council claims control over urban spaces the community often decides how space is actually utilized. The traders and residents make their own laws regarding the maintenance and control of space. This transformed the once rigid boundaries of the market to more porous ones that can be extended to any place available. The market remains an ‘open space’ that can be shared with other cultural, religious and entertaining activities. Socializing and interacting with numerous people is one of the characteristics of many African societies and is reflected at the markets. Consumers visit the markets for various needs which are often met by the traders. While purchasing commodities at the markets is an obvious agenda, collecting stories and being entertained is also part of the package. This makes the market a funny place with jokes, gossip and an avalanche of information. The way each trader configures their market to suit all these needs creates the diversities in the trade hence contributes to the heterogeneity of these markets.
By merely taking a walk around Dzivarasekwa 3 towards sunset you see the vegetable markets in reality. The differences between the markets are very distinct. There are markets operating from front yards were the trader might not be in sight or there is a child manning the market usually a young girl. There are often no crowds hovering around these markets, which is no wonder if the trader can afford to be inside the house and customers have to shout for attention. At the street corners groups of women traders gather around their markets. The materials making up each market are different. Some have their commodities on placemats, while other have vegetables in dishes, other have makeshift tables and shelters. There are those who have built shelters claiming that as their permanent selling points while others who came later could not find a perfect spot to build. Home markets along the busy roads connecting people to important places such as the only council clinic, police station, shopping centres and popular churches enjoy both benefits of having many customers and operating from the comfort of their homes. The shopping centre markets have another order. Traders occupy it during the late afternoon, in the morning you would not guess that there are vegetable traders who use that place. There is no makeshift shelter in sight just dusty grounds and papers flying around. They are aware that the place is shared with many other activities such as road shows, church crusades and nyau dancers. 36
Their customers are people who visit the shops, passers-by and men who frequent the beer halls which are the dominant businesses at the shopping centre. Along the way you are likely to meet hawkers and male mobile traders pushing carts and wheelbarrows. If it’s your lucky day you also bump into a truck selling vegetables to the residents. If you are careful enough you can also notice a man riding his bicycle and pushing it when the crowds block his way. He visits the different markets were his ‘clients’ are to collect their daily dues to the loan shark. He makes them sign in his book as he continues with his ‘rounds’. Traders are differentiated by their selling spots, commodities, material organization of their markets but they have one thing in common, they are very social. 4.2 The culturally negotiated gender roles
Culturally, food preparation is done by women and this is also reflected by the markets were the trade is dominated by women and most of the customers are women as well. This had been substantiated by Clarke (1994) and Horn (1996). The research proved that these gender roles are constantly being negotiated such that men are also encroaching into this trade. The men in this trade are mostly mobile traders who incorporated other commodities such as fruits, cucumbers, butternuts or cauliflower which attract higher profits. They move around in a truck, push cart or wheelbarrow, which are sort of symbols of masculinity. An interview with a male trader revealed some of the differences. “Mr Kasi is a 65 year old grandfather who joined this trade in 2000 when he lost his job as a chef for a white family. He now sells vegetables and other horticultural produce to specific customers especially teachers and other well-to-do families who make reservations to him on his mobile phone. He usually gets his commodities from the remaining plots and at times purchases from wholesale markets were the farmers specifically set aside best quality for him because he is known there. He considers spending the whole day seated at the market as a ‘women’s thing’ as he simply makes his deliveries by a wheelbarrow and collects his money. His packaging starts from $1 and he also give some recipes to his customers which makes his trade viable. After the sales he often goes for a drink at the beer garden with his friends some of whom are his customer’s husbands, who often compliment the good quality he sells to them” This excerpt substantiate that the separation of women and men’s spheres in the society is still evident as the market place is generally considered a woman’s sphere while the beer gardens are still dominantly men’s places. This is also evident in the way men and women interact with traders at the market. Male customers often refer to the female trader as mother in-law Ambuya, which is culturally associated with respect and strict boundaries. The female traders also respond by calling male customers son in-law for the same effect. Male customers tend to purchase their commodities quickly at the vegetable markets without lingering around to chat with the trader. Usually when a male customer lingers around the market after making purchases he is suspected of having ulterior motives such as stealing or asking for sexual favours. It is the privilege of men closely related to the trader to sit and chat with the trader. Female customers can sit at the market as long as they want and the traders do appreciate someone to chat with, even strangers who look sane. This also supports the openness of the market as noted by Masquelier (1993). 4.3 The Market Entertainment
Entertainment is readily available in the market and harmless humour such as jokes make the order of the day. There are so many jokes that are cracked at the markets but most of them are about money. Listening to the humour is a window to peep through the people’s lifeworld and the society at large. In a society were maintaining relationships is more important than being candid, jokes are a way of telling that truth in a safe environment so that the relationship is still maintained (Wiley 2014). This is because there is so much interdependence in the society such that once such relationships are destroyed it would be difficult to survive. Traders and customers alike have mastered the art of distinguishing between real jokes and jokes that are conveying a message. They do this with great art such that they both achieve what they want without damaging those relationships. 37
It is in these jokes that the customers would express their dissatisfaction with the quality and quantity of the commodities that the trader was selling. The approach was never to point out directly at the trader’s shortcomings but to find an easier angle such as sarcastically suggesting that the trader has made so much money and has become famous that she no longer cared about poor customers. This was often received with loud giggles and clapping of hands. The trader would take her turn to respond by pointing out that she can never be rich if there are still people like them who do not pay their debts on time. The trader would mimic the stern faces and postures they make when she refuses to give goods on credit because someone had not cleared the previous debt. This results in louder giggles but the message has been conveyed and everyone somehow knows what to do to maintain the relationship. As much as jokes were a good pastime the traders would afterwards correct the wrongs that had been mentioned in the jokes. In this way trust was also maintained as those who owed her who could’ve overheard the jokes simply brought what they owed. Such behaviours are informed by a general culture of not being direct to one another and are enacted well at the markets. 4.3.1 Market stories The market is far more than just a place where people exchange goods and services because the market is an important element of the society. After spending several days sitting at the markets and interacting with different traders I realised that some people don’t even come to the market to buy but to be entertained. Sitting at the market and telling stories is a source of entertainment for some women. The stories were about anything of interest that time ranging from economic hardships, religious groups, love relationships, family problems and so forth. Women who often came to sit at the market either have an interesting story to tell popularly known as “dotcom” or they want to get it from the trader. Traders who are not ‘gifted’ with storytelling skills are less popular and do not attract many people to their markets either as customers or bystanders. Either way stories were a good pass time for those months I sat at markets carrying out my participant observation. I realised I got to know much about neighbours, regular customers, other traders and their families. It means then if someone wants to collect information about the community then the markets are a good starting point. It was so overwhelming and I found it very unfair that all those people couldn’t guess how much I had known about them by virtue of spending time at the markets. 4.4 Purchasing commodities on credit
The traders have discretion on who gets to buy on credit and this is usually the privilege of loyal customers with a good payment record. Buying on credit itself is not easy especially when the trader is having a bad day and has not made much money through cash sells. The customer has to show their agency by telling a story that really convinces the trader to give her what she needs. The customers have mastered this unwritten code as well so when they want to get goods on credit they have to tell the whole story. The trader is usually ready to listen and empathize with the customer but urges them to pay upon the agreed time. The stories are usually true ranging from a sick child, unpaid salaries, demanding in-laws and so forth. This is how the trader gets to know so much personal issues about the customers because at times they have to provide this information to qualify for credit. During the several weeks I spent at the various markets I noted that most traders did not have books to write down their debtors because the social market operates better without the book. Customers resented being written down in a book which they equated to mere humiliation and mistrust. It meant that the trader had to memorize all her debtors with the option of writing them down at home which they rarely did. It is not all markets that customers could buy on credit but only those that operate from homes where the customers are known by the trader. Traders at shopping centres and street corners whose customers are mostly passer-by can only sell on cash basis. This creates differences on how each trader is affected by unpaid debts by virtue of different selling points. Those traders who were affected spoke so much about these unpaid debts to everyone who cared to listen.
