Hukay Is a Tagalog Term That Can Either Be the Verb ‚To Dig‛ Or a Noun, ‚A Hole in the Ground As a Result of Digging‛

Hukay is a Tagalog term that can either be the verb ‚to dig‛ or a noun, ‚a hole in the ground as a result of digging‛. It also means ‚an excavation‛ among archaeology practitioners in the Philippines. Published twice a year, Hukay is the refereed journal of the University of the Philippines - Archaeological Studies Program. We accept articles on the archaeology, ethnoarchaeology, palaeoenvironmental studies, and heritage of the Asia and Pacific regions.

The Editors and the Reviewers are not responsible and should not be held liable for any personal views or opinions expressed here by the contributing authors. All questions and/or reactions to such should be addressed to the author(s) concerned.

Founding Editor Victor J. Paz

Editor Grace Barretto-Tesoro

Associate Editor Francis N. Claravall

Layout Design Francis N. Claravall

Cover Design Francis N. Claravall Anna Pineda Taj Vitales

Archaeological Studies Program Albert Hall University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City http://asp.upd.edu.ph/hukay

ISSN 0119-173X

On the cover: Ground floor plan of Structure A, Figure 16 from Angelus Maria P. Sales’ article on p. 15.

Hukay Journal for Archaeological Research in Asia and the Pacific

Volume 18

2013

Archaeological Studies Program University of the Philippines 2013

Contents

i Foreword

1 Building in the Past: A Preliminary Analysis of the Construction Materials and Methods Used in Structure A in Barangay Pinagbayanan, San Juan, Batangas Angelus Maria P. Sales

31 Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines, Land Bridges, Submerged River Systems and Migration Routes: A GRASS GIS approach Emil Charles Robles

54 Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay area, Philippines Timothy James Vitales

82 Proposal for a Surface Archaeology Methodology in Bluff lands Archaeology (the Cordillera region of Luzon) Michael Armand P. Canilao

BOOK REVIEWS

90 Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz, Andreas Reinecke, and Dominik Bonatz (Eds). Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press. Review by Harpy Valence B. Valerio

96 Michael Armand P. Canilao. 2011. Of Gold, Spanish Conquistadors, And Ibaloi Generational Memory. Baguio City: Cordillera Studies Center, University of the Philippines Baguio Review by Arch. Ferdinand Isidro dela Paz

98 Erik Akpedonu and Czarina Saloma. 2011. CASA BOHOLANA: Vintage Houses of Bohol. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press Review by Arch. Ferdinand Isidro dela Paz

101 Roxana Waterson and Kwok Kian-Woon (Eds). 2012. Contestations of Memory in Southeast Asia. Singapore: National University of Singapore (NUS) Press. Review by Kerby C. Alvarez

i Foreword

Starting with this volume, Hukay will be published through the University of the Philippines Diliman Journal online and downloaded from journals.upd.edu.ph. The shift to digital publishing envisions that Hukay will be more accessible outside the UP-Archaeological Studies Program (UP-ASP). Although a number of individuals might not agree with the move to online publication, we have to think of the long term benefits. Digital publishing means that Hukay can now accept more coloured figures without worrying about the high costs that come with the publication of hard copies. Distribution of the articles is quicker and less expensive since everything can be done online. Readers can download, store, read, and print articles anytime and anywhere. The biggest challenge we have in publishing Hukay is the amount of funds required to print hard copies and distribute them to international reviewers and journal exchange partners. Hukay’s new digital format will greatly reduce the financial strain on its limited budget. In addition, since many of the Hukay articles are reading materials in archaeology courses at the UP-ASP, online accessibility is the best way to promote the journal and increase its readership. This volume contains four articles. In the first article, Angelus Sales discusses the construction of a stone house excavated in Barangay Pinagbayanan in San Juan, Batangas, Philippines. Combining the results of two excavation seasons with her background in architecture, Sales describes the construction system of the foundation, walls, stone posts, and floor. The article is a good reference for archaeologists excavating stone structures dating from the 16th to the 19th century in the Philippines. Emil Robles using Geographic Resources Analysis Support System GIS approach in estimating ancient coastlines, land bridges, and submerged river systems proposes possible migration routes in ancient times coinciding with different sea levels. Robles’ work provides us with population movement models that archaeologists can use in surveying ancient sites in the Philippines. It might also explain why some regions in ii the Philippines have very early sites and why others are bereft of archaeology. The Laguna de Bay area in southern Luzon, Philippines has already been proven to be archaeologically significant based on pothunting activities in the lake area. Recognising the old archaeology of the Laguna de Bay, Timothy James Vitales compiles the archaeological researches around the lake and recommends areas for targeted excavations. Michael Canilao’s Master’s thesis from the UP-ASP was on searching for early settlements in the Cordillera region in northern Philippines. Canilao’s thesis was subsequently published into a book and a review is included in this volume. In his article, Canilao recounts his field experiences including his most recent excavations in the highlands of Ilocos Sur, in western Cordillera. He proposes systematic surface survey, a workable method to conduct research in the highlands. This volume also contains four book reviews. We like to thank the University of Singapore Press for the books ‚Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists‛ and ‚Contestations of Memory in Southeast Asia‛. Ateneo De Manila University Press provided us with a copy of ‚CASA BOHOLANA: Vintage Houses of Bohol‛ and Michael Armand Canilao gave us a complimentary copy of ‚Of Gold, Spanish Conquistadors, And Ibaloi Generational Memory‛. In October 2013, the Philippines suffered a major earthquake that destroyed centuries-old churches in the islands of Cebu and Bohol. As of this writing, no report has been made regarding the heritage houses in Bohol which are the subject of the book ‘CASA BOHOLANO’. The destruction of the churches had more impact to the Philippine population than the collapse of other buildings since these sacred sites are symbols of faith and identity, history markers, and heritage areas. The Philippines has a long history of churches destroyed by calamities such as flooding, volcanic eruptions, and earthquakes. The Filipinos have shown their resilience through rebuilding the churches or transferring the towns to a safer location. Earthquake ordinances were promulgated in the late 1800s outlining building regulations to minimise loss of properties and lives. In this connection, we hope that cooperation between government lead agencies with private cultural and heritage professionals continue and appropriate mitigating measures are put in place so that the ruins may be iii preserved and/or rehabilitated and those that suffered damage are reinforced to ensure their structural integrity. Some churches suffered catastrophic damage so that nothing was left but rubbles of the original structures. This then necessitates us archaeologists and heritage conservators to continue to document, protect, and restore heritage structures before they are lost for all time.

Grace Barretto-Tesoro Hukay Editor Building in the Past: A Preliminary Analysis of the Construction Materials and Methods Used in Structure A in Barangay Pinagbayanan, San Juan, Batangas

Angelus Maria P. Sales 1

Abstract The Batangas Field School Program under its field director, Grace Barretto -Tesoro, has been excavating Structure A, Site I in Barangay Pinagbayanan, San Juan, Batangas for two consecutive years. In 2009, the southern portion of Structure A was investigated which resulted to the discovery of parts of an old Spanish house more commonly known as bahay na bato. This Spanish house is believed to be made up of adobe blocks and wooden sidings with capiz windows and clay roof tiles. In 2010, the focus shifted from the southern portion of Structure A to its northern portion. The results from the 2010 excavation became a vital source of additional information about the whole structure. With the whole of Structure A almost excavated, a study of the construction technology employed to create the house should be done to further understand the structure. This paper will attempt to make such study. This paper will discuss the construction materials and technology used to build Structure A and compare it with other archaeologically investigated Spanish colonial structures. An overview of the transition from nipa huts to stone houses with respect to the changes in their construction techniques will also be given. Finally, recommendations will be given with respect to conducting an archaeological research that deals with structures.

1 Diploma Graduate, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Diliman. Licensed Architect and Researcher. Email: [email protected]

Hukay Volume 18, pp. 1-30 Building in the Past 2 Introduction After the 2010 Field School Program, more evidence have been gathered to further reinforce the conclusions made about Structure A that it is in fact a bahay na bato structure built for a principales or a local elite (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2009). As new evidence was uncovered, more questions were also formed about Structure A. This research is being done to answer some of the questions raised, specifically, with regards to the construction of the structure. The main objective of this research is to find out the construction technology and methods utilised to build Structure A. Through archival research and analysis of the findings from the two archaeological excavations done at Structure A, this study aims to 1) find out the specific building materials used for the architectural and structural component of the house, 2) compare the construction methods used in Structure A with other Spanish colonial structures that have been archaeologically investigated, and 3) find out the reasons behind some of the construction irregularities found in Structure A. There have been many studies about the bahay na bato but mostly from the architectural and anthropological perspective. Also, most of the bahay na bato that have been studied were still standing or in partial ruins. This research study is rare because the bahay na bato to be studied is already non-existent and most of the primary data about the structure was obtained through archaeological investigation. Archaeologically, this is one of the few excavations which focus on Spanish colonial structures and the first to investigate about bahay na bato. Hence, this study will be coming from an archaeological perspective with the results of the archaeological investigation of Structure A used as a take-off point for this research. Its archaeological significance lies in the fact that this research will not only apply architectural principles to investigate the structure but also use archaeological principles to explain what happened to the structure. This research will focus on the construction aspect of Structure A only. No thorough analysis of artefacts will be made due to time constraints. The researcher will instead use the initial findings of the 2010 excavation and the results and analysis from the 2009 excavation as primary source of data. Data gathered from interviews with local residents will also be used. These data will then be supported with other information gathered from archival research. The comparative analysis of archaeologically investigated Spanish colonial structures will also be limited to those recently investigated (i.e. within this decade). The comparative analysis will also focus only the construction aspect of the Spanish colonial structures. 3 Sales Background Information Since the bahay na bato is a Spanish adaptation of the local nipa hut or bahay kubo, it is imperative that a background information about the nipa hut should be given to have an idea of the kind of dwelling structures the Spaniards came upon when they arrived in our islands. The vernacular architecture of the Philippines before the Spanish colonial period in the 16th century was greatly influenced by its environment. Throughout the archipelago, the local nipa hut or bahay kubo was the predominant residential structure. The construction materials used to build the nipa huts consisted of light materials and were oftentimes indigenous to the region such as bamboo, rattan, and cogon. The form and style of the nipa hut was varied across the region as dictated by its environment. But one thing in common in all the variations of the local nipa hut was the use of the post and beam construction system. Posts and beams which were often made of bamboo or the local timber available to the region were used to support the whole house. Another similar feature noticeable in the different nipa huts found throughout the region was its elevated structure. Nipa huts were oftentimes on stilts whether on land or on water (Dacanay 1988; Hila 1992; Klassen 1986; Perez 1990). The nipa houses were built by their owners with some help from their local community employing the bayanihan system. Construction methods used were simple compared to the methods used for building the bahay na bato. For those using local timbers as frames, mortise and tenon joints were sometimes used to join wooden members together since nails were not yet available at that time (Figure 3). One example would be

Figure 1: Example of nipa hut used in Cordillera region (Source: Balai Vernacular: Images of Filipino Private Space. Published with the permission from Cultural Center of the Philippines). Building in the Past 4 the ethnic houses found in the Cordillera region (Figure 1). More often than not, rope lashings made from rattan or yantok (woven split bamboo mats) were used to join the wooden frames together especially if the members were made of bamboo. This construction method is commonly seen in the lowland nipa houses were bamboo is predominantly used (Figure 2). The wooden frames consisted of posts, beams, floor joists, rafters for the roof, and horizontal and vertical studs to support the wall panels which were made from either sawali, bamboo, or coconut leaves (Figure 4). High-pitched roofs were often used to counter heat and rain and also allow for better air circulation inside the house (Dacanay 1992; Hila 1992; Klassen 1986). The descriptions given in the previous paragraphs are the kind of dwelling structures the Spanish colonisers chanced upon when they came to our land. Instead of building their own different residential structure, the Spaniards who came to the Philippines adapted the local nipa huts and made larger versions of it. But since the nipa houses were made of light materials easily destroyed by fire and typhoon, the Spaniards eventually made use of stone to build their houses after several incidents of fire. Thus, paving the way for the early archetype of the bahay na bato of which was literally all made up of stone. But building with stone was a quite challenge during those times because no one among the locals was familiar with using the material. In 1581, a Jesuit priest by the name of Antonio Sedeño arrived in the Philippines after being stationed in Mexico

Figure 2: Lowland nipa house predominantly made of bamboo (Source: Balai Vernacular: Images of Filipino Private Space. Published with the permission from Cultural Center of the Philippines). 5 Sales for nine years. His exposure to military architecture during the early years of his life and his immersion in Mexico where Spanish missions were rapidly constructed gave him enough expertise to train the locals in the art of masonry. Father Sedeño began training both Filipino and Chinese workers how to quarry, prepare, and lay stones after Governor General Santiago de Vera issued a decree in 1587 that all structures should be made of stone (Castro 2005).

Figure 3: Mortise and tenon joint used in nipa huts in the Cordillera region (Source: Balai Vernacular: Images of Filipino Private Space. Published with the permission from Cultural Center of the Philip- pines).

Figure 4: Examples of different types of materials used for walls in a bamboo nipa hut (Source: Balai Vernacular: Images of Filipino Private Space. Published with the permission from Cultural Center of the Philippines). Building in the Past 6 The early bahay na bato structures had stone walls for both its ground and second floor. Columns were also made of stone. Foundations were very deep and openings for doors and windows were only small so as not to weaken the building fabric. Timber made from Philippine hardwood was also used for beams, joists, and roof framing. Clay tiles replaced the easily flammable cogon grass for roofing. Though the construction materials used to build the bahay na bato were different, the layout and design of the houses were still the same as the local nipa huts, albeit in a larger scale (Zialcita and Tinio 2002). But the great earthquakes of the 17th century destroyed these stone houses. As a result, a hybrid of the nipa hut and bahay na bato was made with the ground floor made up of stone and the succeeding floors made of wood (Lico 2008; Manalo 2005; Perez 1990; Villalon 2001; Zialcita and Tinio 2002 ). During the 19th century, the bahay na bato achieved the pinnacle of its form with the use of stones and bricks as mere building envelope to hide the wooden post which actually carries the weight of the whole structure. This building typology of the bahay na bato is what Filipinos commonly see today. The ground floor of the 19th century bahay na bato is made up of either stone or brick walls enclosing 8‛x 8‛ or 10‛x 10‛wooden posts. These wooden posts go up to the second floor and are oftentimes either embedded or anchored to lime mortar foundations on the ground floor through a strip of wood nailed to the posts. The second floor is made up of wooden planks usually made of ipil (Eperua decandra, Bl.), narra (Pterocarpus santalinus), or other Philippine hardwood. The windows are sliding and translucent brought on by panels which are made of capiz. The roof, on the other hand, is either made up of galvanized iron sheets or clay roof tiles (Dacanay 1988; Zialcita and Tinio 2002). Earthquakes made a great impact in the construction method and materials employed to make these stone houses. During the 19th century, the Philippines experienced several more earthquakes that destroyed several buildings. As a result, an earthquake ordinance was passed during 1880 by the Consultative Council of Public Works. The earthquake ordinance decreed the use of thinner wooden post and light roofing materials such as galvanised iron sheets. Foundation construction was also changed. Before, master builders thought that the sheer thickness and depth of the foundation would be enough to provide stability to a structure but the earthquake of July 1880 proved that their assumptions were incorrect. Because of this discovery, succeeding stone houses were built with shallow foundation 7 Sales which only ran to about a metre deep. A standard wall thickness for all structures was also ordered. The thickness of the walls made after the earthquake ordinance should be at least one-fifth of the height of the walls (Zialcita and Tinio 2002). A different system of measurement was also used during the Spanish period. Neither the metric nor the English system was used by the Spaniards in building their structures. The Spaniards used Castilian pie, Castilian vara, and Spanish braza in recording their measurements. 1 Castilian pie is equivalent to 11 inches or 27.95 centimetres while 1 Castilian vara is equivalent to 3 pie or 83 centimetres and 9 decimetres. The Spanish braza, on the other hand, is equal to 2 vara or 1.671 metres (Zialcita and Tinio 2002). This unique system of measurement was noticed in Structure A when some parts of the structure were measured using the metric system. The recorded results yielded whole numbers with decimals. The structure to be studied and analysed is Structure A found in Barangay Pinagbayanan, San Juan, Batangas. Based on previous and recent excavations on the structure, it is believed that Structure A is the ruins of a bahay na bato that was built after the town of San Juan was established in 1881 (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2009). Several columns made of stone bounded by lime mortar were found during the excavations. Exterior walls made of volcanic tuff blocks locally known as adobe were also discovered. Foundations with depth reaching to more than a metre were also excavated. A total of 12 trenches were dug during the two excavations that were done on Structure A. The succeeding sections of this paper will discuss in detail the materials and construction methods used to build Structure A.

Building Materials

Column and Foundation Based on the archaeological investigations done on Structure A, the foundations were made of lime mortar while the columns were made from rough-hewn stones that were bound together by lime cement and probably enclosed in adobe blocks. The stone columns that were still intact were measured and had varying dimensions ranging from 63 centimetres to 91 centimetres (Figure 5). The adobe blocks that might have enclosed the columns and acted as a veneer for the column were no longer present.

Building in the Past 8 Based on ethnographical accounts, adobe blocks were recycled by the locals to build fish ponds during the 1950s (Figure 6) and more recently as outdoor stoves or tungko used for food preparation during large celebrations (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2009). The voids left by the adobe blocks caused the irregularity in the size of the columns. The stone columns, based on the earthquake ordinance of 1880, may have had a height of 280 centimetres and did not continue to the second-floor. Instead, wooden posts made of Philippine hardwood such as molave may have been used to support the roof and walls of the second storey. The height of the ground floor columns were based on the inferred height of the ground floor walls which will be discussed in the next section.

Figure 5: Stone column of Trench 7 (Photo by Riczar Fuentes).

Figure 6: Recycled adobe blocks used in the town’s fish ponds (Photo by Riczar Fuentes). 9 Sales

Figure 7: Northern exterior wall of Structure A viewed from the inside of the structure (Photo by Angelus Sales).

Figure 8: Decorative mouldings found in the eastern exterior wall (Photo by Marie Louise Antoinette Sioco).

