“What Happened to My Village?”: Narratives of Previously Incarcerated Black Males, Highlighting the Importance of Family, School, and Community Relationships
Dissertation
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy
in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
By
Natosha Renee’ Willis, M.Ed.
Graduate Program in Educational Studies
The Ohio State University
2019
Dissertation Committee
James L. Moore III, Ph.D. Advisor
Samuel R. Hodge, Ph.D.
Ralph Gardner III, Ph.D.
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Copyrighted by
Natosha Renee Willis
2019
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Abstract
Drawing on a qualitative narrative inquiry research design, the researcher sought to analyze factors and experiences that most likely intensified the probability of incarceration for
Black males. More specifically, the researcher collected personalized life history narrative accounts of 15 previously incarcerated Black men, through semi-structured individual and focus group interviews, to better understand the role families, communities, schools, and other social structures may have played in contributing to their incarceration. Utilizing Urie
Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model of human development as the theoretical lens, the researcher also explored the participants’ life experiences before, during, and after incarceration, and how each experience contributed either positively or negatively to their life outcomes. Further, through in-depth analysis of narratives and by using thematic analysis and open coding, four major themes emerged: (a) Environmental Influence, (b)
Valueless Education, (c) Drugs and Addictions, and (d) Establishing a Continual Cycle.
Through this investigation, the researcher gained a better understanding of the different ways in which social disparities, environmental influences, and personal development may affect the overrepresentation of Black men in the criminal justice system.
Recommendations, pinpointing preventative strategies and policy modifications to decrease the pipeline to prison for Black male youth and adults, are offered.
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Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to my cousin, Marques Lamar Sawyer. Thank you for inspiring me to tackle this research. I love and miss you, dearly! I would like to also dedicate this dissertation to all the participants of this study. Thank you for sharing your stories with me and, now, the rest of the world. Your voices are now being heard! Last but not least, I would like to dedicate this dissertation to every Black male that has ever had any experiences with the criminal justice system. Know that you are worth more than all you have experienced.
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Acknowledgments
Where would I be without my village? Words cannot express the gratitude I feel as I prepare to write this section. First and foremost, I want to thank God, the true author of my life. Without Him, I would not have been able to successfully navigate this journey. There have been several wrong turns and stops, but, through it all, He has gifted me with His grace and mercy, which I am forever grateful. God has blessed me with an amazing village, a phenomenal group of people that have contributed to and impacted my life in an amazing way.
Michelle Renee Fitzgerald, where do I even begin? Since the day I entered into this world, you have been by my side, through the good, bad, and the terribly ugly. I used to believe this was something that all mothers were supposed to do, but you really go above and beyond. You encourage me, when I feel hopeless; you pray with me, when I am weary; you listen, when I need to vent or need a shoulder to cry on (I mean ugly cry); you encourage me to be strong, when I want to give up; you support me, as I navigate life; you love me unconditionally; and for all of that, I am forever grateful. Love you
Pookie. David, you came into our lives and have loved and supported me as if I were your own. I thank you for your continual love and support throughout this process.
Thank you to my dad, Keith A. Willis Sr., and my bonus mom, Ericca Willis, for your love and for sharing with me the special moments of my life. My brothers, Keith Jr.,
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Keion, and David Christopher, thank you for your love. I hope that I can continue to be a positive role-model and big sister for each of you. To my sister Brittany, thank you pushing me to be great. I am glad to be someone you look up to and someone you are proud to brag about to others. To Clara Bell, I’ve finally finished all of my homework. To my Aunt Linda, Aunt Cheryl, and Aunt Stephanie, thank you so much for your love, prayers, and support. To my Maryland family, thank you for all the encouragement and love.
Aunt Angie, you are the only person that has been more excited than I have about this doctoral journey. Thank you for filling the gap with my mom away and being so hands-on throughout this process. From our brunch dates discussing research and timelines to our editing session dinner meetings (we are always eating), I could not have done this without your encouragement and support. Uncle John, thank you for being so understanding all the times I stole Aunt Angie away for myself. You, too, were very instrumental in helping me, along this journey, and I am truly grateful.
Michael and Suzette, thank you for taking me in as I re-settled in Columbus. Your support and hospitality, over the years, will always be cherished. To the rest of my family, although I do not see you often, thank you for your unwavering love, encouragement, and support. To my church family, thank you for always covering me with prayers, including your continual encouragement and support.