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In one of the joking conversations at a home market along a busy street the trader accused the customer of not paying in time and threatened to write down her name in the debtor’s ‘book’. It seemed to me then that being written in a book is equivalent to being blacklisted. The customer responded by sarcastically asking the trader if she was now operating a supermarket which required debtors to be written down in a book. Of course this was followed by loud giggles from both sides. From the conversation above I figured out that the community seemed to shun the operations of formal entities that emphasized documentation of all transactions. The customers did not expect the same treatment in the vegetable markets. The community seemed to be winning on this case because I rarely witnessed customers buying on credit and their names being written down. These markets then operated on trust and loyalty which are inherent in the society’s culture. This is similar to Blois (1999) assertion that trust is very important in business especially when documentation of transactions has not been possible. 4.4.1 Dreaded Debtors: The senior citizens The senior citizens approach the market with authority. By virtue of being old they invoke the culture of seniority to access commodities at the markets without giving promises on the payment date. They often refer to the trader as ‘my child’ or ‘my grandchild’ and with this they take the role of the adult who is in control of the situation as according to culture children are not supposed to disobey their parents. The traders often complain that senior citizens were the customers they dreaded because they cannot deny them credit. Moreover follow-ups on the debt can result in serious quarrels. It is a known fact among traders that elderly customers tend to be opinionated. The relationship of traders and senior citizens is underpinned on the moral economy of the household, Cheal (1989) as well as the moral community economy, Tufuor et al (2015). In this regard traders feel obliged to ‘care’ for the elderly the same way they would do to their own kin. These moral obligations are then extended beyond the kinship ties to incorporate non-kin members of the community and such ties are produced and reproduced through everyday practices. However these moral obligations to kin and non-kin alike are difficult to turn down, (ibid). Apart from this there is a genuine desperation among the senior citizens especially those who lost their children and have lots of grandchildren to look after. In a country where social services are almost non- existent these elderly women have to fend for themselves by subletting their rooms which does not generate much income. This desperation leads them to exercise their agency by developing creative ways of approaching the market through instilling fear and guilty into the traders. Though the senior citizens never openly admitted to using witchcraft they indicated it benefits them for traders to suspect them of that because it ensures that they get commodities on credit whenever they want. Elderly customers can actually demand extras and ask the trader to change the pricing for them. They have mastered the art of using their age as a negotiating factor. The incident below portrayed how daring they can be. One afternoon sitting at Anna’s market an elderly woman roughly in her 70s came to the market. She was walking with the aid of a walking stick with her chest bend over it. The moment Anna saw her she whispered “I’m in trouble’ and stood up to greet her. The elderly woman refused to be greeted and immediately started scolding Anna for refusing to give vegetables and tomatoes to the grandchild she had sent earlier on. Anna tried to explain that she was not sure if those children had been genuinely sent to her because their family does not usually buy from her. The woman would not hear any of that. She quickly pointed that she can buy from whoever she wants and accused Anna of being cruel and heartless, “so you want me and my grandchildren to die of hunger yet you have the commodities here, you are a heartless child’. Anna apologized and asked what quantities she needed. The woman went on to accuse Anna of being a scumbag who only want customers who have cash and resenting those like her who don’t have money. The woman explicitly said ‘don’t even ask me when I am going to pay because I don’t work neither do I have a husband, so when I get your money I will bring it and don’t send your children asking for the money , I will bring it when I find it’. She left the market still grumbling.