Wall The exterior walls and interior partition walls of the ground floor were made of adobe blocks (Figure 7). Blocks measured from the two previous excavations have varying dimensions. One whole block from the 2010 excavation has a length of 72 centimetres, a width of 28 centimetres, and a height of 28 centimetres while a complete block from the 2009 excavation was 76 centimetres long and 28 centimetres wide. The walls of the ground floor area of Structure A have an approximate thickness of 56 centimetres and a height of 280 centimetres. The height of the walls was estimated based on the earthquake ordinance’s prescribed thickness of the walls which should be a fifth of the height of the wall. Since the thickness of the walls was known, the height was simply calculated based Building in the Past 10 on the known thickness of the walls. To bind the blocks together and create the walls, lime cement was used with broken clay tiles as aggregates to form the mortar. Decorative mouldings were also used for the exterior walls to delineate the base of the exterior walls from the ground surface (Figure 8). The mouldings have a length of approximately 75 centimetres and a height of 30 centimetres. These mouldings were made from a mixture of lime cement or what is locally known as apog, sand, water, and very small gravel-like stones. Pilasters were also used for the exterior columns. Pilasters are columns that are embedded in a wall and are protruding from one or both faces of the wall. In the case of Structure A, the pilasters are protruding from only one face of the wall which was the exterior side of the structure (Ching 2008). For the upper storey of Structure A, the exterior walls and interior wall partitions may have been made from Philippine hardwood such as molave. The windows were made from capiz shells as indicated by the recovered capiz shells found in Trenches 6 and 9 and also from the 2009 excavation. Since the upper storey of Structure A was no longer present, these inferences were based from ethnographical accounts from the locals and from archival research of common typology of bahay na bato structures.

Floor The flooring material for the ground floor area of Structure A was quite varied. In the northern portion of Structure A, clay tiles or baldosa was used to finish the floor surface of the area occupied by Trench 5 and 7. This was based from the baldosa found in-situ in Trenches 5 (Figure 9) and from the baldosa impressions found on the mortar floor of Trench 7. The baldosa that was found in-situ measured 28 centimetres long and 28 centimetres wide. Adobe blocks were also found in-situ in Trench 4 (Figure 10) at the southern portion of Structure A. The adobe blocks served as pavers for what was believed to be a storage area for rice grains (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2009). Compacted dirt floor was also used in some areas of the ground floor as indicated by the very compact dark reddish brown layer encountered during the excavations. Different flooring materials were used in the ground floor of Structure A to signify change in the function of the space and also to denote hierarchy of space. Since the upper storey of a bahay na bato was mostly made up of wood based on the archival research, the flooring was no different. Wooden planks used as floorboards may have been used for the second 11 Sales storey of Structure A. The floorboards may be an inch thick based on the recovered square nails used to fasten the floorboards.

Figure 9: Baldosa found in-situ in Trench 5 (Photo by Noel Amano and Kate Lim).

Figure 10: Flooring made of adobe blocks found in Trench 4 (Photo by Archie Tesoro). Building in the Past 12 Roof The roof of Structure A was made up of Spanish clay roof tiles. This is indicated by the broken fragments of clay roof tiles recovered from the site. During the 2009 excavation, a V-shaped clay roof tile was recovered almost intact. This artefact is a ridge cap which further supported the possibility of Structure A using Spanish clay tiles for its roofing material since ridge caps are used only when roof tiles are used as roofing materials.

Construction Methods and Systems

Foundation At the time Structure A was constructed, the use of metal reinforcements was not yet widely practiced. As such, a foundation greatly depended on its sheer massiveness and depth for stability and strength (Figure 12). The thickness of the foundation of Structure A was varied. Column foundations were thicker and therefore, much deeper than wall foundations. The column foundations were more than a meter thick such as those in Trench 6 (100cm) and Trench 10 (180cm). The base of the column which was connected to the foundation was more than a metre wide.

Figure 11: An illustration of a modern spread footing foundation. (Source: Building Construction Illustrated, 2nd edition. This material is reproduced with permission of John Wiley and Sons, Inc.). The red dash lines are outline of the spread footing used for Structure A.

Figure 12: Actual photo of a foundation located in Trench 8 (Photo by Marie Louise Antoinette Sioco). 13 Sales The type of foundation used was a spread footing foundation (Figure 11). A spread footing foundation is a kind of foundation that uses a ‚pad‛ to spread the weight of the building over a sufficiently large soil area (Fajardo 2001). Two different types of spread footing foundation were used in Structure A. The wall foundation was constructed using a strip footing while the column foundation made use of isolated footing. A strip footing is a continuous spread footing used mainly for wall foundations while isolated footing is a single spread footing that supports a column (Ching 1995). To be able to build the foundation, formworks were needed to mould the foundation. Formworks used for Structure A were wooden planks that were joined together. Once joined together, the mixture of lime, sand, and water were poured unto the formworks to create the foundation (Figure 13). The use of wooden planks as formworks were indicated by the plank impressions found on the excavated foundations (Figure 14).

Figure 13: 3d rendition of how a column foundation is created (Illustration by Angelus Sales).

Figure 14: Actual photo of an excavated foundation in Trench 6. Red circles show the plank impressions found on the foundation (Photo by Angelus Sales). Building in the Past 14 Structural System Since the bahay na bato is an adaptation of the local bahay kubo, the structural system used for both type of dwelling structure was the same. A linear structural system was used in building Structure A. In a linear structural system the weight of the building is uniformly carried out to linear structural elements such as columns and beams. Columns and walls are the vertical elements in a linear structural system while beams and floors are the horizontal elements. This kind of structural system also makes use of a grid system (Figure 15). The point of intersection of the grid lines is where the columns are located (Ching 1991). The grid pattern of the linear structural system was very useful in inferring the location of the other columns which were already destroyed. All in all, Structure A had 27 columns and out of those 27 columns, 15 were found during the excavation (Figure 16).

Figure 15: An illustration of a linear structural system (Source: Building Construction Il- lustrated, 2nd edition. This material is reproduced with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.). 15 Sales

Figure 16: Possible ground floor plan of Structure A. Coloured columns are the columns found still standing in the site (Illustration by Angelus Sales). Building in the Past 16 As previously mentioned, the columns were made of rough-hewn stones that were bound by lime mortar and enclosed by adobe blocks (Figure 17). The stones were probably enclosed by adobe blocks on all its four sides (Figure 18). The adobe blocks were laid out first acting like the formworks for the stone columns. Once the adobe blocks have been laid, the lime mortar mixture together with the rough-hewn stones can be poured into the enclosure.

Figure 17: An isometric view of how the columns were possibly constructed (Illustration by Angelus Sales).

Figure 18: Plan view of the stone columns enclosed by adobe blocks (Illustration by Angelus Sales). 17 Sales Wall System The exterior and interior partition walls were constructed using adobe blocks that were laid out in a side by side fashion forming a double wall which makes the walls very thick (Figures 19 and 20). In between the adobe blocks were the lime mortar binding the blocks together. No metal reinforcements were used since the practice of putting reinforcements in walls was not yet known to every master builder. Common bond was used as a method for laying the adobe blocks. Common bond or also known as stretcher bond is the typical method of brick laying. With this method, the blocks are laid on its bed showing the stretcher face or sides of the block. Bed is the term used to refer to the top and bottom surfaces of a brick or block (Fleming 2005). The mouldings that were used for decorative purposes were made with the use of formworks from which the lime mortar mixture was poured unto.

Figure 19: A 3d modelling of how the exterior wall may have been constructed (Illustration by Angelus Sales).

The mouldings must have been built on the construction site itself. The double wall system is the preferred construction method of the Consultative Council of Public Works which issued the Earthquake Ordinance of 1880 (Zialcita and Tinio 2002) Arches were also used for the doorways of the ground floor area. Arches are curved structures used primarily for wall openings. The use of arches in Structure A is indicated by the excavated debris of fallen arches. Voussoirs were found in Trenches 3 and 5 (Figures 21 and 22) while a keystone was found in the trench extension of Trench 7. Voussoirs are the wedge-shaped portion that comprises an arch while a keystone is a type of voussoirs that is found in the middle of the arch. Adobe blocks were worked by stone masons to form pieces of the arches. Building in the Past 18

Figure 20: Actual photo of the northern exterior wall found in Trench 10 (Photo by Angelus Sales).

Figure 21: Arch debris found in Trench 5 excavated during the 2010 excavation (Photo by Noel Amano and Kate Lim).

Figure 22: Arch debris found in Trench 3 excavated during the 2009 excavation (Photo by Archie Tesoro). 19 Sales For the second floor of Structure A, the exterior and interior wall partitions made use of a stud wall for its construction (Figure 23). A stud wall is a wall or partition framed using a series of slender, vertical members usually made of wood or steel and faced with sidings, wallboards, or plasterwork. The slender vertical members are called studs (Ching 1995). For Structure A, wooden studs were used and wooden planks became sidings for the wall surface. This inference is based on archival research of different typology of bahay na bato structures during the 19th century since no archaeological evidence were recovered from the site.

Figure 23: An illustration of what a stud wall looks like (Source: Building Construction Illustrated, 4th edition. This material is reproduced with permission of John Wiley and Sons, Inc.). Floor and Roof Framing System As mentioned before, the second of floor of the bahay na bato is no longer existing hence, all the given data are based on ethnographical accounts from the locals and from archival research. The floor framing system used for Structure A was composed of wooden floor joists and beams (Figures 24 and 25). Wooden planks were also used as floor boards which may have been an inch thick while the timber used as floor joists may have been two to three inches thick. These measurements are derived from the recovered square nails that were used to fasten the floor boards and floor joists together. Floor joists are the horizontal members on which the flooring material is fastened unto. They carry the dead weight of the floor as well as the weight of the occupants and distribute it to the beams. The beams in turn distribute the load to the columns and the columns to the foundations. In fastening the wooden members, square nails and bolts were used together with different wooden joinery , methods such mortise and tenon joints and lap joints. Building in the Past 20

Figure 24: An illustration of a floor framing system consisting of floor joists and floor boards (Source: Building Construction Illustrated, 4th edition. This material is reproduced with permission of John Wiley and Sons, Inc.).

Figure 25: Photo of a framing structure of a bahay na bato in Taal, Batangas. Similar framing system may have been used in Structure A (Source: Philippine Ancestral Houses. Pub- lished with permission from Professor Fernando Zialcita).

Figure 26: An illustration of a floor framing system consisting of floor joists and floor boards (Source: Building Construction Illustrated, 4th edition. This material is reproduced with permission of John Wiley and Sons, Inc.). 21 Sales

Figure 27: A 3d modelling of Structure A showing the hipped roof (Illustration by Mary Nolyn Ventura). For the roof of Structure A, a hipped roof construction may have been used as this was the typical roof typology at that time (Figure 26). A hipped roof is a type of roof construction where all its four sides are sloping (Figure 27). It is also known as quarto aguas in the local language. This type of roof construction is quite common even today because it is considered as the most stable of roof types and cannot easily be uplifted by strong winds especially if constructed properly. The roofing members must be made of thick lumber to adequately support the heavy clay roof tiles and usually joined together by bolts. Wooden posts connected to the stone columns were used for the upper floor to support the weight of the entire roof structure.

Discussion

Inconsistencies Found in Structure A During the course of the excavation and the research for this study, there were several inconsistencies that were discovered. One obvious inconsistency is the use of stone columns as the main structural support of the house. If the house was built after the Earthquake Ordinance of 1880, why did it not conform to the protocol of using wooden posts for columns? There were no evidences of postholes large enough to suggest the use of wooden post as the main structural support for the ground floor. The use of stone columns as the main structural support of the house can be attributed to fact that stone after being quarried and worked can instantly be used for building as compared to timber. According to Zialcita and Tinio (2002), timber takes three years to dry after it has been harvested before it could be used by the owner for house building. With the columns numbering to a total of 27, the master Building in the Past 22 builders involved must have seen the economical value of using stones instead of timber. The logistics involved in erecting 27 pieces of good quality lumber which may have been at least 5 metres in length and 10 inches thick is quite troublesome during those times. Also sourcing timber with a length long enough for a two-storey house will also take some time since fully mature trees are needed for this kind of lumber.

Figure 28: Encircled portion in the photo is the crumbling lime mortar foundation (Photo by Angelus Sales). Another inconsistency in the structure is that some of the foundations were poorly constructed and the materials used were not consistent such as the case of the lime mortar foundation found in Trench 6 (Figure 28) which was crumbly and the use of adobe block in the foundation of Trench 8 (Figure 29). These inconsistencies may be brought about by poor craftsmanship in some of the workers. It is also possible that the workers may have skimped on the lime and added more water than usual which resulted to a brittle lime mortar foundation. The consequence of lessening the lime in a lime mortar mixture is that it lessens the compressive strength of the lime making it susceptible to brittleness and crumbling. The materials may have also run out while construction was on-going resulting to substitution of other materials. Master builders at that time do not have knowledge of standard cost estimating procedures that architects and engineers of today have. They rely on previous experiences to calculate how many materials were needed (Zialcita and Tinio 2002). 23 Sales

Figure 29: Encircled part is the adobe block used for the lime mortar foundation (Photo by Marie Louise Antoinette Sioco) One more noticeable anomaly in Structure A is the mouldings found in Trench 8. The mouldings in Trench 8 do not look the same. The mouldings that looked different from the rest of the mouldings found in Structure A seemed to have been chipped off (Figure 30) but this hypothesis is still being debated. The people who worked on Trench 8 argued that it may not have been a moulding at all because of the unusual angle of the supposed chipped moulding. But based on ethnographical accounts, there are clear evidences that the mouldings may have just really been chipped off to be used as building blocks for making other structures in town. A case in point is the storage area used for rice milling machines (Figures 31 and 32).

Figure 30: Chipped-off moulding found in Trench 8 (Photo by Marie Louise Antoinette Sioco). Building in the Past 24

Figure 31: Storage structure for rice milling machine that made use of a moulding (Photo by Angelus Sales).

Figure 32: Close up photo of the chipped moulding used as part of the wall of the storage structure (Photo by Angelus Sales). Comparison to Other Archaeologically Investigated Spanish Colonial Structures As mentioned before, Structure A is the first archaeologically investigated bahay na bato structure in the Philippines but there have been other Spanish colonial structures that were archaeologically excavated during the last decade. Churches and fort-like structures have been investigated by other archaeologists from the UP Archaeological Studies Program. These investigations have yielded significant finds that is essential to better understanding the construction methods used in creating these Spanish colonial structures. Based on reports from these archaeological excavations, one of the common denominators is the use of stone as the main construction material. Different stones were used in building churches and other Spanish colonial structures such as the 25 Sales cobble stones in the San Raymundo de Peñaforte Church Complex (Bautista 2005) and the coralline stones that were found during the Bulalacao and Bancuro excavations in Oriental Mindoro (Paz 2004 and 2006). Adobe blocks were also commonly used in church structures such as the ruins of the Old Taal Church (Dizon 2005) and the Second Monastery of San Agustin Church (Archaeological, Cultural, and Environmental Consultancy, Inc. 2005). The use of lime cement as binding agent or mortar for the stones was also another common practice in building construction during Spanish colonial period. The difference between Structure A and the above mentioned Spanish colonial structures may lie in the building construction methods that were used. This may be brought about by the fact that the above given examples were constructed at a much earlier time period than Structure A. The differences in building construction methods used can also be attributed to the master builders who were in-charge of the construction and their skill level and knowledge in stone masonry construction. One obvious difference is the use of stones piled on top of each other and binded by lime mortar as method used for building the foundation of the above mentioned structures. Formworks were not used not in creating this kind of foundation unlike in Structure A. Another difference in construction method is the use of deeper foundation. A case in point is the excavation of the Second Monastery of San Agustin Church. One of the foundation wall that was excavated may have reached a depth of four metres (Archaeological, Cultural, and Environmental Consultancy, Inc. 2005). In comparison to the earlier Spanish colonial structures, the foundation of Structure A was relatively shallower but still quite deep if compared to modern simple foundations. Buttresses were also used for the walls of the churches just like in San Agustin Church (Archaeological, Cultural, and Environmental Consultancy, Inc. 2005) and the Simbahang Bato of Bancuro (Paz 2004). Buttresses were often used as support mechanism for structures with massive and heavy walls. Structure A did not use any buttressing technique since the structure is only small compared to the big Spanish colonial churches. One similar building construction method is the use of the post and lintel construction system. The post and lintel construction system is the most basic and simple construction system. It does not require complex technology and highly skilled builders in doing it making it suitable for regions that do not possess the latest technology in building construction just like the Philippines during the Spanish colonial period. Building in the Past 26 Summary The choice of construction materials to be used in Spanish colonial structures is highly influenced by the environment on which the structures will be built. The availability of the raw materials to be used for construction is also a crucial factor that determines the kind of construction materials to be used. This was manifested in Structure A when rough-hewn stones and adobe blocks became the preferred construction materials despite the 1880 Earthquake Ordinance that called for the use of lighter materials. Also, according to ethnographical and historical accounts Barangay Pinagbayanan experienced flooding episodes especially since it is situated near a river (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2009). The recurrence of flood could have also influenced the master builders in preferring stone over wooden construction materials in the ground floor area since wood rots easily when constantly exposed to moisture. The construction method used in building Spanish colonial structures is dependent on the knowledge and skill level and expertise of the master builders and their labourers. The change from wooden construction to stone masonry is a good example. Before Spanish colonisation, wooden construction and its system of construction was the prevalent construction method used in creating structures in the Philippines. When the Spaniards came, they brought with them the knowledge of stone masonry construction and the use of dressed stones and lime cement for mortar (Castro 2005). This is not to say that stones were not used by pre-Spanish Philippine society. Evidences from the Bulalacao excavation have shown that stones were also used for wall construction even before the arrival of Spanish missionaries in the area but without the use of lime mortar as binding agent (Paz 2006). The stones were piled on top of each other without using any mortar to bind the stones together relying solely on gravity and the massiveness of the stones. In Structure A, it was evident, based on the archaeological evidences, that skilled masons were used in building the structure though the possibility of also having labourers with poor craftsmanship should not be discounted also. The presence of tool marks in some of the adobe blocks and the creation of the decorative mouldings suggest that the stone masons employed had adequate knowledge of stone masonry construction.