To the friends I have been so fortunate to gain throughout this process, you have made this journey a lot more bearable. I could not imagine having to endure this doctoral process without supportive connections and friends in my corner. Bennett, you took me
v under your wing from our very first meeting. Thank you for your support, guidance, and big brother tough-love. Thank you for always pushing me to do my best and reminding me of my abilities and to never settle. You have been there from the start of my doctoral program to the finish, and I am truly grateful. Deborwah, thank you for being an awesome and amazing friend, particularly throughout this process. From bringing me food when I was sick, sending spiritual motivation when I felt defeated, and reminding me that my week-long self-care binges were okay, I cannot began to describe how grateful I am for your continual support. You’re up next!
Tiffany Halsell, thank you for being a friend and someone I could always depend on as I navigated through this process! You were always there to answer questions and help when I needed to put things into perspective. Thank you for the check-in texts and many resources. Kirsten, I am so thankful we connected, and I am tremendously grateful for your support during these last two years. You have become more than my writing partner… a mentor and friend. Thank you for your prayers, calls, and “how are the edits coming along” texts! Laura, thank you for all your support. You do not know how much our work sessions have meant to me. Thanks for the constant reminders of faith!
To my BNRC and ODI family, all of those that I encountered during my time in
Hale Hall, thank you for always encouraging and supporting me. I have worked in a number of settings and had the opportunity to work with a number of great people, but I do not think any experience will ever compare with my time there. Special thank you to
Dr. Valerie B. Lee for providing me with the opportunity to work at ODI. I was unsure of how I would afford this doctoral journey. But, we connected, and I am grateful. Dan,
vi thank you for all the good laughs and always being supportive and encouraging, when I wanted to give up. Tayo, thank you for always encouraging me to never settle and reminding me that I was not alone during this process. To all my other amazing friends, who have provide encouraging calls and texts, listened to me whine, and supported my decision to go through this process; thank you for being understanding when I had to miss calls, respond late to texts, or been unavailable to hang out, love you guys!
To my Educational Studies colleagues, thank you for your support. Dr. Ann
Allen, you have encouraged and supported me, since I entered the education policy program. Throughout my coursework and candidacy, you continuously helped me navigate my research interests and explore beyond my comfort zone. Thank you. Thank you to my dissertation committee, Drs. Ralph Gardner and Samuel Hodge, as you both have been extremely supportive and understanding during my candidacy and dissertation process. Dr. Gardner, thank you for your prayers, encouragement, and guidance over the years. Your support goes beyond these last four years, as you have been a mentor to me since I began my higher education journey. You are greatly appreciated! Dr. Hodge, thank you for always being encouraging and challenging me to think critically about my research. You also inspire me to want to be a better writer and scholar. I am so grateful for your support, particularly during the last stretch of this process. I wanted to give up on so many occasions, but you continued to encourage me and push me to keep going.
To my beloved advisor, Dr. James L. Moore III, thank you. I am truly thankful for your guidance and mentorship throughout my doctoral journey. Thank you for encouraging me to explore new challenges and for pushing me to go above and beyond
vii the norm, even when I did not want to break outside of my comfort zone. Thank you for sharing and providing the many countless opportunities that aided in my growth and development as a researcher and as a person. Thank you for believing in me, even when I did not believe in myself.
To everyone other person in my village that I was not able to name here, thank you for your encouragement, laughs, love, prayers, and support. You can now officially call me Dr. Willis now!