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This incident brings out that traders are not always in control but at times submit to their customer’s demands. This is also influenced by their desire to satisfy the notions of the moral economy where traders have to make some decisions based on moral obligations. The heterogeneity of the customers brings about diversity such that the outcome of their interactions with traders is unpredictable. The traders and customers’ interfaces are filled with power dynamics, humour and at times sheer mystery. 4.5 Societal roles assigned to the trader
Vegetable traders are well known and wield certain degrees of power in the society. The traders have developed lending and loaning relationships with some of their clients built on norms of reciprocity (though unbalanced) and trust. This is often associated with their ability to give commodities on credit to people they trust, making them very relevant to society. Traders have the ability to give cash on credit to others and are linked to several people through the trade as well as Rotational Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs). The traders link the area to many other places that are local as well as regionally through their markets. They often visit wholesale markets to purchase their commodities which makes them key people who can bring information on what is happening in other areas. Traders spend so much time in the streets and witness a lot of accounts and interact with many residents. This is in line with the role of information disseminators that the society has given them. Therefore traders as individuals occupy certain space in the society because of these roles. This does not apply to all traders but those that are established and have strong networks meaning that the less influential ones occupy peripheral space hence the diversities among traders in this community. 4.5.1The society’s ‘counsellor’ The women traders are psychological therapists who lend an ear and offer ‘advice’ when they can. Emotional support is one of the greatest assets in any African community and they seem to be taking that role in an urban environment where formal therapy clinics are not accessible to the majority of residents. More often than not women who came to the market with sad stories actually needed counselling. The traders have so much experience in this and would often help by listening to the story and asking probing questions. They would go ahead and ask what she was going to do concerning the situation and together they would weigh options. I found it very profound that traders are actually helping people manage their lives in such a harsh economic environment. The only shortfall is that there is no confidentiality clause such that some ‘counselling sessions’ did not go well afterwards. Mary approaches the market with speed, her anger was controlled and she didn’t want to draw the attention of many people. She spoke to Rudo the trader in a low tone, “I thought I could trust you with my problems but you spread them around for everyone to know’. Rudo responded that she had no idea of what Mary was talking about. She swore to her that she had not done such a thing. She reminded her that the market is an open space so someone could have overheard their conversation and gossiped to her mother in-law. By the time Mary left she had calmed down, Rudo merely commented that it was not her job to close other people’s ears when people share their problems at her market. 4.5.2 The moral umpire Another discovery was that some traders play the role of a moral umpire within the culturally accepted boundaries. This is based on the moral community economy were the trader can provide important information to people and in turn she get their trust and loyalty which is good for her business especially when she woos them into becoming her customers. The society has granted them such power and they use their freedom of speech to say what they want without much appraisals. Traders understand the moral economy of sharing material and non-material assets with the community that includes sharing information. Women traders are known for being carefree and they take advantage of that. One day seating at Vongai’s market a certain man who she later identified as her former classmate passed by and she simply shouted “so
40 you want to die now, tell us in time so we can get ready for the funeral”. This man was equally shocked and confused with this statement and he came closer. Below is the conversation that followed: Vongai ‘I saw you last night’ Joe ‘you are lying’ Vongai ‘ don’t waste my time, I saw you last night walking with a woman’ Joe ‘well, I always walk with women’ Vongai ‘ you can leave my market, I just wanted to let you know that you are about to die’ Joe’[fearful and stammering], do you mean she is… Vongai ‘stop pretending! You know what I mean Joe’ [looking pale and scared] ‘are you sure? But she never told me that’ Vongai ‘well that’s your problem, at least I warned you. You can go now. Joe just left the market shaking his head and looking very confused and forced a smile. Vongai wields so much social power and doesn’t realise were to set the boundaries. Society labels them “vakadzi vasina hunhu” meaning ‘women with loose morals’ as they can do and say questionable things. Though in certain ways they are providing a free information service to the community and individuals, sometimes they cross the line and overdo it, but there isn’t anyone ready to reprimand them. The conversation brought out a lot about people living with HIV/AIDS and there were so many of them that she knew who were not ashamed of it anymore. She only had a problem with this particular woman who she claimed was spreading the disease to unsuspecting victims. I realised that at the markets there is nothing like defamation of character people can say anything about anyone and its very normal. This is somehow linked to it being an ‘open space’ such that even boundaries in speech are fluid. 4.5.3 The unsolicited witness The traders by virtue of spending time seated at the markets till evening they witness a lot of activities in the society. While seating at Chipo’s street corner market another evening a teenage girl around 14 years old popped out of their house heading towards the next street. Chipo called the girl and enquired if her mother knew that she was out of the house at 8pm when it’s dark. The girl was quite uncomfortable and begged her not to tell her mother and promised to go back to their house immediately and she did. Chipo merely commented that she is just protecting her, she is not even friends with the mother. Chipo was just driven by the moral obligations to protect other people’s children even if she didn’t speak to them. While we packed our commodities getting ready to remove the market a young couple appeared walking lackadaisically. The girl looked much younger at about 15years old, Chipo just shouted to them “Go and love each other far away from me. I do not want to be involved in your mess”. I was puzzled by all this and I thought she was just being paranoid but Chipo had this to say: Sometime ago when I was trading at this corner I just used to see a young boy and girl who were in love passing by and at times they bought fruits from my market. The girl later got pregnant and the boy was refusing the responsibility. The girl was questioned about any witnesses who had seen her with the boy for a long time and she mentioned my name. For sure I had been seeing them together for over six months and the police asked me to give an account of that of which I did. Before I knew it I had to appear in court as a witness to establish that the boy had known the girl since this boy had vehemently denied ever knowing this girl. I had to do it because I felt that as a mother I shared the same burden with this family. What I didn’t like was wasting my time in court sessions which is not good for my business. From that day I have vowed to avoid things that waste my time.
This story and many others that were witnessed at the markets depict the human nature of the traders. It portrays them as mothers who want to protect and care for others especially the younger ones. They still want to revive the cultural and moral beliefs that ‘a child belongs to everyone’ therefore they stop unknown
41 children’s fights and intervene in their quarrels. In spite of being carefree and foul-mouthed there is actually a mother figure inside most of them. 4.6 The life of a trader
Traders in general leave a busy life where they have to manage their enterprises as well as the other roles assigned to them by virtue of being mothers, wives or single ladies. Their lives rotate around their markets and everything else is planned around the market. Their days start by taking their morning trips to wholesale markets and end by planning for the next morning trip depending on the success of the day sales. Their friends have to come and visit them at their markets since they often don’t have the liberty to leave their markets for long. Traders with older children can have such privileges but those without have to be there all the time. Most traders have to forgo other activities like attending parties, ceremonies because they want to personally manage their enterprises. Some traders even spent months without going to the city centre which they consider to be a luxury. They also suffer the pain of being well known and their families in the spotlight in the event that anything bad happens. Sometimes traders complained that the society and their families expected too much from them especially when it comes to financial assistance. This becomes the shortfall of a socialized market were all transactions happen in the open. The traders complained that people were never convinced that they had no money since they would have seen people coming to their markets. People would always ask for money from them because unlike before were the market was ‘separated’ from the society it now operates from within where privacy is difficult to find. This puts the trader at the spotlight yet they can’t satisfy all the financial demands put on them. This matches Tufuor et al (2015) observation that obligations to kin and non-kin are difficult to turn down making the life of a trader so overwhelming at times. 4.7 Meanings attached to being a trader
A trader is a multifaceted character who has to manoeuvre around by determining which facet is relevant to the situation. Therefore people derive several meanings from it. According to the women traders, to be engaged in such a trade calls for ‘shedding’ of some moral values in order to survive in such an environment. The women were referring to the fact that they interact with men in this business at the wholesale markets who are likely to take advantage of them if they don’t flex their muscles as well. Therefore in order to survive women have to challenge such masculinities symbolized by what they do at the wholesale markets, were they speak the language of the market. Women in this trade have braced themselves for such an environment and confront male dominance with vigour. Trading women are known for being foul-mouthed and hot- headed as they scold anyone who tries to belittle them. They are even ready for a physical fight if the situation calls for one. This has resulted in the society labelling them as violent but they would only be standing out for their rights even though they overdo it at times. These qualities are needed at a socialized market where space is constantly negotiated for. It gives some power to the traders by virtue of being feared by others and they are able to operate their enterprises without much disturbance. Some sections of the society label them as ‘prostitutes’ and this has its roots in the colonial days were women who lived in the city but did not have a formal job and not married were labelled as such. Furthermore there are always rumours of them having love relationships with the farmers at the markets in order to get cheap produce. The flexible boundaries and joking relationships they have with Kombi crews are also used by society to label them. There is also a part of the society that looks up to them with admiration for their entrepreneurial skills and daring characteristic. The traders seem not to be worried about all these labels they just want to run their businesses the best way they can, without caring about what people say about them.