27 Sales Recommendations With the construction materials and methods used in Structure A initially analysed, the next step should be how the structure changed over time after the occupants moved out of the house and the influence of the change in the original function and occupants of the house had on structure. Were there renovations done to the house when it was turned into a school during the early part of the 20th century? If yes, did the builders made use of the same materials? A look into the changes done to the structure would provide great insights on the transitions of the construction materials and methods used during the Spanish period to American period and eventually to modern times and the factors that come into play to influence such change. This initial study could also be a stepping stone to a broader investigation of other surrounding structures in the area. With the presence of other stone ruins in the area such as the supposed Lumang Simbahan (Old Church) and Structure B, a general pattern of the building construction technology present in the area during the Spanish period could be made if the same type of study will be done to the rest of the structure. It is therefore essential that future researchers should have basic knowledge of building construction to correctly interpret any discoveries that will be made. Finally, this researcher realised the need for archaeology to have basic knowledge of the terms used in architecture and building construction if the archaeological site to be investigated is a built environment. This will facilitate uniformity in the site reports and also avoid ambiguous descriptive terms that may lead to confusion if those reading have a background in architecture. The same goes for making illustrations. Archaeology can also borrow drawing conventions from architecture and engineering to illustrate structures. Also, it is also important that actual measurements be taken and not just relative measurements when taking elevation or depth measurements. Readers who do not have a background in archaeology might not understand what datum points are and may mistake the elevation figures as actual height measurements. If possible a floor plan or site plan of the area being investigated should be made before excavation ends as well as elevation and section drawings to better visualise the structure being investigated. The researcher fully understand the reasons behind such inadequacies but an understanding of architectural and engineering principles or even just its history is essential to archaeology if the built environment will be the focus of the study. It is just similar to having Building in the Past 28 knowledge of biology and botany for zooarchaeology or archaeobotany. Having said that, archaeology also plays an important role in helping to uncover the architectural past of our country. They provide the initial step to recovering architectural gems and treasures that may otherwise be forever lost in time since most practicing architects do not focus much on architectural history. The investigation of Structure A and other Spanish colonial structures is a great venue for the synthesis of archaeology and architecture that hopefully will be a trend in archaeology.

Acknowledgment I would like to thank the following: Professor Fernando Zialcita for allowing me to use photos from his book, Philippine Ancestral Houses; Francis D.K. Ching and John Wiley and Sons for granting my request to use illustrations from the book, Building Construction Illustrated; and Cultural Center of the Philippines for granting me permission to use some of the illustrations from Balai Vernacular: Images of Filipino’s Private Space. I would also like to extend my gratitude to the staff of Ortigas Foundation Library for helping me during my research, to my architecture professors, Arch. Emilio Ozaeta and Arch. Rene Luis Mata, who have been very helpful in answering some of my questions, and to Arch. Mary Nolyn Ventura who made the 3d model illustration of Structure A. Lastly, I would also like to thank some people at UP-ASP: Riczar Fuentes, Omar Choa, Natasha Kintanar, Kate Lim, Noel Amano, Anna Pineda, Grace Barretto-Tesoro, Archie Tesoro, Marie Louise Antoinette Sioco, and Kathryn Manalo for all their support.

References

Archaeological, Cultural, and Environmental Consultancy, Inc. 2005. Archaeological Impact Assessment: Second Monastery Excavation San Agustin Museum. Quezon City: Archaeological, Cultural, and Environmental Consultancy, Inc.

Barretto-Tesoro, G. P. Piper, A.C. Pineda, P.G. Basilia, J. Ceron, T. Reyes, E. Lim, K. Maguire, K.A.B. Manalo, L. Sioco, A. Ramirez Jr.

2009. An Archaeological Investigation of 'Structure A' in San Juan, Batangas. Quezon City. 29 Sales Bautista, A. 2005. Archaeological Excavation at San Raymundo de Peñaforte Church Complex, Rizal, Cagayan Valley. Proceedings of the Society of Philippine Archaeologists 3: 28-52.

Castro, E. 2005. ‚Ladrillos: Brick Artistry in the Philippines,‛ in Endangered: Fil-Hispanic Architecture. Edited by C. Maraan, & J. Galvan, pp. 244-255. Manila: Instituto Cervantes.

Ching, F. 1991. Building Construction Illustrated, 2nd ed. New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons, Inc.

Ching, F. 1995. A Visual Dictionary of Architecture. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

Ching, F. 2008. Building Construction Illustrated, 4th ed. New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons, Inc.

Dacanay, J. 1988. Ethnic Houses and Philippine Artistic Expression. Pasig City: One Man Show Studio.

Dacanay, J. 1992. ‚The bahay kubo,‛ in Balai Vernacular: Images of the Filipino's Private Space. Edited by J. Dacanay, pp. 161-254. Manila: Cultural Center of the Philippines.

Dizon, E. Z, S.C. Jagoon, N.T. Cuevas, and A.S. De Leone, 2005. Archaeological Report on the Old Taal Church Ruins, San Nicolas, Batangas. Proceedings of the Society of Philippine Archaeologists 3: 13- 27.

Fajardo, M. 2001. Simplified Methods on Building Construction. Manila: 5138 Merchandising.

Fleming, E. 2005. Construction Technology: An Illustrated Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Hila, M. 1992. ‚The Ethnic Balai: Living in Harmony with Nature,‛ in Balai Vernacular: Images of the Filipino's Private Space. Edited by J. Dacanay, pp. 13-91. Manila: Cultural Center of the Philippines.

Klassen, W. 1986. Architecture in the Philippines: Filipino Building in a Cross- Cultural Context. Cebu City: University of San Carlos. Building in the Past 30 Lico, G. 2008. Arkitekturang Filipino: History of Architecture and Urbanism in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Manalo, M. 2005. ‚Balay: The Ibero-Filipino House in the Urban Context of Vigan,‛ in Endangered: Fil-Hispanic Architecture. Edited by C. Maraan and J. Galvan, pp. 154-167. Manila: Instituto Cervantes.

Paz, V. 2004. Panimulang Ulat tungkol sa Isang Pag-aaral Pang-kasaysayan sa Bancuro, Naujan, Mindoro Oriental. Quezon City: UP Archaeological Studies Program.

Paz, V. 2006. Advancing History and Heritage through the Study of Excavated Early Spanish Structures in Oriental Mindoro: Report on Bulalacao Initiative. Quezon City: UP Archaeological Studies Program.

Perez, R. 1990. Arkitektura: Isang Sanaysay tungkol sa Arkitekturang Pilipino. Manila: Cultural Center of the Philippines.

Villalon, A. 2001. Lugar: Essays on Philippine Heritage and Architecture. Makati City: Bookmark.

Zialcita, F., and Tinio, M. 2002. Philippine Ancestral Houses. Manila: GCF Books. Estimates of Quaternary Philippine coastlines, land bridges, submerged river systems and migration routes: A GRASS GIS approach Emil Charles Robles1

Abstract

This study uses Geographic Information Systems to reconstruct Philippine palaeocoastlines and palaeoriver channels for different sea levels during the Quaternary Period using topographic and bathymetric data. Island connections and land area calculations show drastic changes in land-sea configurations with respect to changes in the levels of the oceans. Least cost path analysis also shows the effects of sea levels in terms of the possible migration routes for different islands in the Philippines. Results are shown as maps that can serve as guides in the study of Philippine palaeohistory and biogeography.

Introduction Global changes in sea levels during the Quaternary were primarily driven by the glacial-interglacial cycles and the exchange of water between the world's oceans and glaciers. These changes are well documented and have been estimated based on long isotopic records for global sea levels or sediments for relative sea levels (RSL) (Bintanja et al. 2005; Hanebuth et al. 2000; Hanebuth et al. 2011; Maeda et al. 2004, Ota and Chappell 1999, Waelbroeck et al. 2002) (Figure 1). The rising and lowering of sea levels had dramatic effects on the physiography of Southeast Asia including the

1University Research Associate, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City, 1101 Philippines Email: [email protected] Hukay Volume 18 pp. 31-53 32 Robles Philippines (Figure 2). The distribution and the connectivity of the islands based on sea level history has been determined as one of the main factors in understanding the biogeography of the Islands (Heaney 1985; Van den Bergh et al. 2001; Voris 2000). The same is true with respect to the discussion on Pleistocene human migrations in the region (Bellwood 1997; Sémah et al. 2000). During Periods of lower sea levels the large islands of Borneo, Sumatra, and Java were all connected to the Asian mainland forming the landmass known as Sunda. Papua New Guinea and Australia were also connected to form Sahul. The islands in between which includes the Philippines (called Wallacea) have been somewhat isolated from these two large landmasses although local changes in the distribution of islands also occurred.

Figure 1: Sea level curve for the last (a) 140 Ka and (b) 1000 Ka The Philippine archipelago (see Figures 2 and 3) situated between the Pacific Ocean and the West Philippine Sea is composed of more than 7000 islands and around 34500km of coastlines (calculated from coastline data provided by http://www.ngdc.noaa.gov). Throughout the Quaternary its land/sea distribution fluctuated due primarily to the changes in the levels of the seas and oceans. Understanding how these changes might have occurred is then important in the understanding of the cultural, biogeographic, palaeoenvironmental, and climatic history of the islands. In this study, bathymetric and topographic data are used to reconstruct the palaeogeography and shorelines of the Philippines at different sea levels by means of Geographic Information System (GIS), 33 Robles

Figure 2. Map of Southeast Asia showing topography and bathymetry (GEBCO). Present day shorelines and country boundaries (black lines) are also shown. particularly using Geographic Resources Analysis Support System (GRASS) software (GRASS Development Team 2011). Land exposed and land bridges are estimated and submerged river systems are modeled. In addition, least cost path analysis is done based on slope and elevation data to analyse possible migration routes for terrestrial mammals and humans during the Pleistocene period. The final aim is to provide researchers maps of the Philippines for different sea levels as well as provide scripts that can be used with GRASS to extract and analyse shorelines based on bathymetric data.

Materials and Methods The palaeogeography analyses of the Philippine islands with respect to sea level changes have been conducted with GRASS GIS software (GRASS Development Team 2011; Neteler and Mitasova 2010). Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 34

Figure 3: Topographic and Bathymetric Map of the Philippine islands (classified using GEBCO_08 dataset) showing present day shorelines (black lines) and -120m isobath (grey lines). Islands used in the calculations are labeled with numbers (corresponding island names are shown in Table 1). 35 Robles GRASS is a powerful GIS tool for landscape analysis and is licensed under the GNU Public license (http://www.gnu.org/licenses/gpl.html), meaning it is free to download, install, use, and even further develop. In this study, GRASS was used for the analysis of topographic and bathymetric data to assimilate palaeocoastlines, calculate land areas, and analyse land connections for different sea level configurations. Hydrologic analyses were also done to model major river systems for the country. The GRASS commands that were used are given in this paper and further descriptions and usage are given in the GRASS User's Manual (GRASS Development Team 2007). Global Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans (GEBCO_08 grid) dataset (Smith and Sandwell 1997) (downloaded from http://www.gebco.net/) is used as the basis for all reconstructions and models presented here. Command line scripts run in bash (Unix shell) were used to speed up the calculations. The GRASS commands used are shown italicised and described here by statements preceded by a ‚#‛ and bounded by "," and "}". The resulting dataset, exported from GRASS in the form of shapefiles (.shp), can be downloaded via the author's Dropbox 1.

Bathymetry as Palaeocoastlines The extent of land exposure and land bridges is a very crucial issue in the study of the distribution of animals and humans in the Philippine islands. This research uses the Global Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans (GEBCO_08 grid) dataset (Smith and Sandwell 1997) to model palaeoshorelines and land area exposed. The GEBCO dataset is a raster dataset with every pixel (approximately 900 x 900m resolution at Philippine's latitude) representing elevations and bathymetry. This method assumes that present day bathymetry of the Philippine archipelago has undergone minimal changes during the Quaternary. Tectonics, sedimentation, and erosion are unaccounted for because of the unavailability of these types of datasets for the country. This type of reconstruction has been done in a larger scale for Southeast Asia and have proven to be good approximations for land exposed (Sathiamurthy and Voris 2006; Voris 2000).

1https://www.dropbox.com/l/RGQgohbUJcoo1AHzNLAbWb Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 36 The whole process of modeling exposed land and calculation of land areas was done using a bash script run in GRASS shown below (seen as grey text):

#!/bin/bash # ,A) loop statement for extracting exposed land and calculate area for every 5m RSL from RSL=0m to -200m} x=0 #,set x to zero} while * "$x" -lt "201" + #,execute if the value of x is less than 201} do r.mapcalc "geb_"$x"b=if(gebco>=-$x,1,null())" #,extract exposed land for RSL=-x} r.to.vect input=geb_"$x"b output=land_"$x"b feature=area -- overwrite #,convert raster area to vector} v.db.addcol map=land_"$x"b columns="area_km double precision" #,add column named "AREA" with "double precision" format for area calculation} v.to.db map=land_"$x"b option=area units=kilometers columns=area_km #,fills up database column with calculated areas} x=$(($x+5)) #,increment x by 5} done exit 0

This script executes a loop command to extract, in 5m intervals, cells that have value equal to or greater than the negative of the incrementing variable (seen as ‚x‛ in the script) for values from 0 to 200. The resulting rasters (geb_xb in the script) are considered as estimates of land exposed if present day relative sea levels were set equal to -x (or x metres below present relative sea levels). They are then converted to vector (polygons) for separation of islands. During the process of converting from raster to vector, GRASS GIS automatically creates unique identifiers (id) in integer format as a separate column to the attribute table to every part of the vector dataset. The ids are used later on to analyse vector connections (see below). Land areas for each island are calculated (in km2) and are written to the attribute table of these vectors using the v.to.db command.

37 Robles Land areas and connections The method highlighted above results in multiple vectors representing exposed land with attribute data containing unique ids and land areas calculated for each island. Another script is run to extract areas into a single vector data to contain all id and area data. The attribute table for this vector data can then be exported and analysed for land connections (see below). This script is shown here (in grey text):

#!/bin/bash # B) loop statement for extracting area calculations to a single point vector dataset (island_data) x=0 #,set x to zero} while * "$x" -lt "201" + #,execute if the value of x is less than 201} do v.db.addcol map=island_areas column="AREA"$x"b double precision" # ,add column named AREAxb in "double precision format} v.what.vect vector=island_areas column=AREA"$x"b qvector=land_"$x"b qcolumn=area_km #,extract area of vector map to newly created column AREAxb into the attribute table of point vector from above} x=$(($x+5)) #,increment x by 5} done exit 0

A separate point dataset (‚island_data‛ in the script) which represents island centroids is used here. The script extracts all id and area data to a single attribute table using spatial queries (v.what.vect in GRASS). The resulting vector attribute table would have all ids and calculated land areas for the islands at different sea level values. Island connections can then be determined by looking at the ids extracted. The principle behind this is that separate islands would be represented by two separate polygons each with its own unique id. Connected islands, on the other hand would be represented by a single polygon and thus only one id. If these are extracted to the point dataset representing present day islands, points with similar identifiers at a specific sea level value would mean they are connected at that level. Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 38 Hydrological analysis and river systems The analyses of water flow and hydrology are one of the main functionalities that can be carried out in GRASS. In this study, they are much more significant as many of the areas to be analysed are submerged at present day. GRASS uses AT algorithm to develop hydrological models (Ehlschlaeger 1989). The method simulates how water would flow given an elevation model. This was done using the commands: r.walk elevation=gebco_120 friction=geb_120 output=cost_120 start_points = pts_start stop_points=pts.stop -k #,generate accumulated cost raster (cost_120) for traversing the model represented by elevation (gdem_120) and friction (geb_120) from starting points (pts.start) to stop points (pts.stop). NULL cells, representing water bodies, are set to have cost of 1000 to model routes that have the least water crossing} r.drain input=cost_120 output=route_raster_120 #,calculates the least cost path (route_raster_120), in raster format, for the accumulated cost raster (cost_120)} r.to.vect input=route_raster output=route_120 #,convert least cost path from raster (route_raster_120) to vector (route_120)}

These commands were also done for the -50m and present day elevation models for comparison. In addition, minimum sea crossing distance (MSCD) and the number of sea crossings (NSC) for different islands were also calculated. These were done using: v.overlay ainput=route_120 atype=line binput=land_120 btype=area output=seacross_120 operator=not #,command to extract sea crossing (seacross_120) vector from route vector (route_120) using 'not overlay' function with land vector (land_120)} v.to.db map=seacross_120 option=length units=kilometers columns=distance # ,GRASS command to calculate line length and write into database column (distance)} The v.overlay command extracts the route data (route_120) that does not overlay (because of the 'not' operator used) with the land data. This would represent the sea crossing data (seacross_120). The v.to.db 39 Robles command calculates the length (in kilometres) of the different sea crossing data.

Timing and duration of sea level changes In order to better understand the timing of the reconstructions provided here, the total time in which sea levels were lower than certain values and the number of these events were calculated following Voris' (2000) methodology. The sea level curve published by Lambeck et al. (2002) based on raised coral reefs from the Huon Peninsula was used for the last 140 Ka while Bintanja et al.'s (2005) reconstruction from isotope records were also used for the last 1000 Ka. The resulting calculations are presented in Figure 4.

Figure 4: Graph showing percentage of time wherein sea levels were equal to and lower than sea level values (x-axis) for the last 140 Ka, and 1000 Ka (calculated using sea level curve published by Lambeck et al. (2000) and Bintanja et al. (2005)). The number of events that these occurred are seen as numbers over the bars. Results and Discussions

Limitations and Caveats Since the models and calculations presented here are based solely on the GEBCO dataset it is important to note that there are limitations in the data presented here. First and foremost, the dataset itself is lacking in precision in terms of high resolution analysis of the ocean floor. The 30 second pixel resolution is roughly equivalent to 900m in the Philippine latitudes and bathymetric changes that are smaller than this would not be represented by the dataset. Furthermore, the bathymetric measurements, Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 40 either from soundings, gravitational data or interpolation of these datasets could also have possible errors (see Smith and Sandwell 1997). The second limitation is that it is assumed that sea floor topography has changed minimally during the Quaternary period. Although the region is generally considered tectonically stable (see Voris 2000), some regions of the islands is known to be tectonically active attested by the presence of a number of major active faults and volcanoes (see for instance Acharya and Aggarwal 1980; Peña 2008; Yumul et al. 2003). Furthermore, a number of other geomorphological processes have definitely occurred during the long period of the Quaternary which may have altered the topography of the shallow sea floor such as isostatic adjustments, erosion, and deposition of sediments. Hanebuth et al.'s (2011) research on the Sunda Shelf suggest that based on the acoustic profiling and ground truthing of sediment cores that the palaeo- topography of the Sundaland is only sparsely covered by younger sediment which could also be the case for the Philippines as shown in the sounding profile of the Balabac Strait (Krause 1966). But as one considers the older parts of the Quaternary period the accumulated geomorphologic processes might have altered the topography significantly which will not be represented in the analyses here. In this regard, the reconstructions and calculations presented here must not be regarded as facts but rather as working calculated hypotheses. The models can be improved by incorporating higher resolution bathymetric data and sedimentary data available in a myriad of forms such as raw sounding data, nautical charts, seismic profiles, and sediment cores.