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Vita
September 13, 1984…….... Born- Columbus, Ohio
June 2002……. …………..The Wellington School
2006……………………….B.S. Education, The Ohio State University
2007……………………….M.Ed. Special Education, The Ohio State University
2007-2013………………...Special Education Teacher, Various School Districts
2014-2017……………...... Graduate Administrative Assistant, The Ohio State University
2018-Present………………Project Director of Upward Bound Math & Science,
Nationwide Children’s Hospital
Fields of Study
Major Field: Educational Studies
Specialization in Educational Policy
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Table of Contents
Abstract ...... ii Dedication ...... iii Acknowledgments...... iv Vita ...... ix Table of Contents ...... x List of Tables ...... xiii Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Statement of the Problem ...... 1 1.2 Purpose of the Study ...... 6 1.3 Significance of the Study ...... 6 1.4 Theoretical Framework ...... 7 1.5 Research Questions ...... 8 1.6 Researcher’s Assumptions ...... 8 1.6 Definitions of Terminology ...... 9 Chapter 2: Review of the Literature ...... 12 2.1 Introduction ...... 12 2.1.1 Developmental Influences ...... 23 2.2 Incarceration Risk Factors ...... 31 2.2.1 Familial Risk Factors ...... 32 2.2.2 Community and Societal Risk Factors ...... 36 2.2.3 School Risk Factors ...... 40 2.3 Dismantling the Pipeline to Prison: Black Male Success ...... 45 2.3.1 Familial Protective Factors ...... 46 2.3.2 Community and Societal Protective Factors ...... 47 2.3.3 School Protective Factors ...... 50
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2.4 Conclusion ...... 55 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 57 3.1 Purpose of Study ...... 57 3.2 Research Questions ...... 57 3.3 Research Design...... 58 3.3.1 Narrative Inquiry ...... 58 3.3.2 Theoretical Framework ...... 59 3.3.3 Sampling/Sample Size ...... 62 3.3.4 Participant Narratives ...... 64 3.3.5 Recruitment ...... 98 3.3.6 Data Collection ...... 100 3.3.7 Data Analysis ...... 103 3.4 Ethical Consideration/Establishing Trustworthiness ...... 105 3.4.1 Credibility ...... 105 3.4.2 Dependability ...... 108 3.4.3 Confirmability ...... 109 3.4.4 Transferability ...... 109 Chapter 4: Findings ...... 111 4.1 Introduction ...... 111 4.2 Initial Themes ...... 112 4.3 Environmental Influences ...... 113 4.3.1 Familial Influence ...... 114 4.3.2 Community Influence ...... 135 4.4 Valueless Education ...... 150 4.5 Drugs and Addictions ...... 166 4.6 Recidivism: Establishing a Continual Cycle...... 173 4.6.1 Lack of Effective Rehabilitation ...... 173 4.6.2 Priorities: The Need to Survive...... 175 4.6.3 Nontransferable Skills ...... 178 4.6.4 Reintegration ...... 183 4.7 Cross System Influence...... 188 4.8 Summary ...... 190
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Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations ...... 191 5.1 Overview of the Study ...... 191 5.1.1 Research Question 1 ...... 192 5.1.2 Research Question 2 ...... 203 5.2 Discussion ...... 208 5.2.1 Environmental Influence ...... 208 5.2.2 Drugs and Addictions ...... 212 5.2.3 Valueless Education ...... 214 5.2.4 Establishing a Continual Cycle ...... 217 5.2.5 Individual Responsibility ...... 218 5.2.6 Cross System Influence...... 218 5.2.6 Impact on Families ...... 219 5.3 Conclusion ...... 220 5.4 Recommendations ...... 222 5.4.1 Preventative Strategies ...... 223 5.4.2 During Incarceration ...... 224 5.4.3 Post Incarceration...... 226 5.5 Limitations ...... 227 5.6 Suggestions for Future Research ...... 228 References ...... 230 Appendix A: Institutional Review Board (IRB) Approval ...... 245 Appendix B: Recruitment Letter ...... 247 Appendix C: Biographical Questionnaire ...... 249 Appendix D: Individual Interview Protocol ...... 254 Appendix E: Focus Group Interview Protocol...... 262 Appendix F: Participant Withdrawal Script ...... 265 Appendix G: Participant Follow-Up Materials ...... 267 Appendix H: Description of Research Partners ...... 274 Appendix I: Emergent Code List ...... 276
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List of Tables
Table 3. 1 Description of Participants...... 63 Table 4. 1 Initial Codes List ...... 113 Table 4. 2 Participant/Parent and Guardian Educational Attainment ...... 156 Table 5. 1 Factors ...... 193
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Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Statement of the Problem
Throughout the theoretical and scientific literature, Black males are often depicted in the most adverse manner (Anderson, 2016; Moore & Lewis, 2014; Noguera, 2008;
Wright, 2016). Accordingly, Pedro Noguera (2008) posited that Black males in American society are in trouble. Based on quality life indicators (e.g., health, education, employment, income, etc.), social and behavioral science data consistently reveal a despairing outlook for Black males (Anderson, 2016; Littles, Bowers, & Gilmer, 2007;
Noguera, 2008). In fact, the negative plight of Black males is not new to American society. Throughout all American history, Black males have constituted a population of vulnerability (House, 1999; Moore & Lewis, 2014; Noguera, 2008) and are often viewed as inferior or less than. Stereotypes associated with Black males, such as laziness, thug, or super-predator, have been negative, and the unfavorable connotations have caused deleterious effects to the Black male population. The negative images have magnified the attention and scrutiny directed toward the population in ways that result in their both being vilified and valorized, which make living an ordinary life a tremendous challenge
(Noguera, 2008).