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This chapter has provided analysis concerning some of the social actors involved in the vegetable markets. It has highlighted on the social norms and cultural values that shape the market. In these interactions among the various elements of the assemblage we find the trader and consumer interfaces that are full of humour and power dynamics. It enables us to understand the market as a socio-culturally shaped entity where the various cultures and social persuasions of the social actors are reproduced thereby encouraging the diversity. The market is not only for purchasing vegetables but to provide entertainment to customers as well. The moral community economy, illustrations of trust and exercises of agency makes the market a vibrant place. Successful traders are the ones who are able to satisfy both ends of these needs while occupying a strategic selling point. Traders occupy enormous social space because of the various roles assigned to them and they capitalize on these roles to cultivate customer loyalty. The differences emerge from the fact that traders who are not able to satisfy all the non-commodity needs of the customers occupy less influential positions in the society. The next chapter will dig deeper into these market diversities.
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Chapter 5: The Manifestations of diversities
This chapter explores the various forms of spatial and social multiplicities of the markets. It portrays that the market is far from a homogeneous entity as various elements of the assemblage ensures that different outcomes emanate from the interactions. The results of interactions of the human and material elements of the assemblage are portrayed in ways that can be comprehensible and visible. The diverse market organization and material representations of the market create new ways of understanding the markets because all traders organize their markets differently. This supports the social and spatial differences giving the market a heterogeneous outlook. Some scholars acknowledged the differences at the markets but their researches didn’t go deeper in identifying the factors that contribute to the diversity of those markets. Profiling and differentiating the traders goes beyond the gender differences, age and commodities as done by Clarke (1994). There are also diversities in networks and relationships cultivated by each trader, spatial place they occupy at the markets, relationships with consumers and with other traders, their personal and trading history, their experience, the profit margins and the social and material outlook of the markets. All this culminate to diversities among the traders thereby proving that the market is a multiplicity of realities. 5.1 The spatial space occupied by markets
Diversities in the market is very evident in the spatial locations of the markets in the community. There are differences in the way markets operating from different spatial locations in the community are organized. The research identifies four main categories of these different locations in this community. There are markets that operate from ‘open’ spaces i.e. those at shopping centres. There are markets that operate from intersections of busy streets i.e. street corner markets. There are markets that operate from a busy street i.e. home markets that are along a busy street. They enjoy benefits of being at home but also huge flows of people. There are markets that operate from home were most customer are just neighbours. Already these differences show the diversity in location and more so how the markets are organized. The noticeable difference is in number of visitors / customers which in turn influences commodity varieties, pricing and profit margins. In my own analysis the best location is a home market along a busy street. This is because trader is assured of huge flows of people as well as their own neighbours. Moreover, if they own the house or can trade from there permanently they can maintain a large customer base and establish strong networks. Street corner markets face a lot of competition both for customers and space as they are often flanked with other commodity traders selling e.g. household groceries and meat. As noted by Masquelier (1993) open spaces are unbounded spaces therefore are prone to space sharing which can completely interrupt the markets for the day. Below is the map of Dzivarasekwa showing the market locations represented by red dots and the market ‘hot spots’ represented by boxed dots (Fig 5.1a, b). On a random day count of the markets there were fewer markets in the morning between 10-12am a total of 112 markets were counted. Towards evening between 4-6 pm the markets had increased to 170. This is because some traders only sell during the peak periods of the day when most household prepare dinner.
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Figure 5.1. Map of the research area, showing the official market locations and the locations of informal markets and informal market hotspots. A: in the morning. B: In the evening.