Palaeocoastlines and land connections Reconstructions for Philippine coastlines for different sea levels (Figure 5) show considerable changes in land mass and island connections during periods of different sea level values. Area calculations (Table 1) show a significant increase in land area if sea levels were lowered to values associated with much of the Quaternary Period. The calculations suggest that the present day land area of the Philippines of 296,767km2 would increase up to 488,685km2 if sea levels were lowered to the Last Glacial Maximum value of -120m which probably also occurs during other Glacial maxima (e.g. 440 Ka 340 Ka, 270 Ka, and 135 Ka).

41 Robles

299 439 684 816

1375 8630 1040

100 100 m

11926 75545 54651

476718 148189 166069

298 436 678 809

95 95 m

1360 8584 5973 1017

11853 73645 48410

472601 147338 164972

100 m and 0 m m 0 and m 100

–

296 429 674 792 992

90 90 m

1344 8510 5932

11765 71530 48175

467570 146394 163794

294 424 666 773 966

85 85 m

1322 8426 5880

11694 69072 47915

461664 145132 162416

290 416 652 762 942

80 80 m

1299 8330 5828

11610 58441 47566

453916 143573 160823

288 409 648 731 919

75 75 m

1278 8204 5785

11285 54169 47264

445244 141532 159312

287 405 643 719 895

70 70 m

1107 8067 5747 1268

11215 49920 46885

435990 138467 157751

287 402 636 707 876

65 65 m

1091 7916 5698 1246

11142 46103 46436 10326

426082 136100 145596

284 399 625 683 846

60 60 m

1072 6018 7719 5647 1224 9791

11064 36608 45997

415192 132837 144124

at present day) for sea level values between at between present day) for sea values level

2 2

282 399 615 656 817

55 55 m

1039 5120 7514 5599 1196 2531 9027

10996 33663 45456 35442

402728 126249 106921

280 394 601 626 788

50 50 m

1013 4173 1148 7218 5557 1175 2372 2334 8158

10890 28715 44884 34688

392478 122194 105817

= Not calculated because of connection to Sundaland to calculated connection of because Not =

NC NC

279 390 594 985 591 753

45 45 m

3752 1101 6819 5501 7996 1152 2160 2191 7411

10826 27012 36134 33590

383849 120938 104849

276 385 575 948 999 524 727

40 40 m

2914 6203 5426 7584 1132 2078 2107 5128

10767 25205 35492 32686

375032 119632 103873

276 380 565 909 947 494 652

35 35 m

2623 5859 5210 7181 1121 1981 2023 3172

10699 23645 34488 31904

366727 118300 102872

276 374 539 883 881 414 635

30 30 m

2419 2356 3056 5142 6674 1098 1854 1804 2768

10633 21932 31958 30611

357088 116683 101877

272 371 512 862 680 802 389 613

25 25 m

1528 1465 2827 4991 6158 1086 1691 1763 1810

10572 19869 30429 29946

347683 115221 101166

271 371 494 837 646 719 327 580

20 20 m

1430 1279 2320 4949 5579 1061 1385 1727 1662 1018

10490 17869 29535 29014 99447

337863 113925

271 369 478 808 607 629 291 425 568 819 946

15 15 m

1350 1088 1958 4887 4616 1039 1681 1535

10411 16236 28607 28228 98820

328369 112368

) ) for the Philippines and islands (greater than 200 km

271 369 471 796 592 523 489 240 411 542 992 769 884

10 10 m

1308 1037 1598 4831 4071 1639 1386 4788

10336 14142 13649 13891 22530 98177

320081 110889

5 5 m

271 366 464 781 572 471 430 992 229 404 705 516 981 737 809

1278 1061 4772 3752 1608 1358 4254 1002

10255 13291 12379 13526 21920 96595

312741 109287

250 325 459 688 403 971 329 337 860 630 200 332 589 430 915 657 508 208 431 789 258

0 0 m

9858 4459 3248 1466 1249 3769 7060

11579 11476 12715 12490 94201

296767 105196

Area Area calculations (in km

Tawi

NAME

Philippines Camiguin Siquijor Sibuyan Tablas Mindoro Culion Busuanga Balabac Dumaran Palawan Borneo Jolo Tawi Lubang Cebu Ticao Masbate Guimaras Panay Negros Burias Marinduque Polillo Catanduanes Luzon Basilan Bohol Biliran Leyte Panaon Samar Siargao Dinagat Samal Mindanao

metre intervals. Merged cells mean a connection between these islands. connection a mean intervals. metre cells Merged

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

Table 1a. in 5 LABEL

Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 42

– 388 623 989

1857

200 200 m

13685

407088

383 613 977

1840

195 195 m

13611

405960

200 m and200 m

–

380 601 969

1821

190 190 m

13498 10248

394333

368 595 955

1801 1147

185 185 m

13433 10178

391970

362 583 947

1784 1120

180 180 m

13359 10120

390908

355 576 868

1756 1098

175 175 m

13279 10070

389799

350 565 860

1727 9993 1066

170 170 m

13198

388688

345 554 854

1711 9938 1043

165 165 m

12617

387633

342 545 848 978

1691 9875

160 160 m

12570

386565

at present day) for sea level values between at level presentvalues sea day) for

2 2

= Not calculated because of connection to Sundaland to connection calculated of because = Not

330 533 837 965

1672 9807

155 155 m

12509

385438

NC NC

326 520 822 943

1646 9133

150 150 m

12455

383993

321 508 812 932

1623 9082

145 145 m

12415 57076

325872

318 500 798 916

1514 9012

140 140 m

12373 56756

325086

316 492 792 906

1498 8966

135 135 m

12321 56549

324168

312 485 781 899

1481 8908

130 130 m

12275 81004 56328

493305 323316

310 480 772 893

1465 8873

125 125 m

12226 80352 56094

491195 322311

310 469 764 860

1446 8832 1142

120 120 m

12149 79464 55806

488685 319903

) for the Philippines and islands (greater than 200 km (greater and than islands the Philippines ) for

307 461 756 851

1429 8787 1115

115 115 m

12088 78489 55515

485994 318854

305 452 694 838

1414 8734 1088

110 110 m

12038 77710 55229

483298 317540

301 442 688 831

1396 8688 1063

105 105 m

11987 76783 54927

480335 149026 167130

metre intervals. Merged cells mean a connection between these islands. between these islands. a mean connection intervals. cells metre Merged

Area calculations (in km (in Area calculations

Tawi

NAME

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

Table 1b. 1055 in m LABEL 43 Robles

Figure 5a: Map of the Philippines showing exposed land (brown bordered by black lines) for different sea level values. Also shown are present day islands (green). Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 44

Figure 5b (cont.): Map of the Philippines showing exposed land (brown bordered by black lines) for different sea level values. Also shown are present day islands (green). 45 Robles The model also shows the different groupings of islands in terms of connectivity based on RSL (Figures 5 and 6). The different biogeographic zones of the Philippine islands (Greater Palawan, Greater Sulu, Greater Negros-Panay, Greater Mindanao, and Greater Luzon) have been delineated based on faunal similarities and it has been suggested that Quaternary sea level changes is a major factor for island diversification and speciation (Heaney 1986; Heaney et al. 1998). This is supported in the reconstructions presented here. Greater Palawan which includes the islands of Busuanga, Balabac, Dumaran among others would be formed if sea levels were lowered to -65m and thus leading to the similarities of their terrestrial fauna. Based on the model presented here, the connection between Palawan and Borneo (and thus Sunda shelf) would be exposed at -135m. This is based solely on the GEBCO dataset and can be further investigated with higher resolution bathymetric and sediment data. For instance Krause (1966: Plate 10) published a bathymetric contour chart of the Balabac Strait based on numerous ship sounding expeditions that would suggest that a land exposure would occur between 80 and 100 fathoms (approximately -146m and -183m respectively) which is lower than the calculations here. Published sea level lowstand data suggest that the last time that sea levels went down to at least -135m and thus exposing a land connection was during OIS 12 (1ast 139 + 9 m) (440 Ka) (Rohling et al. 1998) and probably also OIS 16 (640 Ka) (Bintanja et al. 2005) This supports the hypothesis suggested by Heaney (1986) based on the present faunal communities that there was no land bridge between Borneo and Palawan during the late Pleistocene (even during the LGM) and that the last time a land corridor was exposed was during the middle Pleistocene. The islands of Jolo and Sulu which is unlikely to have been joined to Sunda or the rest of the Philippine islands would form the Greater Sulu Island at -35m RSL. Panay, Negros, and Masbate islands would have a land connection at -50m RSL forming the Greater Negros- Panay Island which would also include Cebu at -100m RSL. Greater Mindanao composed of Mindanao, Samar, Leyte, Bohol, and Basilan among other islands, would be formed at -70m while Greater Luzon at - 75m RSL. A land bridge between these two land masses would be also be exposed at -110m based on this model.

Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 46

ues ues were

val

Island Island cluster diagram showing connectivity between islands with respect to RSL values. Connectivity for differentsea level

Figure 6: Heaneyby characters) (1998). (bold described zones shown 1.biogeographic are TableAlso determined from 47 Robles River systems The reconstructions of river systems using r.watershed as seen in Figure 7 shows the major river systems if one has to take into account submerged land areas during the Quaternary. Prominent rivers such as the Cagayan River in Luzon and Agusan River in Mindanao are also seen in the model. For Greater Luzon, the Pasig River which drains present day Metro Manila and the Laguna de Bay would join the Pampanga River at the exposed land area presently occupied by Manila Bay. Naga River would extend northward to also drain the exposed land area north of the western Bicol region. In Greater Negros-Panay, the model shows two distinct major river systems that join and drain at the northeastern part of the exposed island (Figure 7).

Figure 7: Main river systems (blue lines) modeled using v.watershed for land configuration at RSL -120m. Also shown are present day coastlines (black lines). Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 48 Migration routes and sea crossings The r.walk analysis for the Philippine archipelago for RSL configurations of -120m, -50m, and present day conditions (0m) (Figure 8) show different calculated routes if minimum sea crossings are considered as primary factor. Calculations for minimum sea crossing distance (MSCD) and the number of sea crossings (NSC) (Table 2) to different islands from Borneo are drastically lower at -120m RSL levels compared to present day conditions supporting the hypothesis that colonisation of the islands probably occurred during glacial conditions. The model shows that for the three different scenarios, the colonisation of Mindoro, Palawan, and Mindanao is the same although the distance and number of sea crossings changes. For RSL of -120m (Figure 8a), the colonisation of Greater Panay would occur via Palawan with a MSCD of 73km while the route with the least sea crossing to Luzon would be via Greater Mindanao. For RSL of -50m (Figure 8b), the route to Greater Pa- nay and Greater Luzon passes via Mindanao. At present conditions (Figure 8c), the calculations show that the route with MSCD to both Greater Negros-Panay and Luzon passes via Palawan and the NSC's and MSCD's are much larger compared to the two previous conditions.

Biogeographical and archaeological implications The reconstructions here estimate the geographical changes tied to sea level changes throughout the Quaternary and their implications on the migration routes if the minimum sea crossings are considered.

Figure 8. Migration routes analysis using r.walk in GRASS for (a) RSL -120m, (b) RSL -50m and (c) present day conditions. 49 Robles Table 2. Calculations for minimum sea crossing distance (MSCD) and number of sea crossings (NSC) for calculated migration routes using r.walk for RSL -120m, -50m, and 0m. Island RSL -120m RSL -50m RSL 0m

minimum Total minimum total total minimum sea sea crossing number of sea crossing number of number of crossing distance sea distance sea sea distance (km) (km) crossings (km) crossings crossings

Palawan 3 1 11 2 68 10 Mindanao 34 4 56 5 178 20 Panay 33 6 73 10 219 24 Bohol 34 4 64 7 193 43 Cebu 33 6 66 8 209 44 Mindoro 31 5 66 11 163 21 Luzon 34 4 68 9 168 39

It has been mentioned that the present day biogeography has been greatly influenced by these changes and the biogeographical zonation of the Philippine islands are actually delineated based on land exposures and connections during the glacial periods (Heaney et al. 1998). The fluc- tuation of sea levels has major biogeographical implications which de- pend on different interrelated physical factors such as the extent, rates and direction of sea level changes, and corresponding changes in the coastal morphology and land exposures (Hanebuth et al. 2011). The presence of Pleistocene megafauna fossil throughout the Phil- ippines suggest colonisation by terrestrial mammals during this epoch (Bautista and de Vos 2003; Beyer 1956; de Vos and Bautista 2001; Koenigswald 1956) and these probably occurred during sea level lowstands wherein the MSCD's are much lower compared to present and the stability of sea levels allowed the development of ecological gateways for these animals. The presence of humans during this time period has been implied based on stone tools found with the fossils (Beyer 1947; Fox 1971) although these have been questioned (Hutterer 1977). The earliest concrete evidence of the presence of humans in the archipelago comes from Callao Cave in Luzon Island dated to 67 Ka (Mijares et al. 2010). Sea levels during this time period were around -70m and the analysis here would suggest a route via Mindanao with the least sea crossing (see Figures 8a and 8b). Reconstructions also show that coast lines were farther away from present day coastal sites during the Pleisto- cene especially islands such as Palawan.

Estimates of Quaternary Philippine Coastlines 50 This has been pointed out as the reason for the paucity or absence of evidence of coastal exploitation in Pleistocene archaeological layers despite their proximity to present day coasts (Fox 1970; Kress 2000). This is in contrast to shell midden sites throughout the archipelago which are dated to the mid to late Holocene (Aoyagi et al. 1993; Fox 1970; Kress 2000) wherein sea levels were equal to or even higher than present levels and shorelines were more or less the same or even closer to these sites.

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Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay area, Philippines

Timothy James Vitales1

Abstract This paper outlines the archaeological undertakings conducted around the Laguna de Bay one of the most prominent lake features in southern Luzon, Philippines. Since the beginnings of the discipline and its research in this archipelago, the Laguna de Bay area has demonstrated its rich archaeology from the sites discovered and artefacts recovered dating from the Palaeolithic to the historic period. However, despite the abundance of archaeological data gathered from this significant region, our knowledge on the prehistory of Laguna de Bay area somehow still needs to be fully explored and understood. Realising its archaeological potential, an extensive multi-disciplinary research focusing on the whole lakeshore is crucial in our understanding of the role of Laguna de Bay in the archaeology of the region; from the development of communities around it to the environmental and cultural-historical processes that might have occurred and affected the area.

Introduction Southern Luzon has been one of the pivotal regions in our understanding of the archaeology of the Philippines. Since the early beginnings of the archaeological discipline in this archipelago, southern Luzon yielded significant findings that have helped us examine the socio-

1 Researcher I, Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines Email: [email protected]

Hukay Volume 18, pp. 54-81 55 Vitales cultural life of past Philippine communities and their movements and interactions with other communities through time (see Beyer 1947, 1948; Solheim 2002). Artefacts and other archaeological remains found in Metro Manila (e.g. ACECI 2005; Bautista 2009; Fox and Legaspi 1977; Locsin and Locsin 1967), Batangas (e.g. Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2009; Dela Torre 2003; Dizon et al. 2005; Fox 1959; Janse 1941; Paz 2003; UP-ASP 2010, 2011; Vitales et al. 2011), Cavite (e.g. Accion 1978; Nazareno 2002), Laguna (e.g. Postma 1991; Ronquillo n.d; Tenazas 1973), Rizal (e.g. Beyer 1947; Fernandez and Rogel 1968; Peralta and Evangelista 1965), and Bondoc Peninsula in Quezon Province (e.g. Paz et al. 2008; Ronquillo 1975a; Solheim 1951), dating from the Palaeolithic period to the recent 19th century historic period, have given us a glimpse of the way of life of past Philippine societies and how they viewed and experienced the world around them. This paper focuses on one area in southern Luzon that seemed very crucial in the early history of the region. Being the largest lake in the Philippines (present surface area around 900 square kilometres (Punongbayan 1998)), Laguna de Bay forms a prominent feature in the archipelago. Geological studies reveal the freshwater lake as previously an extension of Manila Bay before it became a shallow water basin due to the uplifting of the Diliman Plateau, which separated the bay extension from Manila Bay (Adams 1910 from Ward and Bulalacao 1999; Punongbayan 1998). This was further supported by the evidence of marine diatoms recovered during sediment coring (Ward and Bulalacao 1999) and studies on the salinity changes and sediment supply in the lake for the past 6,000 years (Jaraula 2001). The lake has been sustaining not only the flora and fauna of the region but also the communities that thrived around it. Early historical records have attested the significance of the lake in the past; as a rich source of livelihood and as an efficient access way in moving around places (e.g. Chirino 1604; Morga 1609). It would not be a surprise then that the lakeshore has already been densely populated at the arrival of the Spaniards as described in historical accounts (see Loarca 1582; Salazar 1588). Its lake basin contains arable lands and rich river valleys that are very suitable for habitation. Currently the lake sustains 61 surrounding cities and municipalities within six provinces including Metro Manila. The strategic location and prominence of Laguna de Bay has definitely made it one of the most promising areas for archaeological research in the Philippines (Fernandez and Rogel 1968). In fact, many important Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 56 discoveries have already been uncovered around the lake area that might help us understand the early history of this region. It will be the central theme of this paper to present an outline review of the archaeological undertakings conducted around Laguna de Bay, as well as the significant finds found in the area. This archaeological review will cover only sites found in lakeshore cities and municipalities (see Figure 1), although other neighbouring sites will be considered as well for their inferred relationship with the lake and lakeshore sites, such as in Sta. Ana, Manila (Fernandez and Rogel 1968; National Museum of the Philippines 1968).

Figure 1: Laguna de Bay, showing its location in the Philippine archipelago (inset, in red box) and the location of archaeological sites around the lake, including the Sta. Ana site in Manila area (modified Laguna de Bay relief map generated from SRTM data).