Compared to their White and other male counterparts, African American males are disproportionately represented in a number of different sectors, from education and
1 employment (McFarland et al., 2018; Snyder, de Brey, & Dillow, 2016; Wright, 2016) to incarceration and recidivism (Carson, 2018; Couloute, 2018; Obama, 2017; Wagner &
Sawyer, 2018). The disproportionalities begin, at an early age, in the classroom, where they are often confronted with an overdose of negative stereotypes and perceptions
(Noguera, 2008; Simson, 2014). The educational setting, a place where one might believe would be an encouraging, nurturing and safe environment for all, often is the exact opposite for Black males (Anderson, 2016; Barbarin, Murry, Tolan, & Graham, 2016).
Continuously underrepresented in areas observed as gifted, high achieving, and progressive (i.e., honors courses, gifted and talented programs), Black males are perpetually overrepresented in categories that are associated with disappointment and failure (i.e., grade retention, suspensions, dropout rates, etc.) (McFarland et al., 2018;
Snyder et al., 2016; Wright, 2016), and academic failure is seen as a normal expectation among many teachers, as implicit bias invades the classroom and school environment
(Anderson, 2016; Simson, 2014). Further, they are vulnerable of academic disengagement and removal from school (Barain et al., 2016; Holzman, 2004).
Common negative school indicators - associated with Black males - are typically related to school discipline (Wright, 2016). Since the initial implementation of Zero
Tolerance Discipline Policies in schools, the number of discipline referrals and suspension and expulsion rates for Black males has increased significantly (Casella,
2003; Wright, 2016), and societal concerns have escalated as zero-tolerance policies expanded into larger social issues, such as the school-to-prison pipeline, the push-out phenomenon, and the criminalization of schools (Casella, 2003; Fenning & Rose, 2007;
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Mallett, 2016). Vast research has indicated uncovered many punitive school discipline policies and criminal justice models in schools. Thus, the process of dismantling such policies has been long-delayed (Mallett, 2016). Many school districts, across the United
States, have attempted to implement strategies to counteract current discipline policies.
Restorative Justice practices (Pranis, 2005; Wadhwa, 2016; Zehr, 1990) and Positive
Behavior Intervention and Supports (PBIS) (APA, 2008; NEA, 2011; PBIS, 2015) are some of the approaches used to minimize discipline. Still, current implemented policies and practices continue to cheat students of needed educational opportunities, contributing to a number of societal issues, especially for Black males (Anderson, 2016; Barbarin et al., 2016).
Comparably, experiences within the familial setting equally contribute to the development and life outcomes of Black males. The functionality and structure of the family unit can serve as a protective factor for success or risk factor for failure. Physical abuse, family conflict, neglect, and absentee fathers possess greater vulnerability for delinquency and incarceration for Black males (McWhirter, McWhirter, McWhirter, &
McWhirter, 2017; Shader, 2001). Familial structure effects tend to influence classroom experiences for Black males (Hoeve et al., 2009; Shader, 2001; Townsend-Walker,
2012). These effects also play a major role in their educational outcomes (Owen,
Wettach, & Hoffman, 2015).