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The spatial differences are even evident in the different times of the day. In this regard from morning up to noon time there are generally fewer vegetable markets in the community. This can be attributed to various things, among them, the outcomes of interactions of various elements of the assemblage. Culture influences households eating patterns such that families tend to eat other foods in the morning which might not be purchased from vegetable markets. In the evening many families eat Sadza and often buy vegetables, tomatoes and onions to prepare the casserole. Gender roles also influence the market organization in the sense that women have to carry out several household chores therefore may only devote to their markets later in the day. Other traders need the help of their children who are usually at school till afternoon hence they can set up their markets when they return. In some cases the selling spot itself can influence traders to set-up their markets in the late afternoon when customers are there. Setting up a market in the morning would be sheer waste of time. This is apt for the vegetable markets at the shopping centre which in the morning is completely deserted but in the late afternoon there are more than 20 markets. The maps above clearly show the spatial distribution of markets at different times of the day 5.2 Introduction to the traders
The vegetable trade has continued to be dominated by women as noted by Horn (1994) and Clark (1994) but the number of men has also increased. Vegetable trading is no longer the prerogative of the society’s underdogs as alluded to by House-Midamba and Ekechi, eds (1995) who mentioned the low education levels of women as a contributing factor. The trade is now open to everyone who wishes to join because of the prevailing economic environment where almost everyone has to sell something to survive. Out of the 20 traders that were interviewed only 2 had no formal education and another 2 had completed only primary school and the rest completed secondary school, some with more than 2 passes. This indicates the transformation that has happened in the trade over the years. Therefore trading is no longer identified with lack of education and skills but with entrepreneurial prowess that enables them to navigate the harsh urban environment. The ages of the traders is another indicator of the transformation as the vegetable markets are no longer the privilege of older women but all age groups can be found at the markets. According to my respondents the youngest one was 21 years old while the oldest was 75 years and still running her market. Twelve of the respondents were married, 7 were separated or widowed and only one who was the youngest was still single and had no children. Among these traders only 4 owned houses in this area and the rest were lodgers or were related to the original house owner. All these differences influenced how each trader organized their markets and interacted with their customers thereby bringing of the diversities in the trade. The vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa are more inclined towards the survivalist type that Amis (1995) describes as survivalist businesses were no tangible investment takes place. The business continues to be managed by an individual or a family with little prospects of further expanding it to employ more people. However there are differences with those who are actually able to survive and those who are merely ‘hanging in there’. The way these markets are being managed symbolizes the changes in the socio- cultural norms were men can actually babysit the children while the mother is at the markets. Furthermore the economic contributions of the woman have become more pronounced and appreciated by society unlike before where it was undermined. The women traders have taken advantage of the changing governance in urban markets and have established themselves as indispensable entities because of the interdependent relationships they have established with the community. Therefore traders step in and out of the trade at their own
46 decision and not because a higher authority has instructed them to do so. This brings about the diversity as each trader faces different challenges that push them in and out of the trade or maintain consistency. 5.3 The diversity among the traders
Vegetable traders are a heterogeneous group that cannot be referred to as one entity simply because they are in the same trade. The most common differences are gender, age, education and marital status which are easily noticeable and have already been indicated. Among the women themselves there are differences in the organization of the markets, the spatial place they occupy at the markets, the market location, their customer base and so forth. These differences can be further analysed by looking at the different ways in which traders organize their markets, the commodities they stock and profit margins they accrue. These differences do not mean that these traders are completely different because social relations and networks are more fluid, intertwined and complex so that it is not possible to establish distinct demarcations. The aim of pointing out the diversities is to show how each trader interacts differently with various elements of the assembly which can result in diverse outcomes. Therefore traders can order their markets differently and experience diverse circumstances that influence how they organize their markets. 5.3.1 The Successful traders Clark (1994) made reference to successful traders whom she called Market Queens but their businesses were much larger and incorporated numerous staple commodities. In the vegetable markets which are seemingly small enterprises there are also traders who are successful and those who are struggling. The majority of the successful traders has more than ten years of experience in the trade and most of them joined this trade prior to the new millennium when traders were relatively fewer as compared to the contemporary situation. Therefore they are established in the sense that they have more experience in the trade and have established strong networks with the society, producers and customers. Their markets are strategically located in areas with higher flows of people. This can be at street corner markets, home markets along busy streets that connect the strategic places in the community and home markets adjacent to the shopping centre and markets at the bus termini. By virtue of their locations these markets attract many customers who have various needs, hence these traders stock a variety of commodities. House-Midamba and Ekechi (1995) had mentioned the commodity differences at the markets but did not link them to the trader’s experience and market locations. The successful traders have more commodities of different varieties at their markets. Apart from the leafy vegetables, tomatoes and onions they also have a variety of fruits, potatoes, sweet potatoes, cabbages, avocados, snacks, cucumbers, cooking soups, small dried fish and soya mince. They can also sell non-food items such as women and children’s clothing capitalizing on the fact that most of the customers are women and children. Some prepare and sell cooked meals especially for traders at shopping centres and termini were men are likely to be hanging around. All of these commodities are obtained from the wholesale vegetable markets which is convenient for traders. The difference with other traders is that they have enough capital to invest into their market and their large customer base makes it viable. A large number of the successful traders are house owners or directly related to the original owner which makes it possible for them to maintain the same residence thereby retain their customer bases which is good for their business. Their experience and income saving skills help them in successfully managing their markets. They belong to several ROSCAs groups and carefully manage their profits by avoiding extravagant lives, for instance they maintain a simple conservative wardrobe. This does not imply that other traders are extravagant. Their experience comes handy
47 in negotiating at wholesale markets and they are not intimidated by the wholesale traders. Therefore excellent negotiators and those who are into pilfering at the wholesale markets are likely to become successful traders. Successful traders have an understanding of the seasonality of the commodities especially tomatoes and leafy vegetables which are in short supply during winter (May-July). They are ready to organize commodity scouting trips direct to the farmers in Domboshava, Goromonzi, Norton and other areas, something other traders are not willing to do. The successful traders are usually available throughout the whole year unlike some traders who are only available during summer when produce is cheap. Successful traders can make a profit of $10- $20 per day depending with the seasons. They make their highest profits in winter when commodities are scarce and traders are fewer. Their markets are very popular in the community and these traders wield a certain degree of power in the community. They have cultivated a lot of loyal customers over the years and their networks extend to various religious, cultural and political groupings in the community in which they are active members. The excerpt below further clarifies this: Marita 47 Marita started trading in 1991 when her husband lost his job. She has the advantage of living at her parent’s house so has maintained the same trading point. Her house is along a busy street that connects pedestrians to the bus terminus. Over the years she has gained so much experience in the trade. She goes to Mbare market almost every-day with a precise list and does not buy anything without negotiating for price. Within a 50metres radius from her house there are 17 markets but she indicated that in winter there will only be 9 of them because other traders will be broke. Some two years ago she went to sell in town and was constantly harassed by police and she realised that she made much profit from selling from home and revived her home market. Over the years she has managed to send all her children to school as well as buying household furniture and a sewing machine. She treats her customers with dignity and does not harass them when they delay with payment. She has maintained good relationship with other traders because it is good for sharing business ideas. She is involved in several ROSCAs groups with different traders there is a group for $1/day; $7/week; $20 per month and grocery rotational group. Apart from these she attends church regularly and belongs to a political group as an active women’s league member. She recalled that the most successful period in her business was before the 2005 tsunami40 when there were many lodgers in the area. In this era some of their profits are being eroded by new traders. Nevertheless she enjoys trading and cannot imagine taking another job. 5.3.2 The Break -Even traders Traders who break even do not necessarily choose this but circumstances around their trading cause this undesirable thing to happen to them. As indicated by Clark (1994) the market is not for the frail, sickly and the old. Most traders who were breaking-even had these things to blame. Their ill-health made it impossible for them to visit wholesale markets regularly and this would naturally erode their customer base as customers would often come to their markets and not find fresh commodities. Their age and their frail status had made it unbearable for them to continue selling at the street corners were they have to carry commodities and tables to the market and endure harsh weather conditions. They were then forced to sell from home which provided better comfort but limited customers. Some of the traders who were also breaking even were those with markets located in quieter parts of the community were few people passed through or those occupying marginal places at the street corner markets which didn’t attract many customers. Their
40 Tsunami is the local reference to the Operation Restore Order 2005 that destroyed many illegal structures in the city. This clean-up campaign was widely criticized by the United Nations 48 commodities would perish and the family often utilized these commodities to avoid complete losses. Traders who break even are still in the trade but struggling to sustain their markets so they were gaining very little or no profit at all. Some of these traders used to have strong networks when their markets were vibrant but now it is difficult to maintain such networks because their markets do not attract many people, neither can they afford to belong to many ROSCAs groups. They often purchase the produce from Lusaka market that is not used by many people hence they are connected to a smaller group of traders who utilize that market as well. Discussions with the traders on this issue revealed some are aware of the losses they are making but had gotten accustomed to the trade such that they cannot completely quit it. However, these circumstances are not fixed they can change anytime as interactions with various elements can influence such changes. The stories below illustrate some of their experiences.