The Archaeology of Laguna de Bay Beyer’s Lake District and other Sites In the late part of the 1920s archaeological investigations have been carried out by H. Otley Beyer in the areas covered by what used to be part of the Rizal Province. This investigation, which was eventually called Rizal-Bulakan Archaeological Survey, was initiated after the discovery of rich archaeological remains in the Novaliches Dam on February 1926. From that year to 1930, Beyer explored the areas in 57 Vitales Bulacan (along Marilao River), Rizal province, and the present Metro Manila area surrounding Pasig River near the Laguna Lake. The five-year survey has examined about 120 archaeological sites and collected almost 500,000 different specimens from different cultural time periods (see Beyer 1947, 1948 for his cultural periodisation of Philippine archaeology). Beyer divided the whole surveyed region into three districts: Novaliches- Marilao District, Central District, and the Lake District. The results of the survey were included in his Outline Review of Philippine Archaeology by Islands and Provinces, which was published in the Philippine Journal of Science (Beyer 1947). The Lake District, which covers most of the present Rizal Province, has the most number of sites surveyed (71 sites, 14 of which were excavated). Concentrations of these sites are found along the river valleys in Baras, Tanay, and Pililla. The cultural time period varies in every site; ranging from the Palaeolithic (Beyer estimated it to be around 300,000 to 250,000 years ago at its earliest) to the much recent 17th to 18th century CE. Some of the notable finds and sites are outlined below:  Palaeolithic stone tools (c. 50,000 to 20,000 years ago) in Site 26 within Baras river valley (Figure 2a)  Obsidian and chert microliths from the ‘Mesolithic period’ (c. 12,000 to 8,000 BCE) in Sites 18, 21, 27, 57, and 63, all within Baras, Tanay, and Pililla river valleys (Figure 2b)  Early Neolithic (c. 4000 to 2200 BCE) stone tools in Baras and Pililla river valleys  Late Neolithic (c. 500 to 200 BCE) horned barkcloth beater in Site 19, Tanay area (Figure 2c)  Late Neolithic (c. 800 to 200 BCE) red stepped adze in Site 34, Talim Island  ‘Extensive deposit’ of ‘Bronze Age’ (c. 800 to 250 BCE) ornaments in Site 13, upstream of Tanay river valley  Very rich ‘Iron Age’ (c. 250 BCE to 850 CE) deposits (e.g., beads) in Site 17, at the mouth of the river in Baras  Large variety of Tang-Sung Early Monochrome porcelain types (c. 9th to 12th century CE) found in an old village midden and few burials in Site 7, Tanay area Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 58  Large quantities of Early Ming wares (c. 15th to early 16th century CE) in village middens in Site 24 and few whole pieces in burials in Sites 11 and 45; all located within the Pililla river valley

Figure 2: Some of the archaeological finds collected by Beyer from Rizal lakeshore sites: a) late Palaeolithic stone tool from Site 26 (from Beyer 1947: Plate 3); b) Mesolithic microliths (from Beyer 1947: Plate 4); c) Neolithic horned barkcloth beater found in Site 19 (from Beyer 1948:Figure 20-a).

Beyer also mentioned in this outline the discovery of stone adzes in a hill site on top of a stone quarry in Binangonan, Rizal in the early 1920s. However, the area has not been investigated afterwards. Other lakeshore sites aside from Lake District were also examined by Beyer such as the Central District wherein he recorded two sites with important finds: early settlements and grave sites containing Tang-Sung Early 59 Vitales Monochrome wares in Taguig river valley, and Late Neolithic adzes and chisels with associated obsidian and chert flakes in Bagumbayan site south of Taguig. Later discoveries around Laguna Province by other individuals were also mentioned in his outline review, although he failed to find some of these early period archaeological sites (pre-16th century CE in particular) when he investigated it. At the south of the lake, around 25 to 30 obsidian flakes and chert ‘semimicroliths’ were found by Dr. H. R. van Heekeren on the foothills of Mount Makiling near Calamba- Tanauan highway. In Lumban area at the eastern side of the lake, a carved stone head, which Beyer believed to be possible pre-Spanish, were found by children from a freshly-cut roadbank. It was carved from an old stone mortar and was believed to be product of native workmanship. In another article Beyer (1948) presented a chronological narrative of the early history of the Philippines (and East Asia) based on the lithic materials and other data he collected from his surveys, with discussions on its relationship with the peopling of the Pacific. Included here were the findings from his surveys in the Lake District, in which he even discussed in one of the sections the significance of the environmental setting of Rizal river valleys in explaining the distribution of particular stone tool types in the area. According to Beyer, the presence of Early Neolithic stone implements only in Baras and Pililla river valleys was due to the fact that Baras and Pililla have wide arable lands, which were suitable for agricultural ‘Early Neolithic communities’ when they arrived in the area; unlike the Tanay river valley, which has a more rugged terrain though it was richly forested. The surviving ‘Mesolithic microlith-using hunters’, on the other hand, who used to occupy the three river valleys (as explained by the uniform distribution of obsidian and chert microliths in these areas), were then left only with the rugged Tanay valley as the Early Neolithic agriculturalists began settling in Baras and Pililla. The presence of Bacsonian-type stone tools or ‘protoneoliths’ only in Tanay, however, was believed to be made by the surviving microlith-using communities when they came in contact with Early Neolithic people.

The Archaeology of Angono Petroglyphs (Binangonan, Rizal) In March 1965, renowned Philipine National Artist awardee Carlos V. Francisco stumbled upon what he believed to be ancient drawings incised on a rockshelter that is situated between Angono and Binangonan. Realising its possible cultural and historical value, he immediately reported the discovery to the National Museum of the Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 60 Philippines. Headed by then Secretary of Education Alejandro Roces and then Director of the National Museum Galo B. Ocampo, an interdisciplinary technical survey team was organised to evaluate the site (Peralta and Evangelista 1965). The Angono petroglyphs mostly depict lizard-like, frog-like, and human-like images engraved on the tuffaceous wall of the shelter (Figure 3). Upon the initial inspection of the survey team on the quality of the engravings, it was postulated that the incisions were most likely made by a blunt instrument and not with metal-edged tool due to the fact that the grooves were not as clean cut as it would be with a metallic sharp edge (Peralta and Evangelista 1965). The art styles of the petroglyphs were analysed by Jesus Peralta (1973), which eventually became the main theme of his master’s thesis. To further understand the nature of the petroglyphs and its temporal context, the archaeological team of the National Museum composed of Alfredo Evangelista, Avelino Legaspi, and Jesus Peralta, among others, went to the rockshelter site on the same year to conduct preliminary excavations on the shelter floor and test casting of the rock engravings (see Peralta and Evangelista 1965). The initial excavations, however, yielded negative results, except for recent post holes and fireplaces. Such absence of archaeological materials was explained asa result of the erosional nature of the floor. It was inferred from the findings of the initial excavation that the mouth of the shelter might have originally extended further out. The boulders that were on the front of the rockshelter were most likely the actual parts of the shelter mouth or overhang that have fallen down. This inference led them to explore the immediate area in the front of the rockshelter. Test excavations yielded archaeological materials at varying depths, such as lithics (chert flakes, obsidian flakes, and siltstone core tool), a polished trapezoidal adze, and few fragmented pieces of earthenware ceramics (Peralta and Evangelista 1965, see also Barretto- Tesoro 2008; Bautista 1998). These artefacts according to Peralta and Evangelista (1965) do not necessarily indicate direct association with the petroglyphs. However, Peralta (1973) later suggested that the petroglyphs were around 3000 years ago during the Neolithic period, which he based on the presence of earthenware ceramics and stone tools, aside from the absence of metal

61 Vitales

Tesoro)

Angono petroglyphs (photo by G. Barrettoby petroglyphs(photo Angono

Figure3: Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 62 tools used in the production of the petroglyphs and the absence of tradeware ceramics in the site. In 1998, another archaeology team of the National Museum led by Angel Bautista conducted trench excavations within the rockshelter and its nearby areas in hope of recovering datable materials that would shed light on the true date of the petroglyphs (Bautista 1998). The excavations yielded only recent materials and no significant datable materials were recovered. Archaeological research of the Angono petroglyphs, however, has not yet ended with the last excavation. Currently, the petroglyphs are being re-analysed by the collaborative efforts of the University of the Philippines-National Institute of Physics, University of the Philippines- Archaeological Studies Program, and the National Museum of the Philippines using state-of-the-art instruments that produce digital casts of the petroglyphs (Barretto-Tesoro 2008). Such methodology would help understand more on how these engravings were made.

Archaeology to the Pasig River: Taguig and Pasig Sites The presence of archaeology in the lakeshore of Metro Manila and along the Pasig River has been well pointed out by Beyer (1947) in his outline. Some of the sites Beyer investigated include Taguig, Makati, present Manila area (including Sta. Ana), and Pasig. In the Taguig area, a grave site has been partly excavated within the river valley, uncovering human remains with associated ceramic grave goods dating to 9th to 12th century CE (Tang-Sung Early Monochrome period). A Neolithic site containing stone adzes, and flaked obsidian and chert was also discovered in Bagumbayan, which is presently a barangay1 under Taguig city, just south of the river valley. Archaeological undertakings were again carried out by the National Museum of the Philippines in 1967 in Napindan, Taguig and Pinagbuhatan, Pasig wherein the explorations have confirmed the presence of Asian foreign ceramics comparable to those that were excavated in an 11th to 14th century CE burial site in Sta. Ana, Manila (National Museum of the Philippines 1968). This was followed in 1968 around Bagumbayan (or Bagongbayan) and Bicutan, both in Taguig, wherein several obsidian flakes, as well as early and contemporary tradeware ceramic sherds, were recovered from surface and test excavations (Anonymous n.d.; Salcedo and Tanaka n.d.) In 1971, a certain Alejandro San Pedro accidentally unearthed some artefacts in his property in Barangay Wawa (which was a barrio or a

1Barangay is the smallest administrative division in the Philippines, which is comparable to a village or district. 63 Vitales small village then) while constructing his house (Flores 1974). The artefacts include porcelain, stone adze, spindle whorls, tektites, and glass beads. It was only three years later when this discovery was brought to the attention of the National Museum, through the initiative of the Filipinas Foundation. Together with Alfredo Evangelista, the members of the Foundation went to the site in 1974 and first examined the area, whether it is feasible to conduct an archaeological excavation. Unsystematic diggings have actually already started prior to their arrival, yielding a profusion of earthenware and tradeware ceramics sherds, together with deer antlers and probable crocodile remains. Human burials were also found in the site, with some having possible stone markers on top of the graves. Almost twenty years later in 1992 another site was discovered during the construction of the foundations of St. Michael’s Parish compound in another barangay (Bautista 1992). Out of the eight pits that were dug, three of them contained human remains, earthenware pottery sherds, and Chinese tradeware sherds. All materials were found two to three metres below the surface. The Chinese tradeware ceramics, consisting of blue-and-white porcelain sherds and a stoneware bowl fragment, are all Ming period type, which belongs to the 16th century CE. In the Pasig area, archaeology has been indicated by Beyer from the discovery of three nephrite adzes during a dredging activity in 1920, in front of the Provincial Building of Pasig (Beyer 1947). In Pinagbuhatan, archaeological endeavours have been taking place since 1958 (Henson and Ronquillo 1973) then it was followed in 1966 and 1967 (National Museum of the Philippines 1968). In 1973, Henson and Ronquillo (1973) of the National Museum investigated a site within the Republic Glass Corporation in Pinagbuhatan after the company unearthed tremendous amounts of earthenware and porcelain fragments during their initial clearing of the area. However, the systematic excavations of the National Museum revealed only few pieces of Asian tradeware and local earthenware ceramics and human remains within the trenches. Though the site seems to be highly disturbed, the amount of materials found in the surface led them to postulate that Pinagbuhatan might have been a habitation site around 12th to 16th century CE. In 1990, a pot hunting activity was documented by Victor Paz (1990, 1992) of the University of the Philippines within and adjacent to a glass factory site (probably the same site Henson and Ronquillo have excavated) in Pinagbuhatan. The pot hunting recovered burials with significant amount of grave goods mostly composed of Asian Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 64 tradeware ceramics, believed to be associated with the Sung Period (10th to 12th century CE). The site, however, was probably inhabited up to the 17th century CE, from the presence of artefacts such as tradeware ceramics associated with the Ming Period (14th to 17th century CE), which were found on the upper layers of the excavations.

Pila Excavations and the Laguna Copperplate Although Beyer (barely) mentioned the archaeological potential in the eastern shore of Laguna de Bay in his Outline Review, its importance has not been truly recognised until the discoveries of an extensive 10th to 15th century cemetery in Pila and a 10th century copperplate with inscription in Lumban, both in the province of Laguna. Systematic archaeological undertakings in the eastern shore of Laguna de Bay began around late 1960s. Around May to October 1967, archaeological diggings were conducted in Laguna and Rizal by graduate students Ms Julita Fernandez and Ms Amelia Rogel from the University of the Philippines-Department of Anthropology and Dr Robert Fox and Mr Avelino Legaspi from the Anthropology Division of the National Museum (Fernandez and Rogel 1968; see also Fox 1968; Valdes 2003). Known as the ‘Laguna de Bay Project’ (see National Museum of the Philippines 1968), which was funded by the ESSO Standard Philippines and Mr and Mrs Manuel Elizalde, 10 archaeological excavations were carried out in Pila (Barangays Bagong Pook and Pinagbayanan), Lumban, and also in Balibago, Talim Island. This project was formed after the important discoveries excavated in Sta. Ana, Manila earlier that year (see Fernandez and Rogel 1968). One hundred and fifty three graves were uncovered from three out of four sites, which date around 12th to 15th century CE based on the Asian foreign ceramics recovered. In September of the same year, the University of San Carlos (USC), together with Mr Leandro Locsin and Mrs Cecilia Locsin, also conducted excavations in Barangay Pinagbayanan in Pila, Laguna. Supervised by Rosa C. P. Tenazas, the USC team unearthed several burials, including those that are believed to be cremated human remains (Tenazas 1968, 1973,1977). Four cultural layers or horizons were identified in the excavation (Tenazas 1968). The earliest was believed to be around the Iron Age (c. 500 to 1000 CE) based on the absence of foreign tradeware ceramics and the distinct earthenware pottery tradition found compared to the later period earthenware ceramics. Although no human remains were recovered from this cultural layer, Tenazas somehow designated the presence of these 65 Vitales distinct earthenware pottery forms in the site as burials in which she identified three. The next cultural layer has the most burials recovered, with grave goods composed of Asian tradeware ceramics, iron slags and implements, spindle whorls and net sinkers, gold ornaments, and Chinese coins, among others. The Early and Late Sung types of tradeware ceramics and the dates of the Chinese coins (1063 CE and 1100 CE) place the cultural horizon around 11th to 12th century CE. At the third cultural layer, evidence of cremation began to appear either placed in pits or in stoneware jars. A stone structure was also found in this layer, which is believed to be a crematorium. Late Sung and Yuan types of trade ceramics found, together with a radiocarbon date of 1375±25 B.P. obtained from one of the cremated remains, place this cultural horizon around the early 13th to 14th century CE (Tenazas 1977). Presence of post holes, net sinkers, spindle whorls, and iron slags within its black soil matrix also indicate that the site at this period has been used as a habitation as well. The latest cultural horizon is associated with late 13th to 15th century CE, based on the Early Ming type Chinese ceramics and Thai and Vietnamese ceramics recovered from the burials (Tenazas 1973, 1977). In 1990, the National Museum of the Philippines acquired a thin copper sheet that was said to be found in Lumban River near the Laguna de Bay area. This copperplate contains a ten-line script impressed or hammered on one side (hence the name Laguna Copperplate Inscription) (Figure 4).

Figure 4. Laguna Copperplate with Inscription (National Museum of the Philippines) Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 66 The decipherment of what seems to be an old script on the copperplate was made possible through the efforts of Antoon Postma of the Mangyan Heritage Center (Oriental Mindoro) (Postma 1991). The Laguna Copperplate Inscription (LCI) was written in Old Javanese script known as Early Kawi; however, the language used contained vocabularies that are much closer to Old Tagalog and some Sanskrit terms (Postma 1991; Tiongson 2008). The LCI generally narrates the acquittal of a debt worth 865 grams of gold brought upon by a person of high office and his whole clan, which took place around the Saka year 822 or 900 CE; thus making the copperplate inscription the earliest calendar-dated historical document in the Philippines. Place names were also mentioned in the LCI; among them is Tundun, which corresponds to the present Tondo area in Manila. Other place names or toponyms such as Pailah, Puliran, and Binwangan were placed by Postma in Bulacan, corresponding to the present Paila in Norzagaray, Pulilan municipality, and Binuangan in Obando respectively (Postma 1991). However, a paper presented by Mr Jaime Tiongson (2008)2 of the Pila Historical Society in the 8th International Conference on Philippine Studies reassessed the interpretation of the LCI and used early Tagalog dictionaries to re-interpret the said document. His study revealed a slightly different story, involving the union of two clans as a form of acquittal from the debt. In addition to that, the re-interpretation also showed that some of the toponyms were actually situated not in Bulacan but rather to the east of Manila. Pailah, for example, refers to the present Pila in Laguna while Puliran refers to the Laguna de Bay, which in the past was called Pulilan according to the early Tagalog dictionaries. These places was said to have more historical significance than in the north of Manila based on the wealth of archaeology found in these areas, particularly in Pila. Binwangan on the other hand is believed to be the present Barangay Binawangan in Capalonga, Camarines Norte, which according to Tiongson may be very significant because of the presence of goldmines in the region (e.g. Paracale). This new interpretation has shed light on the social complexity of Pila as early as 10th century, which has also been evident in the archaeological record in Barangay Pinagbayanan.