Anna 50 I joined this vegetable trade in 1987 because my husband was not employed. I was one of the first people to sell from the street corner. Then it was very viable because my children would help me set up the market and take turns to attend to customers. Now all my children are married except for my last son (18) who doesn’t want to hear anything about the market so I have to sell from home. I have fewer customers now and the trade has been invaded by a lot of people which has eroded the profits. I can liken the contemporary markets to ‘makasa’ meaning lottery, because sometimes you win and sometimes you lose but you don’t have to stop playing the game. Once you are a trader you find it very hard to go and give someone else money for the commodities you can sell. So it better for me to continue trading even if I don’t make much money but I don’t have to buy vegetables so we can never starve’.
Stella 75 Stella a 75 years old grandmother used to brew and sell beer together with her mother in Chivi their rural home before she got married and came to the city. Brewing beer in the city was very profitable but highly restricted during the colonial times and she didn’t want to be in trouble with the police that is why she couldn’t continue in that trade. When she relocated to Dzivarasekwa when the township was established she was determined to continue making her own money since her husband was in the habit of going for beer drinking sprees in shebeens whenever he got his weekly wages. Stella’s husband was employed at a bakery in the city and would bring some leftovers from there but he was not very lenient with his money. It is these challenges that prompted her to engage in vegetable trading so that she could afford sending all her 9 children to school. Stella was one of the first occupants of the formal market stalls and over the years has shifted to various selling points and enjoyed huge profits from the trade. Stella is now old and suffers from back pains and arthritis she can no longer manage her market like she used to so she can only sell from her home. More so her grandchildren are old and have left home as well. Trading has become difficult but she still trades because it makes her life active. Only to the annoyance of her customers who have to wait for ages before she responds to their shouting. She is aware of the losses but she at peace with that as she consumes the vegetables and dries them for her own use. She feels satisfied that she has enjoyed her fair share and will continue to trade until she takes her last breath which she said was very near now.
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5.3.3 The “Destitute” traders There are other traders who are temporarily out of business and not engaging in any income generating activity but would very much want to come back into the trade. Circumstance at the moment prevents their come-back therefore they are more or less ‘destitutes’ in terms of their trading status. This shows the diversity in the trade as some are out of business but can still refer to themselves as traders because they will be eagerly waiting to access capital and get back into business. Previously it had been taken for granted that successful traders were unlikely to become destitutes because they have strong networks but investigations showed that the market has become so vicious that anyone can fall. This is because there are many traders yet the customer base is not expanding. The profit margins are so small with the successful traders with a variety of fresh fruits and vegetables making $5 - $20 on a very successful day. The new comers and break- even traders can at times make only $1 per day. This means if the trader makes an unwise ‘investment’ or had a pressing family problem that required money and her networks fail to save her it is very easy to run out of business. Therefore all traders are prone to becoming ‘destitutes’. Once a trader becomes a destitute it can be difficult to maintain the networks as well as their selling spot and retain all their customers when they return. This does not mean that the successful traders and the less successful ones cannot share the same networks. It is just that at times the profit margins they make may make it impossible to invest in various ROSCAs groups but can still share other networks that do not require financial obligations. More so relationships are more fluid and boundaries very porous. However, a lot of things might change in this trade while the trader is still looking for capital to restart. This then feeds into the diversity of the market were a once successful trader can return as a break-even owing to some changes in the trade and have to make their way again to becoming a successful trader. The accounts from the women below shed more light to this: Chipo 55 Chipo had been trading since the early 90s from a strategic street corner market closer to her house which is along a busy street. Her problems started last year when she took a loan of $100 USD from a loan shark to boost her market at an interest rate of 30%. She had hoped to recover this money in a month before the interest rates are increased again. The market profits did not yield as expected so she failed to pay back the money and had to sell her refrigerator to cover the four months interests. She went out of business for about six months until her daughter in South Africa sent her some grocery money ZAR400 during Christmas and she converted it to revive her market. She did not inform her daughter about this because she had strongly discouraged her from trading again after the loan issue had caused her high blood pressure problems to resurface. Getting her selling spot back was not an easy task either as the new occupants were not willing to vacate the spot. It was after her old customers and some members in that street rebuked the new occupants since it was Chipo who had first identified that selling spot at the corner more than two decades ago. During the first weeks the other traders who had to move their markets aside would ignore her but now they talk to her. When I interviewed her in February she had been back in the trade for two month and it was quite a relief for her to be back again after 6 months in the wilderness. She retained her status as a successful trader because that street corner is a busy place with many customers who pass by. She vowed never to take money from loan sharks again, because she believes their money is bewitched it brings bad luck to the trader.
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Vongai 43 I started trading in 1994 two years after getting married. My husband was very angry about it because he felt that it meant he was not taking good care of me and my family would think the same. I continued trading and after some months he accepted it. I sold from a busy street and made huge profits. I managed to buy household furniture and I always regretted never investing in a housing stand because then it was affordable. I became a destitute first in 2005 when the tsunami struck and we had to move to Extension. After some weeks I started my market there and became successful since that area had no traders. I became a ‘destitute’ again in the past two years because I separated from my husband and I had to move back to my mother’s house. The costs of transporting my property and living with a larger extended family consumed all my savings from the market and I got out of business. Worse off in a ‘new’ environment again were I had no networks so it was difficult to start again. I only got my start-up capital in August last year after working in someone’s garden for a while and saving the money. I identified a selling spot along a busy street where my aunt stays and started my market. As you speak to me now (February) I’ve been back in the trade for only six months. I consider myself to be very fortunate that I managed to come back in the trade, majority are not this lucky. 5.3.4 The Newcomers At every market there are newcomers who also want to join the trade. These are people who are joining this trade for the very first time. They are different from destitutes who have had some experience in the trade. The newcomers comprise anybody who has decided to trade so age is not really a factor. New traders do not have much experience in the vegetable business. They could have seen their family trading and performed some of the tasks at the market. Their negotiation and people skills are still rudimentary but are willing to learn more about the business. They seem to be on a trial and error basis and would want to see how the trade turns out. This would determine whether they stay or leave the business. They are usually hopeful and excited about their markets. New traders do not have much variety of commodities on their markets because they want to minimize the risk. New comers find it easy to sell from home and some go to the streets and shopping centres were they occupy marginal places i.e. behind other traders or at the far end. This is because the best spots are already occupied by other traders. In this regard ‘destitutes’ and new comers are likely to occupy the same places at the street markets. However, they can be linked to similar networks as any other trader depending with their agency as well as the connections that they had prior to becoming traders. Prisca 21 Prisca has been selling vegetables for a month now. Her mother Vongai is a successful trader and encouraged her to sell from home while she sells from her Aunt’s place along a busy street. The whole idea was to maximize profits and operate the markets as two separate entities so that Prisca’s profits can be used to support the extended family that they live with so as to satisfy the moral obligations that are overwhelming Vongai. The whole idea of Prisca joining this trade was decided by the mother who provided her with start- up capital. Once Prisca’s market yields better profits, Vongai hopes to be able to make better savings on her own profits. In Prisca’s view her mother works a lot and the family does not appreciate. She agreed to start her market so that she can help her mother to save. However she indicated that she was just ‘tasting the waters’ and if it does not work she was going to stop it and do other things. She personally wanted to be a pre-school teacher as she had three ordinary level passes but she couldn’t afford the training fees yet.
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Sandra 40 I’ve only been in this trade for four months and I sell from home. I am lucky that I live at my in-law’s house so it is easy to start a market. I took a loan from our church group that I used to start my market. It is easier to sell from home because my children can look after the market while I do other things. Even though there are many people already selling vegetable I joined them so that I can get what they are getting. It is better than just sitting at home waiting for my husband to do everything. Life is so hard now he cannot manage it alone. In the evening I also sell meat at the street corner away from here but I could not take my vegetable market there because other vegetable traders there complain a lot about space. I opted to have the vegetable market at home and the meat market at the street corner hoping to maximize my profits. So far most of my friends sell meat and I am still developing networks with other vegetable traders but because I am already selling meat I am in other ROSCAs groups as well. I am yet to see if the vegetables bring meaningful profits because so far I break even or make just a little profit. If not then will completely concentrate on the meat market. Janet 35 I started selling vegetables two months ago from home because my husband owns the house and we have several lodgers. I just wanted to see how it goes but so far my customers are just my neighbours. I do not need to go to Mbare market because I don’t need much variety at my market so Lusaka is best for me. I personally do not want to get connected to many people so I just maintain good relations with my customers only. In the event that I find it not profitable I will quit and find something else to do. At least we have a constant income from the lodgers. 5.3.5 The Front Markets The market diversities can be explored from the angle that vegetable markets are linked directly or indirectly to other businesses operating in the community in which players have different motives. This brings about the front markets that are operating in the community. Front markets in this case refer to vegetable markets that are used as façade for other illegal business that take place in the community. As the name suggest, they are just a front for other businesses. Since having a vegetable market in front of a house is readily accepted in the community, some people take advantage of them to divert people’s attention from the actual business taking place. Women who sell marijuana and highly intoxicating home brewed beer ‘kachasu’ are likely to have vegetable markets at their homes. It is not clear which of the two businesses started first and fed into the other. A market becomes a facade to justify their interaction with so many people and the flow of people into their home. This means that these traders will never sell from the streets but are continuously based at home, where it is convenient to run the different portfolios. Their vegetable markets are never broke because profits from other portfolios are ploughed into the vegetable market, which is a very intelligent idea. In principle these woman are vegetable traders but in reality their networks reflect very little on the vegetable market. The vegetable markets are a means to an end therefore giving them the same classification as other vegetable traders does not reflect on reality.
This kind of information concerning illegal drugs in the community is not easy to find unless you stay longer in the community. The front markets got to my attention by mere coincidence. This was after questioning other traders in a joking mode upon noticing that majority of people coming out of certain home markets were men. Effort to set up interviews with them were strongly denied because they are often suspicions about people asking questions. I later realised that the society knows so much about this kind of innovative
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enterprises and indicated that these traders are never out of business even though their markets do not stock many varieties. It was unfortunate that I did not manage to get an actual confirmation from the traders themselves therefore my findings concerning this matter are not conclusive.
In conclusion, this chapter has provided the profiles of various traders engaged in vegetable markets, a brief background and their own perspectives concerning their markets and how interactions with various elements human and material results in diversities in the market. The profiling was extended to bring out the diversities and multiplicities of the market by analysing the spatial space they occupy in the society as well as profit margins. The way they organize their markets is a reflection of their customer and farmer interfaces were their ability to exercise their agency is greatly rewarded at their markets. Heterogeneity is portrayed in the spatial locations, material organization, management styles, commodity diversities and the various levels of success that traders assert. These are some of the outcomes of the interactions of the various elements of the assemblage giving the market the manifold outlook. All the same the relationships between traders and various elements are more complex and intertwined such that they cannot be fully disentangled and come up with rigid groupings hence the best way was to analyse the diversities on how they organized their markets and the market locations.