2Tiongson’s paper was later published as a book along with other contributors in Ang Saysay ng Inskripsyon sa Binatbat na Tanso ng Laguna (2013). 67 Vitales Other Archaeological Sites in Laguna and Rizal Provinces Systematic exploration and excavation has also been carried out in other sites in Laguna and Rizal provinces around the lake. In Bay municipality in Laguna, archaeological excavation in 1969 by the National Museum in Barangay San Antonio has generated five burials associated with grave goods such as earthenware and stoneware ceramics and metal artefacts (Peralta 1969). Cremated human remains were also found placed in stoneware and earthenware jars. Other materials recovered from the site include earthenware pottery vessels, an obsidian3, a Chinese coin, worked fish vertebrae, deer antlers, and other animal bones, net weights, spindle whorls, iron artefacts and slags, and glass beads. At the south of Barangay San Antonio in Barangay Dila, still in Bay, burials have also been recovered from the excavations in 1978 (Alegre et al. 1978). Out of three burials in the site, two of them were found in situ while one burial was disturbed. No grave furniture, however, were found within the burials. Other materials recovered from the site consist of a broken green glass bracelet, porcelain and stoneware sherds, earthenware pottery sherds, human and animal remains, and an iron implement. The presence of Asian foreign tradeware ceramics definitely placed these sites within the Protohistoric period (c. 9th to 16th century CE), although the exact range of the period has not been indicated. At the southwestern lakeshore a burial and habitation site in Barangay Caingin, Sta. Rosa, Laguna was excavated, also by the National Museum, in 1975 (Ronquillo n.d.). Eight extended burials were found, consisting of five infants, one child, and two adults. The non-adult burials contained grave goods, mostly Asian foreign ceramics dating from 12th to 15th century CE. The adult burials on the other hand lacked grave goods. Midden deposits were also found in the site, consisting mainly of edible molluscs, carabao remains, deer antlers, earthenware stove fragments, earthenware sherds from pedestalled vessels and other vessels, clay net weights, spindle whorls, stoneware sherds, and porcelain sherds. Presence of domestic items such as net weights, spindle whorls, and stove fragments, together with animal remains suggests that the site was also used as a settlement area. However, no post holes were found in the site. Other sites around the lake that has reported archaeological undertakings include Siniloan (Alegre 1976), Pangil (Ronquillo 1975b), and Biñan (Bautista 1989, 1993), all within

3It was never indicated in the report whether the obsidian piece found was a flake or at least show signs of working. Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 68 the province of Laguna. Asian trade ceramics were mainly recovered from all these sites, with dates ranging from the Sung period (10th to 13th century CE) in Pangil (Ronquillo 1975b) to the late Ming period (17th to 18th century CE) in Biñan (Bautista 1993).

Discussion The outline review of archaeological undertakings and some important discoveries presented in this paper clearly shows the wealth of archaeology around Laguna de Bay. Its early recognition can be attributed to H. Otley Beyer’s extensive Rizal-Bulakan and Manila surveys around the 1920s and 1930s. Rizal in particular has shown concentration of archaeological sites around the river valleys of Tanay, Baras, and Pililla. These sites yielded rich deposits of burials, middens, and various artefacts ranging from the Palaeolithic period to the recent 19th century CE historic period. Presence of these materials from different periods indicates continuous habitation within these areas. However, archaeological research in the abovementioned sites was never followed after Beyer, although the materials such as the Neolithic stone implements found in his survey areas were studied subsequently by Frank Lynch, S.J. (1949) and later on by Roger Duff (1970). The Angono petroglyphs site in Binangonan, Rizal, on the other hand, is continuously being studied since its discovery in 1965. Aside from the follow-up archaeological excavations conducted within the rockshelter and around its vicinity in the late 1990s, the petroglyphs were also currently re-examined using up-to-date technology. More studies though, are still needed to better understand its nature, particularly the date of the petroglyphs, the function of the rockshelter, and the context of the site and its relationship with other sites within the region. The late 1960s to 1970s saw another surge of archaeological endeavours in the Laguna de Bay area; due mainly to the major discoveries made from the Sta. Ana excavations in Manila and also to the frequent pot hunting activities in the Laguna and Rizal lakeshore areas. The significant finds recovered from Sta. Ana has led archaeologists to shift their focus towards the lake to understand the extensive trading networks in the region as shown in the presence of Asian foreign ceramics. These endeavours have resulted to the discovery of more sites of the same period in Taguig, Pasig, Pila, Lumban, and Talim Island. Pila, Laguna, however, was the only one that was extensively studied archaeologically; resulting to some publications (Tenazas 1968, 1973) and references in other literature (e.g. Locsin et al. 2008; Tiongson 2008; Valdes 69 Vitales 2003). There were also excavations in other lakeshore sites around that time that were conducted, not necessarily in connection with the Sta. Ana discoveries, but rather based only on local reports of accidental discoveries and pot hunting activities; such as Sta. Rosa (Ronquillo n.d.) and Bay (Alegre et al. 1978) in Laguna. Nevertheless, these sites provided pertinent data such as the burials and its associated finds, particularly Asian tradeware ceramics dating around 10th to 15th century CE, that can be compared with the findings in Sta. Ana and those sites previously mentioned, since nearly all of them yielded materials that belonged to approximately the same time period.

Potentials for an Extensive Archaeological Research It is apparent that in spite of the wealth of archaeology in the Laguna de Bay sites, our understanding of the region as a whole through archaeology is still very limited. Just like major river systems, lakes and lake basins can also provide viable places for thriving communities especially when the lakeshores are seasonally flooded. Lakes can also provide excellent access ways for travel, trade, and interaction with various inhabitants living around it. These essential characteristics are present in Laguna de Bay, and therefore very feasible for studying the growth of settlements and the development of societies around this region through archaeology. In addition, we can also examine the role of the lake in the development of some historically significant places such as Manila, Tondo, Sta. Ana (Sapa/Namayan), Bay, and Pila (see Paz 2009). Going to the Pasig River, it would be interesting to conduct further excavations in Taguig and Pasig areas since they have been yielding interesting archaeological finds. This can contribute to our understanding on the historical and cultural processes that shaped Manila. On the southern side of the lake, excavations conducted on Bay and Sta. Rosa have revealed notable finds that can also be worth studying. Bay has been known historically for its prominence in the lakeshore area (hence the namesake Laguna de Bay or ‘Lake of Bay’). Recent studies also believed that the Ma-yi mentioned in early Chinese historical records might actually be referring to Bay instead of Mindoro (Go 2005). While more historical evidence brings this current thinking closer to what was actually described in the Chinese records, it would also be important to test this hypothesis through further archaeological investigation in the Bay area and its vicinities. In Rizal province, surveys conducted by H. O. Beyer have yielded tremendous amount of archaeological data, which could be worth considering historically and Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 70 archaeologically. As mentioned earlier presence of materials from the Palaeolithic to the recent 19th century Spanish Colonial period indicates continuous occupation of the area. We might not be certain of how many groups or populations might have occupied Rizal province but we know for sure through historical accounts that it has been heavily populated prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. The dense population and profuse archaeological evidence indicate the significance of the Rizal as a physical and cultural landscape. As mentioned by Beyer, the richness of three river valleys has provided suitable places of settlement for past communities. Folklore also attests to the role of Rizal as a significant locale. Oral traditions also described the larger part of Rizal (particularly Talim Island, Rizal river valleys, and Jala- Jala peninsula) as once part of Pila ruled by a datu (chief) named Gat Salyan Maguinto, whom the present inhabitants of Rizal considered as their founding ancestor (Amante 2010; Santiago 1997). Such evidence coming from previous archaeological surveys, historical accounts, and oral traditions would definitely require an extensive archaeological research in the Rizal area. In the midst of the richness of archaeological materials found around the Laguna de Bay, majority of the identified archaeological sites (in good contexts) around Laguna de Bay are composed of open burial sites, mainly because it is the most conspicuous archaeological feature found in the Philippines. Nonetheless, these burials can give a great deal of information from the socio-cultural organisation of these past lake inhabitants to their past diet and demographics. The extensive study conducted by Tenazas (1977) in Pila has provided substantial data on the socio-religious organisation of its past inhabitants from c. 1500 to 500 years ago. She revealed evidence of population growth and movements around the area and the role of external influences (brought by their interaction with outside traders) in the changing burial patterns materially and ideologically. Their location in the lakeshore can also provide us some inferences about the worldview of the past lake inhabitants and their close relationship to the lake. It would be important therefore to reconsider the study of mortuary remains in the region, from the human remains to their burial patterns. While the burials can give substantial information on past societies from group to the individual, it is important as well to look at the settlement sites. Unfortunately, archaeological evidence of settlements remained scanty, mostly inferred through the presence of midden deposits and post holes (see Beyer 1947; Ronquillo n.d.; Tenazas 1968). 71 Vitales While burials reflect mostly the kind of society and the cosmology these lake inhabitants were living in, evidence of settlements in turn reflect most of their life ways at the domestic or household level. Finding concrete evidence of settlements in this region such as post holes, midden pits, and hearth remains should be taken to great consideration in the archaeological research to understand how they utilise their domestic space. We can also look at the relationship between the burial sites and settlement sites and how would this reflect their idea and use of landscape and possibly, reflect their orientation with the lake. Integration of multidisciplinary studies in archaeological research, especially those from the biological and geological sciences, has been growing in importance as well as the interest in understanding past environments or landscapes and inferring past human behaviour. Environmental studies can provide clues on past environments and the role of past communities living around the lake in altering these landscapes. Geoarchaeology, palynology, archaeobotany, and zooarchaeology would definitely be essential in the archaeology of this region. Pollen analysis or palynology would be among these approaches that can reveal past environmental settings and changes through time. This in fact has already been conducted by Ward and Bulalacao (1999) in Laguna de Bay. The analysis of only one core sample, which was obtained through drilling into the lake-bed revealed an environmental sequence going to c. 6000 years. Evidence of marine diatoms and pollen of several mangrove taxa at the lower levels supports the transformation of the lake from the saltwater Manila bay extension to its eventual enclosure as a freshwater basin around 3700 BP. Sudden increase of grass pollen and concentrations of charcoal on levels dating later than 2400 BP was also found in the analysis, indicating deforestation and burning caused by human-related activities. Geoarchaeological approaches such as sedimentology and pedology on the other hand can help us determine evidence of past human occupation and even past human activities in the area. Archaeobotany and zooarchaeology is helpful not only in reconstructing past environments, but also in understanding patterns of plant and animal exploitation, past diets, and past human interactions at different ecological settings. Analyses of plant and animal remains in Ille cave and rockshelter site in northern Palawan, for example, have revealed evidence of exploitation of forest resources in the past (Carlos 2010; Lewis et al. 2008; Ochoa 2009; Piper and Ochoa 2007). Archaeobotanical study in Tanjay site in Negros Oriental has revealed upland-lowland trade Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 72 interaction through evidence of forest products from the uplands in lowland sites (Junker 1999). Similar approaches were also used in understanding the nature of subsistence among the past inhabitants of the Peñablanca caves in Cagayan Valley in northern Luzon (Mijares 2007). On a particular subject matter, one of the interesting findings recovered around Laguna de Bay was the evidence of cremation practice. Aside from Pila (Tenazas 1973 and 1977), cremated human remains placed either in pits or ceramic vessels were also found in Bay (Peralta 1969) and Lumban (Elizalde 1967)4. It should also be noted that such evidence were also present in Novaliches area (Beyer 1947) and in Naic, Cavite (Accion 1978; National Museum of the Philippines 1978), north and west of the lake respectively. Evidence of burnt human remains was also recovered in Ille cave and rockshelter in northern Palawan (Lewis et al. 2008); although these were dated c. 9000-9500 BP – way earlier than the Laguna de Bay cremation burials, which were around the early to middle part of the 2nd millennium CE. Presence of such distinct form of burials at almost the same time period should be examined in relation to each other. Cremation practice at this time depth is believed to be an influence of Hindu-Buddhist tradition (Tenazas 1973; Valdes 2003) either brought by the foreign traders or adapted by the local communities themselves when they travel and traded in foreign regions. It would be important as well to consider the role of the lake and the lake communities of this period in the spread of such practice. Lastly, studying the archaeology of Laguna de Bay basin could tell us of the development of several cultural communities around the area, particularly the Tagalog-speaking populations. The Tagalogs, which constitute the majority of the inhabitants of Laguna de Bay, was believed to be already a distinct ethnolinguistic group as early as 10th century, as inferred from the recent interpretation of the Laguna Copperplate Inscription (Tiongson 2008). Spanish chroniclers have also identified Tagalogs living in Manila and around the lake as physically and culturally distinct from other ethnic groups (see Scott 1994). While recent historical studies point at Manila area as the possible birthplace of ‘Tagalog’ as a self-ascribed ethnonym (Ubaldo 2009), it would be

4Excavations around Laguna de Bay by the National Museum and University of the Philippines in 1967 have indicated the presence of cremation burials in one of its sites (Fernandez and Rogel 1968). Tiongson (2008) identified the site to be Talim Island, based on a secondary source. A review, however, of the National Museum Inventory Records in the said sites on that year did not mention such evidence in Talim Island (Anonymous 1967) but rather in one of the sites in Lumban. 73 Vitales interesting to look as well at the role of the lake and the lakeshore in the formation and development of the Tagalog ethnic identity. We can look at the stylistic attributes of material culture such as pottery as possible ethnic markers, although it is advised to be very cautious on this matter (Jones 1997). Main and Fox (1982) have indicated formal and decorative similarities between the earthenware lugged and spouted pots found in Calatagan, Batangas (Figure 5) and in Sta. Ana, Manila – both are Tagalog regions. The pottery from Sta. Ana, however, was quite earlier (11th to 13th century CE) than those from Calatagan (15th to 16th century CE). It should also be noted that similar pottery was also found in Pila, Laguna, which dated around 11th to 12th century CE (see Tenazas 1968 and 1977) – contemporaneous with the Sta. Ana earthenwares.

Figure 5: Lugged and spouted earthenware vessels found in Calatagan, which was also reportedly found in Sta. Ana and Pila (from Barretto-Tesoro 2007).

This pottery style so far has only been reported in these areas5, which is within the Tagalog region. The associated period of these pottery forms and styles could be indicative of the development and (possibly) spread of this tradition through time. The fact that these earlier pottery styles were found in the Laguna de Bay basin already suggests that this might be the area of its initial development, which later influenced pottery complexes in Batangas as Main and Fox (1982) and also Tenazas (1968) have implied. Associating this with the development of the Tagalog ethnic identity could be very promising; however, more archaeological investigations and material culture analyses will definitely be needed.

5Initial examination by the author of the pottery recovered from Naic, Cavite also revealed presence of lugged and spouted earthenware pots similar to those found Calatagan, Sta. Ana, and Pila sites. The Naic site is dated around Ming dynasty period (14th to 16th century CE) based on the Asian trade ware ceramics found. Archaeological Research in the Laguna de Bay 74 The outline review of Laguna de Bay has revealed the richness of archaeology in the region and also the scarcity of our understanding about it. The considerable amount of materials found in the lakeshore opens a lot of opportunities for further archaeological research. Since Laguna de Bay basin is all connected through the lake, it might be helpful as well to study each archaeological site surrounding the lake as one region instead of just per site separated by political boundaries. Archaeological evidence on the lakeshores has already demonstrated some of their similarities of archaeological features and assemblages and therefore should be studied in relation to each other. On the other hand, heritage matters should also form a crucial part in our archaeological research around Laguna de Bay since the lake basin sites, like any other archaeological sites in the Philippines, are gradually being devastated by real estate developments, indiscriminate looting, and natural disasters (e.g. typhoon Ondoy/Ketsana in October 2009). This growing concern needs to be addressed properly by disseminating archaeological heritage awareness among the local government units and local communities. Such undertaking would help them enrich not only their history and culture, but also the value of the lake, which was the source of life for them as their ancestors have once been.

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Proposal for a Surface Archaeology Methodology in Bluff lands Archaeology (the Cordillera region of Luzon)

Michael Armand P. Canilao, M.A.1

‚Phuu-khao thi Baguio nii yai too mii yod laem mak!‛ (The mountains in Baguio are very big and sharp!), sighs Surapon Athapanyawanit (67yo, Thai national) remembering the final approach of his plane which was about to land at the Loakan airport of Baguio City in the early 1980s.2

Introduction Indeed, on a latent level, the statement above shows the apprehension or trepidation that naturally sets in as one (for the very first time) gets into close contact with the overwhelming elevations of the Cordillera mountain range be it by land travel or as in Athapanyawanit’s case-- air travel. Such mountains like the Mangitkiran mountain range referred to by Athapanyawanit command both awe and respect. On a practical level, in archaeological methodology, such domineering landforms also deserve ‚out of the box‛ consideration in terms of archaeological approaches. In terrestrial Philippine archaeology, the typical fieldwork site is situated in the lowland plains or in rockshelters and cave sites where stratigraphic deposition can be said to have been in proper chronological succession or order.

1Affiliate Scholar, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines Diliman Research Associate, National Museum of the Philippines Graduate Student, Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois at Chicago 2Suraphon Athapanyawanit (personal communication, 3 May 2012) Kanchanaburi, Thailand translation by Kritsana Canilao

Email: [email protected] Hukay Volume 18, pp. 82-89 83 Canilao This paper highlights a very important consideration that must be discussed in conducting archaeology in mountain areas like the Cordillera Autonomous Region, of Luzon in the Philippines where slopes are classified as having a ‚high‛ angle (having high ratios of rise distance over run distance) at elevations anywhere between 900 to 1,500m (on average). One must be wary of taphonomic processes such as active erosion; or at worst, reverse stratigraphy-deposition, which can present problems to archaeologists employing standard excavation methods like the spit and natural excavation method. This paper will show where and how such problems where encountered. These are based on the results of the Tuba, Kabayan, Kapangan Archaeological Survey of 2008, Sablan and Tuba Archaeological Surveys of 2009 and 2012 and the Ilocos Sur Archaeology Project Season Two of 2012 (ISAP 2), which covered the highland Municipality of Quirino in Ilocos Sur (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Map showing Cordillera Administrative Region and the highland locations in Ilocos Sur and Benguet where fieldwork was conducted by author (not to scale)

Towards an Archaeological Methodology in the Highland Cordilleras It can be said that the Cordillera landscape is more conducive to the ‚surface survey‛ methodology in archaeology primarily because of its erosional hinterland locations. This method will be explained below. Another equally important justification is the fairly recent field-ploughing or levelling and bunding activities which may have churned up archaeological finds from their cultural layer among the agricultural districts of the Cordillera (for instance in Benguet and Mt Province, mountain terrace agriculture probably began in the early 19th c). Proposal for a Surface Archaeology Methodology 84 Based on previous fieldworks conducted by the author in the Benguet highlands (Kapangan, Kabayan, Tuba, Sablan) from 2008-2012, there is either a thin (20cm if at all) or an absence, of a cultural layer that may contain artefacts (see topsoil interspersed with Layer A in Figures 2 and 3). This is brought about by the erosional process that is at work especially during the semi-annual rainy season from May to November. Therefore, one would expect artefacts to be in motion on the surface rather than within the stratigraphic layers.