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Chapter 6: Conclusion
The objective of this thesis was to explore and analyse the various forms of ordering that constitute the market as an assemblage. The conceptual framework informing the study emanated from the fact that markets are not homogenous entities that have a single order but heterogeneous entities with diverse elements that reproducing a multiple order. Against this background, I looked at markets as assemblages of heterogeneous elements that are drawn together by various interests and motives. Agency is needed to draw them together as well as for each element to remain relevant in the assemblage. I deviated from the norm by not limiting my focus to commodities being traded but also to the interlinkages between and among the human and non-human elements whose interactions create social and spatial market diversities. The market itself becomes the place or spatial knot where specific outcomes of activities and practices of traders, consumers and supply networks combine, giving the market a multiple image. Therefore, I conclude that the market is an assemblage of different orderings. The different traders and the diverse market organization partly influenced by spatial locations as well as the agency of traders and customers portray the diversity of the markets. The vegetable markets have transformed such that trading is no longer a prerogative for social underdogs but anyone with the ability to join the trade can do so. Therefore the traders are women of all ages and statuses as well as men who have found it easier to trade as the society has evolved to accept such changes. Women traders are usually assigned societal roles which put their lives at a limelight by virtue of being well known. The successful traders took advantage of these roles to expand the clientele base which is good for their business. Other traders who lack such capacities risk losing customers who are interested in more than just vegetable purchases. What’s peculiar about these women is that in their homes were they have other roles as mother, aunts, grandmothers and so forth. They are seen as hardworking women who defy all odds to support their families. In spite of the multifaceted lives that traders portray, they are actually ordinary people who want to live simple lives, which at times is not possible because of their interactions with various elements of their markets. The interfaces of several social actors as indicated by elicitations in the chapters are comprised of humour, power dynamics and at times sheer mystery. While the traders occupy a crucial point in the coordination of various elements they are not the only ones who determine the outcomes of these interactions. This is because agency in the assemblage is diffuse and both human and material elements of the assemblage withhold their rights to differ but at the same time engage with each other at different levels (Anderson and McFarlane 2011). Traders engage with the wholesale markets which comprise another order which is incorporated into the assemblage. The traders’ agency and interpersonal capacities assists them in handling such encounters. They are then able to acquire commodities that have various supply networks with the aim of transferring these tradable goods into consumable goods at their markets. The transferring process is not a straight forward process that can be summed up in a linear sequence (Li 2007). This is because it involves various interactions with different suppliers, relationships with other traders, different material elements that are encountered in organizing the markets and a range of customer needs that have to be satisfied in this process. Trust is very important since majority of these transactions are not documented. Therefore the market has multiple coordination mechanisms that contribute to its diversity.
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The socio-cultural attributes of the market portrayed that the contemporary markets are not separated from the society as before but are inherent parts of it and embedded in its social systems. This explored the openness of the market were various activities can take place as well as satisfying various needs of consumers. Analysing markets from a sociological perspective as supported by Lie (1997) enabled the researcher to fully capture the jokes, market stories and entertainment which is an excellent way of presenting that the market goes beyond the distribution of commodities. The moral economy of the community is portrayed when traders have to make decisions based on moral values and not profit. For instance when they give commodities on credit to the elderly and when they are moral umpires even that is not the mandate of their business. In all these scenario then there cannot be one order that represents the markets but multiple orders. The noble thing about multiplicity is that it creates differences in the trade which can show that there cannot be a single element that coordinates the market. Therefore the assemblage would incorporate trader- farmer interfaces at the wholesale markets, the various supply chains which are also shaped by various influences and the commodity specificity itself. These heterogeneous elements are met with the consumers and material organization and different cultures at the market. The market becomes the knot that links all these elements together but it does not eliminate its heterogeneous nature; it strengthens it making an assemblage that works for many. Analysing the manifestations of market diversities, market organizations and the material elements used is another way of understanding the market. This is because it will lead you to look at the different spatial locations of the market and a different ordering they portray. The market location depicts a lot about the trader and their accommodation status in the city. The material organization of the markets also indicate the status of the trader with those that have established makeshifts markets claiming the space much more than those selling from mere placemats. Therefore these differences illuminate on their networks, space and place connections and other linkages to the market as well as to society in general. Further analysing the traders as successful and less successful based on their profit margins give evidence that traders are not a homogenous group. Their differences in profit margins support that they are not running these markets as a mere hobby but also want the economic gains thereof. This prevents over-socializing the markets but highlights the economic gains as an important motive that encourages people to start these enterprises. This is why the trader-farmer interface is filled with haggling and counter negotiations because the trader wants to make the best deal that would benefit her at the market because she is in this business to make some money. I therefore conclude that the urban vegetable markets in Dzivarasekwa are socio-culturally shaped markets that are embedded in the social systems of the society. The traders and the consumers both reproduce the market culture that is well accepted within the societal cultural boundaries. The market is a knot where all the elements of the assemblage converge and interact with each other at different levels. The various interactions and multiple ordering result in social and spatial realities that create diversities in the trade. In spite of its socio-cultural connotation, the market is still an income generating assemblage that supports the livelihoods of many families.
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Appendices
Annex 1: The Material Elements of the Market
The makeshift market made of wooden poles, plastics and metal is set up at the street corner in consultation with the adjacent house owner. Its establishment symbolises
permanent claim of the selling spot by the trader. These material also protect commodities from bad weather
Measuring boxes, synonymous with the wholesale markets. Farmers/middlemen use these boxes to measure and store produce. Boxes are instruments of agency as middlemen use similar boxes but less hollow.
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The reed basket is the most common Huge bundles of vegetables at wholesale material element of a trading woman. It is markets that are unbundled to make at durable and stores commodities quite least 40 small bundles sold at $0.10c each. well. Plastic dishes and buckets are also Vegetables usually carried in a sack. used
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All photos, source: Author
The market is full of material elements. Commodities sorted by type, tables that are removed at night, boxes and sacks for storage, stool, buckets, plastics to cover market when it rains.
Push carts and trucks used to transport goods in and out of the wholesale markets. These are mostly operated by men.
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Kombiwagen used to transport traders to and from the market. Traders carry reed baskets on their laps, some commodities are on roof tops.
All Photos showing material elements: Source, Author.
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Annex 2: The Market in Pictures
Street Corner Markets
Street corner markets are found at intersections of busy streets. Traders have the advantage of huge flows of people and mostly sell on cash basis because most customers are passers-by ‘unknown’ to the trader
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Shopping Centre Markets
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These are markets that operate from ‘open spaces’ at the shopping centre. This open space is shared by many other activities in the community. The market is very visible towards evening when there are many customers. During the morning it is deserted, traders even carry their makeshift tables home.
Other traders at the shopping centre occupy peripheral places behind other traders. Use of placemats is also common.
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Home Markets
Traders who operate from home enjoy the benefits of multitasking. However home markets along busy streets are advantageous than home markets in less frequented parts of the community.
All photos showing the markets, source: author
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