Figure 2: Example of a road cut at Mount Salat, Sitio Sagapa, Brgy. Palaypay, Kapangan, Benguet. Notice thin topsoil interspersed with 20-30cm Layer A zone, 20-50cm Layer B regolith. 600cm± Layer C is mother rock (Photo taken in 2008)

Figure 3: Example of a road cut at Mount Kabuyao, Sitio Poyopoy, Brgy. Taloy Sur, Tuba, Benguet. Notice thin topsoil interspersed with 20-30cm Layer A, 20-50cm Layer B is regolith. 300-500cm Layer C is mother rock (Photo taken by author April 2012) 85 Canilao On another occasion during fieldwork lead by the author in the tri -boundary of the provinces of Ilocos Sur (highland), Abra, and Mountain Province, the team opened a test pit at a mountain slope. The 1m x 1m test pit was opened at Minlaoi open site in Barangay Patiacan, Quirino, Ilocos Sur (Figure 4). Top soil to Layer A was observed between 10 to 20 cm below surface. Layer B is regolith or weathering mother rock. Layer C is intuitively the mother rock. This particular site was heavily laden with surface finds comprising of ceramics, and metal implements (Canilao 2012).

Figure 4: Team members of ISAP 2 excavating a 1x1 Test Pit at a Mountain in Brgy. Patia- can, Quirino, Ilocos Sur. Hundreds of artefacts were found on the surface of the Minlaoi Open Site (National Museum Code I-2012-M).

As shown above, one is likely to encounter artefacts that are in erosional context rather than depositional context in highland locales. There is better chance to encounter artefacts that are ‚creeping‛ on the surface rather than those that are deposited in proper succession. Indeed, excavation in the Cordillera highlands using techniques that have been tried and tested in otherwise depositional environments such as lowland open site may prove to be problematic. As an alternative to archaeological excavation methodology, this author suggests that a better methodology to pursue would be that of surface survey archaeology. Proposal for a Surface Archaeology Methodology 86 Surface archaeology Surface archaeology methodology is a sound methodology for specific landscapes according to Sullivan (1998) and Bintliff (2000). Sulli- van talks about the role of surface remains in settlement archaeology: Surface remains are an indispensable component of modern settlement archaeology, often forming the basis for crucial decisions regarding site function, significance, and subsurface integrity (Sullivan, 1998).

According to Sullivan, surface artefacts have been historically un- dervalued when in fact they can be primary sources of data for archaeological research. Various contributors in Surface Archaeology (Sullivan 1998), believe that surface artefacts are more than just ‚beacons‛: Surface archaeological phenomena have intrinsic interpretive potential that largely has gone unexplored. *T+he value of surface archaeological phenomena neither depends upon nor derives from characteristics of subsurface archaeological phenomena. In fact, mystifying subsurface archaeological patterns can be clarified only after an exhaustive study of the surface material (Sullivan 1998: xi).

However, this interpretative value is largely dependent on the de- gree to which origins can be ascertained reliably taking into account the taphonomic processes in the site. Can we reconstruct the primary (original) context based on an understanding of the secondary context and the processes that lead to this? This is a particular case where reconstruction will play an enormous role in the interpretation. William Dancey (1998) assesses the value of surface archaeology for hinterland locations. Settlements located on bluff lands or hinterland locations ‚seldom experience post-occupational deposition and contain few deposits, they are in erosional and not in depositional environments‛ (Dancey 1998:8). A great deal of archaeological finds from the surface are adequate and reliable as clues to early settlements.

Towards a Methodology in Systematic Archaeological Surface Survey The most practical archaeological method proposed in this paper in conducting archaeology in the Cordilleras of Luzon (as well as other similar landscapes) is surface survey. Certain points justify the use of surface survey: 1) erosional hinterland location, 2) recent cultural practices such as house-building, road-building, field-ploughing which may have churned up archaeological finds from the cultural layer, and 3) it is the most practical method taking into account the logistical challenges in the 87 Canilao area. At the onset of the project the archaeologist should also strive to investigate if the area where he plans to conduct the systematic survey has an erosional or a depositional context. A quick solution to this is a consul- tation of the Landslide and Flood Susceptibility Maps of the Philippines (Cordillera) published by the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (Figure 5). This map identifies areas that are landslide prone (erosional) and flood prone (depositional).

Figure 5: Landslide map of Tuba area. Star indicates location where road cut in Figure 3 is located. This area is highly susceptible to landslide (erosional context) (after Mines and Geosciences Bureau 2009).

The site is the basic operating unit of a field survey. A site is simply ‚a place that represents a particular focus of past human activities‛ (Pearson and Sullivan 1999:5). Archaeological sites are localities ‚that still contain physical evidence of past human activity from actual objects or traces of objects to the physical by-products of a past activity‛ (Burke and Smith 2004: 63). Orser and Fagan describe the sort of artefacts to be encountered in an archaeological site:

Conclusion Outlined above is a methodology that can be deployed when doing archaeological research in bluff land areas like the Cordillera region of Luzon. Based on a series of projects in the region, systematic surface survey appears to be more productive. It should be stated; however, that this methodology is relevant only to erosional contexts and not in depositional contexts. In the case of the latter, trench excavation is still the best method. It should be emphasised that an understanding of the site formation processes within a site will be the true gauge of what methodology to eventually pursue.

Acknowledgement The author wishes to thank the National Museum for issuing the necessary permits for the field projects. The National Commission on Cul- ture and the Arts is acknowledged for supporting the Tonglo project (2012), the Philippine Social Science Center is acknowledged for support- Proposal for a Surface Archaeology Methodology 89 ing the Benguet Early Settlement Surveys (2008, 2009), Governor Luis ‚Chavit‛ Singson and Vice Governor Deogracias ‚DV‛ Savellano are acknowledged for supporting the Ilocos Sur Archaeology Project (2011, 2012) .

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Sullivan III, A.P. (ed.). 1998. Surface archaeology. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 90 Valerio BOOK REVIEWS Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists Edited By Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz, Andreas Reinecke, and Dominik Bonatz 2012. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press. 392 pp. Review by Harpy Valence B. Valerio Diploma, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines

The widespread looting of artefacts in the Southeast Asian region and the lack of archaeological researches in the area is the basis for the biannual conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists on Southeast Asian Archaeology which ‚summarize(s) current fieldwork and studies on Southeast Asia‛ (p. xv). It is divided into four parts: 1. New Insights into the Archaeology and History of the Indonesian Archipelago; 2. Multi-directional flows of Buddhist Art in Southeast Asia; 3. Art and Architecture of the Khmers: Centre and Periphery; and 4. Traditions and Actions. The 1st part of the book, New Insights into the Archaeology and History of the Indonesian Archipelago, talks about the people and culture of Indonesia and its link to neighbouring and other countries/ polities. The article The Peopling of Nias, from the perspective of Oral Literature and Molecular Genetic Data by Ingo Kennerknecht et al. discusses the possible origin of Indonesia’s current population. It makes use of the genetic data from individuals from select indigenous groups to compare it with those from other Austronesian countries. The results show relatively stronger genetic links with Taiwan and the Philippines, suggesting direct peopling of Indonesia by populations coming from the two aforementioned countries. More than 3400 Years of Earthenware Traditions in Highland Jambi on Sumatra by Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz tackles the pottery tradition of highland Jambi since 1400 BC until the early 20th century. It presents findings from the Highland Jambi Research Project since 2003 until 2008, specifically the Bukit Arat site in Serampas. Analysis of the excavated pottery and current ethnographic work show that pottery wheel technology was never introduced in the site, rather the paddle and anvil technique was employed. The presence of potting tools and the nature of the source of clay in highland Jambi affirms that Indonesia has another pottery workshop site. BOOK REVIEWS 91 Agustijanto I. talks about the conditions of a pre-Srivijayan coastal community in his article: The Pre-Srivijaya Period on the Eastern Coast of Sumatra: Preliminary Research at the Air Sugihan Site. The paper seeks to answer whether the pre-Srivijayan site in Air Sugihan was part of the polity of Ko-ying, former entrepôt to India in the China-India maritime trade. Archaeological surveys and excavations produced evidence that prove the extensive settlement in the said site and engaged in trade activities with sites outside Indonesia. The artefacts found in Air Sugihan allows for a number of inferences such as it was linked to Oc Èo, probably through trade as evidenced by the similarity of artefacts in the same period, and that it imported commodities like gold ornaments and glass beads. The paper concludes that present Air Sugihan was a possible entrepôt in the China-India maritime trade known as Ko-ying as is written in 3rd century AD Chinese documents. Budi Istiawan summarises the information gathered on recent archaeological remains from the 12th to 14th century collected from West Sumatra in the article: New Finds of the Classical Period in West Sumatra. Recent archaeological remains include architectural complexes in Pasaman and Kampar River, among others, sculptures from Dharmasraya and inscriptions from Tanah Datar. An extensive description of Benteng Puteri Hijau (Fort of the Green Princess) site located in Northeast Sumatra is given by Erond L. Dam anik and E. Edwards McKinnnon in Traces of Early Chinese and Southeast Asian Trade at Benteng Puteri Hijau Namu Rambe, Northeast Sumatra. The site is surrounded by man-made fortifications made of earth. The artefacts recovered from the site are indicative of links to external polities coming from China, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma, and later on Europe, and possibly the hinterlands of Sumatra. The article The Kota Rentang Excavations by E. Edwards McKinnon et al. presents results and findings from ground penetrating radar, magnetometer surveys and archaeological excavations in the Kota Rentang site. These revealed three important points: 1.Kota Rentang is possibly associated to the polity of Aru of the 13th century mentioned in Chinese documents; 2. Excavated ceramics from the site are indicative of external connections with India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Vietnam among others; and 3. Kota Rentang is an early Islamic site as evidenced by the presence of a large number of simple slab-type grave markers. The 2nd Part: Multi-directional flows of Buddhist Art in Southeast Asia focuses on the origins, meanings and transitions of some Buddhist iconographies in the region. 92 Valerio Serpents and Buddhas by Peter D. Sharrock argues that the predominant Buddhist icon, ‚Buddha seated on the coils of a giant multi- headed serpent with a raised cobra hood (p. 118)‛ of ancient Angkor was not a representation of the Mucalinda episode in Sakyamuni’s biography as is popularly accepted. He infers that the Buddha in the said icon refers to Khmer Vairocana, based on information obtained from epigraphs and past records he used in his iconographic and contextual analyses, and is therefore detached from Mucalinda. Nicolas Revire traces the spread and possible origin of the Bhadrāsana Buddhas in Southeast Asia in the 7th – 8th centuries CE. It traces its origin to a Buddha icon from India and looks into Central and East Asian models as possible links to Southeast Asian images. The relationship of the Shwe-gu and khayaing of Kyaukse is discussed in Ta Mok Shwe-gu-gyi Temple: Local Art in Upper Myanmar 11th- 17th Centuries AD by Elizabeth Moore et al.. The different art works and iconographies in the recently uncovered two-story temple in the Ta Mok temple complex in Pan Laung, Myanmar are also tackled, as well as these artefacts’ changes and transitions through the Bagan, Pinya and Inwa periods. Cladistic analysis’ reliability in studying the history of Thai Buddha images is tested in Ben Marwicks article: A Cladistic Evaluation of Ancient Thai Bronze Buddha Images: Six Tests for a Phylogenetic Signal in the Griswold Collection. It aims to demonstrate and provide a means for a quantitative comparison of variation in objects and a systematic illustration of said variation over time. Woven Text, Woven Images: The Iconography of the Sazigyo by Ralph Isaacs describes woven motifs and pictorial images. It provides information on the relationship of the images and the woven text, and the images’ meaning and symbolisation, among other things. In the next part, Part Three: Art and Architecture of the Khmers: Centre and Periphery, interpretations of iconographies in Khmer structures in and architectural history of the region is presented. Khmer inscriptions played a significant role in the analyses of most of these papers. Eileen Lustig and Mitch Hendrickson support the claim that the building of the Khmer road system was not a sole effort of Jayavarman VII in the paper, Angkor’s Roads: An Archaeo-Lexical Approach. Data from 6th to 14th century Khmer inscriptions integrated with archaeological records are used in the analysis. The concept of ‚water artefacts‛ is introduced by Terry Lustig in BOOK REVIEWS 93 Linking Downstream to Upstream in Landscape Archaeology – Two Southeast Asian Examples. Lustig describes water artefacts as ‚the marks of cultural changes to the movement of water‛ (p. 222). The use of hydraulic and hydrological analyses, along with other archaeological techniques, is pushed for in the paper. The aforementioned analyses can aid in better understanding human behaviour and provide a means for testing dates and associated circumstances related to movement of water. Sites from Cambodia and Yunnan are utilised to illustrate such an approach. The results and interpretations of an extensive ground-penetrating survey of the western part of the Angkor Wat enclosure is presented in Chapter 17: Discovery and Interpretation of a Buried Temple in the Angkor Wat Enclosure by Till F. Sonneman. Sonneman concludes that underground surveys are essential in the understanding of the architectural history of the Angkor Wat. Adalbert J. Gail argues that the face towers from the Bayon period are iconographies representing the great king, Jayavarman VII and his parents in The Face Towers of the Bayon Period in Angkor. He supports this through negating other interpretations based on inconsistencies with iconographic features in the face towers and known attributes in the suggested identities and presenting similarities between the details of the face towers and descriptions of the royal family based on inscriptions, portraits and statues of Jayavarman VII, his father, Dharanīndravarman II and his mother, Sri Jayarajacudamani around the Angkor Wat. In K.227 and the ‚Bharata Rahu‛ Relief: Two Narratives from Banteay Chamar, Ian Lowman argues that the Old Khmer inscription and a bas- relief panel, popularly known to represent the same story, are distinct narratives from one another. Lowman provides new interpretation of the inscription grounded on more recent data. Having a different meaning for the inscription he then focuses on translating the said bas-relief panel free of the biases connecting the two documentations. He also tries to analyse it in relation to other surrounding bas-relief panels as part of a coherent narrative. Chapter 20: The Lintel of Vat Eng Khna, Cambodia: Image, Text and Precedent by Kirsten Southworth talks about the connection between religious imageries from South and Southeast Asia. It criticises established beliefs on the spread of ideas and images between the two regions. Susanne Runkel et al. present an overview of the different decorative paintings and polychromy examined in 19 selected Khmer brick temples in Interior Polychromy and Wall Paintings in Khmer Brick 94 Valerio Temples of the 9th and 10th Century in Cambodia. The wall colourings are either directly applied on brick walls or on a base coat whereas paintings with pigments of clay and cinnabar are done on backgrounds without a base coat. These interior decorations are slowly deteriorating due to humidity, salt contamination from bat excrement and micro/macro- biological colonisation. The article ends with a reminder for the study, documentation and preservation of these remains. Joachim K. Bautze’s Émile Gsell (1838-79) and Early Photographs of Angkor is about Émile Gsell and his photographs of the Angkor. Gsell’s views of the Angkor are significant enough that it was either plagiarised or reproduced but without credit to the photographer. The history of Gsell’s photographs is presented in the paper along with appeals for him to be remembered. The 4th and last part of the book, Traditions and Actions, looks at the relationships between and within groups of people across borders in a specific region. Data on the findings from a shipwreck dated to the 1st century CE in Godavaya is presented in The Taprobanian Revolution and the Paradigm Shift Away from the Ptolemaic Model of Asia – Archaeology and History of Ancient Seafaring in the Indian Ocean by Oliver Kessler. It focuses on elements of trade such as a supposed ‚tax office‛, trade goods, and coins from land and underwater archaeology. It also discusses the role Sri Lanka played in international trade. A Look at Settlement Patterns of 5th – 16th-Century Sites in Myanmar by Goh Gyeok Yian presents possible settlement hierarchies in Myanmar and their possible chronologies based from ‚their relative sizes, their locations, proximity to resources and each other, probable population sizes, and the shape of their walls‛ (p. 349). Tai Potters across Borders: Tracking Ceramic Technology in Southern Yunnan and Northern Thailand by Leedom Lefferts and Louise Allison Cort demonstrates a new way of understanding relationships between groups of people in a region: ceramic production technology. Ethnographic data gathered from Southern Yunnan and Northern Thailand is used to discuss two types of ceramics, red and black earthenware for ritual. Similarities and disparities in the production of these ceramics are tackled which shows possible links and movement of said technology in the area. Henry Dosedla gives a glimpse of the fired and unfired clay traditions of Papua New Guinea in Chapter 29: Clay Flutes and the Question of Ceramic traditions in the Central Highlands of Papua New Guinea. The article revolves around unfired clay vessel flutes and includes information on the musicology in the region which may aid in the study BOOK REVIEWS 95 of prehistoric migration movements in the Melanesian Archipelago. The book, Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Volume 2 is an interesting and useful read for anyone studying the tangible and intangible heritage of Southeast Asia. Its articles are encompassing of a wide variety of topics as it draws from archaeological, anthropological, and art history, among other disciplines for information. The book contributes to the knowledge on Southeast Asia’s and its surrounding regions’ prehistoric and historical periods. It is not a coherent book, as a whole nor in part, as most of the articles is not the least related. The only thing which binds these papers together is Southeast Asia, the region being studied. Connecting Empires and States is halfway in its goal to address the widespread looting in the region through the presentation of summaries of archaeological projects and interpretations. These summaries will hopefully open the eyes of fund-giving bodies and researchers to the rich cultural heritage of the region and entice individuals to conduct more archaeological work in the land. For researchers to simply get to the sites first is already a big deal in the fight against looting as we are able to keep the archaeological context and artefacts for analysis. However, looting is not the only problem archaeological sites encounter as in the case in Benteng Puteri Hijau in Northeast Sumatra. The site is threatened by the development projects of the National Housing Agency of Indonesia. When a site is under threat the best thing to do about it is to conduct archaeological excavations and surveys while engaging with institutions who can aid in the site’s protection and preservation. However, not all sites are fortunate enough to be preserved as populations are growing and development is inevitable, hence you do what you can and hope for the best. Proper documentation of archaeological sites is integral in the preservation of cultural heritage. This enables us to retain a part of cultures and allow researchers to conduct studies even when the tangible aspect of it is lost. Site reports are accompanied by scientific analyses and historical studies in the book. New approaches are introduced in Ben Marwick’s cladistics analysis and Terry Lustig’s water artefacts. It is useful to know that cladistics analysis can also be used to analyse artefacts like what Marwick did in his study of Thai Buddha images. Lustig’s water artefacts offer a new means of understanding the relationship of people with their environment. 96 Dela Paz A significant part of the book if not most of it however, tackles the same sites, i.e. Angkor Wat. Also, majority of the book discusses studies on mainland Southeast Asia. The lack of diversity in the localities discussed is evident even in the titles of parts of the book which mentions Indonesia and the Khmer. I hope the conference would be successful in its goal and attract more researches and papers from island Southeast Asia and more sites from the mainland.

Of Gold, Spanish Conquistadors, And Ibaloi Generational Memory Michael Armand P. Canilao 2011. Baguio City: Cordillera Studies Center, University of the Philippines, Baguio Review by Arch. Ferdinand I. dela Paz Professor, College of Architecture, University of Sto. Tomas, Philippines Graduate student, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines

With the general aim of seeking an ‘understanding of the early peopling of southern Benguet (and the role of the Ibaloi in the foundation of the earliest settlements in the area)’(p. 16), Of Gold, Spanish Conquistadors, & Ibaloi Generational Memory is a heroic work on ethnoarchaeology. A spin off from his master’s thesis in archaeology, Michael Canilao’s book serves as a valuable consolidation of knowledge on Benguet settlements and the Ibalois as a result of various research activities here and abroad. Canilao’s insightful interactions with scholars and meaningful mentoring from specialists greatly contributed to the simple yet successful narrative of the book as it attempts to answer these important questions: (1) What justifiable inferences regarding the early Ibaloi can be consolidated from prior ethnohistory as crosschecked with oral traditions? and (2) What can archaeology contribute towards a plausible and reliable reconstruction of Ibaloi ethnohistory? (p. 16) Other equally important questions raised by Canilao include (1) What are the locations and characteristics of possible archaeological sites; (2) Which methods, heuristics, and equipment are needed?; and (3) What material artefacts do we expect to find in relation to an archaeological reconstruction of early Ibaloi settlements? (p. 16). In the foreword, National University of Singapore Department of Southeast Asian Studies’ Dr. John Miksic emphasised that this book’s major virtue is ‘that it brings back to the attention of a wider public the importance of this topic’(p. 13). He further recognised the work’s use of a BOOK REVIEWS 97 ‘well-defined approach to the subject using data from a multiplicity of sources’(p. 13). Dr. Miksic shares the hope that Canilao’s work ‘represents an early stage in what must be a long-term research program which will lead to further important understanding of the role of the yellow metal in the development of society in Luzon, and by extension in other parts of insular Southeast Asia’(p. 13). In the introductory chapter entitled Memory and Archaeology, Canilao reiterates the commonly asked question Can archaeology reconstruct the past? Related to this, he states that his study explores two main questions: (1) How and up to what extent can archaeology contribute to the understanding of the early peopling or settlement of Benguet? and (2) Can archaeological methods engage knowledge from ethnohistory and oral traditions? (p. 22). Canilao also painted a picture of the state of research on Benguet’s past as well as defined the geographic boundaries of the study area. The book’s first chapter The Peopling of Benguet, discussed the various theories put forward by famous scholars on the peopling of the northern Luzon Cordillera as he recognised the two most prominent conjectures. Chapter 2: Remembrance and Resistance, on the other hand, discussed the methodology of oral history. Here, the author evaluated oral accounts ‘in terms of its importance in suggesting problems, questions and directions for archaeological studies’(p. 37). Chapter 3: Gold in Ibaloi History showcased the crucial role played by gold in Ibaloi society. This chapter reviewed related literature on gold as ‘a major player in early settlement selection’(p. 47). Various accounts on both pre-colonial and Spanish period gold trade were discussed including the importance of the ‘Northwestern Luzon Riverine Exchange Network’ (p. 53). This was followed by Chapter 4: Gold and Early Ibaloi Economy which presented the early Ibaloi mining technology as well as shifting of economic activities from gold mining to wet rice cultivation. Chapter 5: The Search for Tonglo explored the frequently cited pre- 14th century Ibaloi settlement of Tonglo. Although its exact present-day location has remained a mystery, the ancient Ibaloi village of Tonglo is believed to be the centre of gold trading at its time. As the chapter included a number of valuable archival maps to shed light on this search, Canilao proudly puts forward what he strongly believes to be the key to locating Tonglo. The conjunctive approach to peopling studies and the use of systematic archaeological surface survey were both highlighted in Chapter 6: Surface Archaeology while the next chapter entitled The 98 Dela Paz Archaeological Survey described the practical aspects of this methodology. Canilao also recognised the value of using the triangulated approach in looking into ‘Benguet early settlement accounts based on oral traditions as a point of entry and at the same time, re-examine these accounts against the literature of archaeological, ethnographic, historical, and ethnohistorical sources on Benguet, and broader Southeast Asia from the Spanish pre-contact and contact periods’(p. 89). The author likewise characterised the climatic and geological make-up of sites in Benguet. Mr. Canilao ends the book with a final chapter on Considerations Crucial to Ibaloi Early Settlement Archaeology where he presented the final synthesis of data sets obtained from the study. Among others, the author also concluded that indeed, gold extraction is the socio-economic base of early Ibaloi society. With his recommendations concerning Oral history, historical archaeology, and the advancement towards ‘a more thorough archaeological study, or further archaeological investigations of early Ibaloi gold-mining settlements’ (p. 120). Humbly recognising that his study is ‘but an initial exploration that remains largely unchartered’, Michael Canilao echoes Sinai Hamada’s challenge which remains to be a ‚continuing dare‛ to ‚braver searching souls‛(p. 121).

CASA BOHOLANA: Vintage Houses of Bohol Erik Akpedonu and Czarina Saloma 2011. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press Review by Arch. Ferdinand Isidro dela Paz Professor, College of Architecture, University of Sto. Tomas, Philippines Graduate student, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines

The book CASA BOHOLANA: Vintage Houses of Bohol is indeed a pioneer in the realm of architectural heritage conservation. Encapsulating the rich collection of vintage houses spread throughout the beautiful province of Bohol, this book provides not only a typology of Boholano houses but also serves as a 'quick guide' for an impromptu architectural heritage tour. Structured in two parts, the first presents an analysis resulting from architectural surveys conducted by the authors, Erik Akpedonu and Czarina Saloma. With their respective backgrounds in architecture and sociology, Akpedonu and Saloma were successful at showcasing the remaining relics of the past. This part of the book is further divided into four chapters tackling various aspects of Bohol's vernacular architecture. BOOK REVIEWS 99 Chapter 1: The Cultural Study of the Boholano Built Environment provides a 'framework for understanding how people "live" in vintage houses' (p. 3) citing the three central elements to its understanding namely: contexts, practices, and meanings. The authors also included a detailed approach in 'screening' a town's landscape when searching for potential vintage houses. They further provided a three-step process in the identification of vintage structures. The chapter continues with a discussion on the how to contextualise the vintage houses of Bohol; the features of Boholano vintage houses; and a periodisation of the history of Bohol and evolution of the Boholano house. The first chapter is concluded by a set of plates showing images of houses from different time periods. The second chapter: Profile of Boholano Vintage Houses begins with a description of the distribution of vintage houses followed by a suggested approach in determining the age of these vintage houses. In addition, the authors looked into the social background of the houses' original owners. Further, this chapter provides a general typology of these houses as a reflection of the owner's position in the society which is 'determined by wealth, power and prestige' (p. 46). Interestingly, these factors are 'reflected in the size of his/her house and in the quality of its materials and execution' (p. 46). In presenting the profile of the Boholano houses, Akpedonu and Saloma also tackled the issue of ownership, maintenance, uses of, and modifications to these vintage houses. As a specific illustration, the chapter also provides an approach in determining changes in the roof. Physical problems brought about by current 'natural' threats to these vintage houses. Chapter three: Vintage Houses in a Changing Environment further explores the changes encountered and experienced by both the houses and the owners themselves. In presenting this reality, the chapter discusses the various ways of living in and the threats to these vintage houses. In similar fashion, a discussion on these vintage houses and the environment provides valuable information on the state of our natural heritage, which obviously serves as the main source of building materials for these structures. In addition to the framework of heritage preservation in the Philippines, this chapter also includes a primer on the National Cultural Heritage Act of 2009 which clearly demonstrates the urgency of the need to protect such valuable built artefacts. Also explored were the controversial and pressing concerns on scavenging and antique trade pertinent to these vintage houses. On a more positive tone, the authors likewise explored the dynamics between poverty, tourism, and economic 100 Dela Paz opportunities as they relate to the existence and survival of these vintage structures. Towards the end of this chapter, the authors recognised the contributions of overseas migrants to the Boholano architectural landscape and emphasised the importance of urban and town planning in the preservation of these heritage houses. In the last chapter of Part 1, Akpedonu and Saloma positively discussed The Future of Bohol’s Vintage Houses. The often incorrect use of the terms ‘renovation’ and ‘restoration’ was aptly described citing the various factors contributing to the widespread lack of interest in the latter by most Boholano homeowners. At the end, the chapter challenges and argues the need to reexamine our beliefs in what to do with these vintage houses. A multi-player and imperative task, the successful protection and promotion of these Boholano heritage structures lay in the hands of its homeowners, the academe, individual crusaders, the local and national government, as well as in organised groups. The more visual section of the book is its Part 2 which showcases 300 Boholano vintage houses organised geographically. Arranged into its location, this sumptuous collection of photographs depicts the Boholano vintage houses found not only in the southern, western, and northern coastal towns; and the southwest and central interior towns; but also in the capital towns of Tagbilaran, Dauis, and Panglao Island. Each section provides a map of the town or city indicating the locations of vintage houses followed by a detailed description (and photograph) of each of these structures. The colourful photographs show images of the vintage house in various time periods and in varying scales ranging from perspectives of the whole house in most cases, and intricate details in some. A good number of these plates also included images of the remarkable craftmanship of these houses as seen through its interiors. The book also appended, as a justification, the three basic reasons why the key informants, despite the conduct of interviews, ‘often only had limited knowledge about the history of the house, particularly with regard to modifications’(p. 450). As a valuable tool, the authors also provided a glossary of terms commonly used in understanding the basic anatomy of Philippine architecture in general, and the Boholano vernacular architecture in particular. As a suggested expansion, the study presented in the book could perhaps benefit from looking beyond the three-dimensional aspect of the houses’ exterior and interior structure. In fact, it might also be equally interesting to present and analyse the two-dimensional properties of these vintage houses. Considering both the vertical (facade) and the horizontal BOOK REVIEWS 101 (floor plan) aspects, a thorough profiling and comparative analyses would better illustrate the evolution of the Boholano vintage house forms and consequently, provide a more complete much better understanding and characterisation of Casa Boholana.

Contestations of Memory in Southeast Asia Edited by Roxana Waterson and Kwok Kian-Woon 2012. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press Review by Kerby C. Alvarez Instructor and Graduate Student at the Department of History, University of the Philippines, Diliman

Memory is integral in historical reconstruction. It serves not only as a source in writing accounts and narratives, but a framework itself; a structure in which realities of the past can be depicted and illustrated in a substantially truthful manner. The book ‘Contestations of Memory in Southeast Asia’ tackles the complex issue of memory and memory representations and manifestations in different areas and periods in Southeast Asian history. It includes stories and struggles during the major watershed periods in the region’s history - colonial, post-colonial, independence wars, Pacific War and domestic conflicts. The books is divided in 3 parts: the first lays down the theoretical framework of the book, which is, memory as a social phenomenon and as an alternative to official and singular histories (p. 5). A dozen of historians, anthropologists and sociologists contributed in the volume where they presented historical experiences from different Southeast Asian countries where manifestations of memory challenge the dominance of state-promoted narratives. The first part contains the introductory chapter that discusses the role of memory as a knowledge that verifies succeeding generations’ familiarity of the past. Roxana Waterson and Kwok Kian-Woon discussed the dimension/s where memories as psychological and historical domains intersect. They elaborated on the stages of the memory process: encoding, storage, retrieval, and transmission. With particular emphasis on the transmission – the stage by which memories become ‘social’ or a public domain (p. 19), the authors established the theory the articles in the book want to prove. Within this process, ‘memory provides a crucial site for the exploration of the links between the individual and the social’ (p. 23). The chapter argues that memory as central in historical narratives is 102 Alvarez fundamentally an ‘unfinished business’, therefore creates an ‘unfinished past’ (p. 31). Memory is a continuous, changing, slow and cumulative component of the written past (p. 38).The second part presents several studies on memory as tool in building identities and constructing national ‘destinies’. It contains critical researches on how important events and periods in a nation’s history and in what avenues and processes narratives were constructed and reconstructed. Based on the studies, this part reflects how governments create a space for its people to ‘remember’ the past, though experiences are very much different from each other. The first study is a comprehensive critic on Burmese historiography. Maitrii Aung-Thwin’s paper argues memory as an ‘analytical category in the assessment of culture, politics and history’ (p. 54). He discussed how the Burmese people used the glorious history of their kings in constructing contemporary discourses on identity. Two chapters discussed the social memory phenomenon in Vietnam. In her article, Vatthana Pholsena transliterated ‘the narratives of some people of ethnic minority that have remained concealed in the authoritative national history’ of Vietnam (p. 84), to challenge the existing political party’s dominance in the writing of their national history. On the other hand, Sharon Seah Li- Lian discussed how the past is remembered in Vietnam, by looking at the way reality is produced and perceived. The authored considered memory as central on how historical narration is the ‘privileged signifier of the real’ (p. 108); by analysing the meanings and depictions of history on monuments and museums. The succeeding articles talked about the experiences of Singapore and Indonesia. In her study, Dayang Istiaisyah bte Hussin analysed how the Singapore government discursively constructed the idea of a ‘nation’ by using two key events: the 1964 Racial Riots and the merger issue with the Federation of Malaya (p. 126). The author argued that history became a ‘prerogative of the state’, through the symbolic-cultural construction of a Singaporean nation (p. 125). Similar in approach, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra discussed how Indonesia memorialises one glorious event in their history and how it was used as a political tool to strengthen the integrity of Soeharto and his regime. The author treats the Serangan Oemoem 1 Maret 1949 (General Attack of 1 March 1949) as a ‘misremembered history’; a momentous event that was distorted to intensify a dictator’s rule, by making him the sole hero of the said battle (p. 156). This part provides a fresh look into the multifaceted and highly- debatable discourse on nationalism, nation-building and national identity. The theoretical framework of the studies gives the readers an extensive BOOK REVIEWS 103 introduction into the particular details of the articles. Memory, given its complicated status as both source and counter-source, was used to extract other interpretations about the present historical realities, known and accepted. The studies suggest a cohesive historicity amongst the indicated social experiences of the countries studied. The third part delves into the process of ‘interpenetrations’ of individual and collective memories into how present generations see and accept the major events and periods in the past. In his article, Ricardo Jose discussed how the Pacific War is being remembered in the Philippines, more than six decades after. He described it as very ‘selective’: the government focuses on annual commemorations and recognizes individuals and associations yet have ‘ignored the serious issues attached with the war, such as the comfort women and forced labor’ (p. 185). He also discussed the problems being encountered with the reliability and truthfulness of war memories, which then lead to the complex dilemma of myth-making for political purposes. The author suggests that war should be viewed in full perspective; one proposition is the joint research between Philippines and Japan (p. 197). Two chapters show the different levels historical commemoration in Singapore. Adeline Low Hwee Cheng presented her study on how different ethnic sectors in Singapore remember the historic 1964 Racial Riots. As the watershed of the nation’s history, she compared the different views of Chinese, Malay and Indians on the said event, and how those memories were transmitted into the present generation (p. 203-05). On the other hand, Kwok Kian-Woon and Kelvin Chia studied the role/s of the Chinese-educated intellectuals in contemporary Singapore. They argued that education became the basis of association; wherein dimension of learning is one basis of the created identity in the ‘intellectual sector’. Thus, the idea of a monolithic Chinese community is challenged, with the separate development of the Chinese-educated and English-educated Singaporeans (p. 230-31). Lastly, Indonesian historian Budiawan presented a historical study of the afterlives of some unknown actors of post-Soeharto Indonesia. The author studied the situation of eks-tapol (political prisoners) wives after the fall of Soeharto’s regime. In his analysis, one dimension of memory studies was problematised – the dilemma of memories that were left unrevealed, and how this resulted to trauma amongst the people involved (p. 286). This part takes us into the convoluted landscape of memory and history in Southeast Asia. The studies reveal the different levels of generational acceptance of events and 104 Alvarez period in history; that reception is driven by how political and social institutions construct pathways in which people remember and appreciate the importance of history. Whether through commemorations, in education or knowledge dissemination, we can conclude that it is vital to thoroughly examine and reexamine contemporary norms and how do they relate with their particular historical origin. Perhaps one recommendation on this part is to cite more studies from different areas and aspects in Southeast Asian histories to discover more commonalities. In general, the book is a rich source of new studies and perspectives on Southeast Asian history and historiography. With the variety of researches, one can see a broader and complex picture of society histories. The studies dig deeper into the understanding of modern Southeast Asia, by looking back into the alternative, yet very progressive instrument of historical research – memory. The compilation is very informative, especially for researches pursuing Southeast Asian studies. Striking is the level of research one can observe upon reading the different case studies. The expertise of the contributors in their respective fields was clearly manifested; on how they argued and developed their theses, particularly pertaining to the dimension of the remembered and commemorated past. We can witness a dialogue of perspectives and views on how memory is problematised in different parameters. The book is a good springboard into more critical studies in history and identity. It maps out places and situations of contradiction, coercion and subjugation in history. The broad-minded approach of the book reinforces the need to question existing norms and beliefs on Southeast history. I believe, as a student of history, the book is an excellent scholarly compilation that unearths perspectives of the silent actors and marginalised sectors in historical narrative inscription. We can observe that most of the studies are political in nature – focusing on politics and politically driven events and memories. Perhaps, other topics/aspects can also be studied using the ‘memory’ framework, such as disasters and calamities, or on individual or family histories. On the other hand, to make it more comprehensive, the book might as well include studies from/about Cambodia, Laos, and East Timor. I think these countries will give us new stories and knowledge on memory studies and how the past is being perceived in their respective local and national histories.

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