Community and neighborhood environment effects are well-documented in the theoretical and scientific literature as having significant impact on the developmental process of Black males (Barbarin, 2010; Howard & Associates, 2017; Kaufman, 2005;
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McFarland et al., 2018; McWhirter et al., 2017; Shader, 2001; Thomas, Caldwell, Jagers,
& Flay, 2016). It is also worth noting that community environmental factors can equally influence their academic achievement (McWhirter et al., 2017); academic engagement
(Shader, 2001); dropout rates (McFarland et al., 2018; McWhirter et al., 2017); incarceration rates (Wagner, 2018); and recidivism rates (Agan & Makowsky, 2018;
Gorgol & Sponsler, 2014). Within economically impoverished communities, they are likely to have higher rates of drug and gang activity. Living in these environments, Black males are commonly susceptible to crime-related activities (Barbarin et al., 2016).
Generally speaking, children and teens engage in community happenings to identify friends or other peers to serve as role models. For some Black males, persons from their communities are usually their sole support systems. When examining recidivism literature, previously incarcerated Black juvenile and adult males re-entering their communities resume prior neighborhood relationships and adapt adverse behaviors that led to incarceration (Agan & Makowsky, 2018). In addition, there is greater likelihood of reoffending than those who do not return to the same environment (Gorgol & Sponsler,
2014).
Many of the experiences Black males encounter contribute to the outlook they have on life as a teenager and into adulthood. Mincy, Lewis, and Han (2006) argue that many Black males experience difficulty transitioning into adulthood, due to school disciplinary issues (e.g., expulsions and dropping out). The researchers further noted that school disciplinary issues leave Black males out of opportunities for work or without adequate pay to sustain themselves and/or their families. Additional research suggests
4 that other factors, such as lack of educational and employment opportunities, cause the challenges Black males face transitioning to adulthood (Agan & Makowsky, 2018;).
Thus, the outcomes of joblessness and low earnings among Black males are well- documented, contributing to reductions in marriage and increases in non-martial childbearing (Mallett, 2016; Mincy et al., 2006). Children of Black males, particularly the boys, are often influenced by the actions of their fathers (Harris, Graham, & Carpenter,
2010). For Black males that have an incarcerated parent, the likelihood of their incarceration increases (Mincy et al., 2006).
Extant research on Black males illustrates a decline of labor force participation and growth in incarceration (Gregory et al., 2010; Sughrue, 2003). Stated differently, they are underrepresented within labor data (Davis, Bozick, Steele, Saunders, & Miles,
2013). Even for Black males without a criminal record, the high rates of crime and incarceration among their peers may reduce employment opportunities, due to employer bias (Agan & Makowsky, 2018; Mincy et al., 2006).
Health research available on Black malestend to display some of the highest mortality rates compared to other populations (Cunningham et al., 2017). Thus, multiple factors contribute to their growing health concerns, such as lack of adequate healthcare
(Gilbert et al., 2016); drug use (Parker, Benjamin, Archibald, & Thorpe, 2017; Volkow,
2015); and incarceration (McWhirter et al., 2017). The plight of African American families continues to be significantly challenging with all that Black males encounter, requiring specific strategies to improve educational and other quality life outcomes for the population.
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1.2 Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to pinpoint the factors and experiences that most likely increase the probability of Black male incarceration. Specifically, the researcher examined the specific family, community, and school experiences that contributed positively and negatively to their life outcomes. By collecting and examining personal narratives of previously incarcerated Black males, the researcher could identify the factors that most likely nurture the probability of incarceration. Further, through qualitative research methods (i.e., individual interviews, focus group interviews, and biographical questionnaires) and analysis, the researcher outlined a study to advance preventative strategies and policies that may decrease the pipeline to prison.
1.3 Significance of the Study
There is a plethora of theoretical and scientific literature, focusing on the many life challenges and incarceration rates among Black males (Alexander, 2013; Carson,
2018; Couloute, 2018; Ghandnoosh, 2015; Obama, 2017; Sawyer, 2018; Schanzenbach et al., 2016; Wagner & Rauby, 2017). Quantitative research methods are frequently used to study the experiences of incarcerated persons (Davis & Sorensen, 2013; Schanzenbach et al., 2016; Yoder, Brisson, & Lopez, 2016), neglecting to include personal narratives to better understand the pathway to incarceration, particularly those of Black males. Few, if any, studies exist, whereby researchers investigate the connection between youth development and adult life outcomes, with a specific focus on incarceration (Evans,
Simons, & Simons, 2016; Taifa & Beane, 2009; Xie, Sen, & Foster, 2014). Broadly speaking, the theoretical and scientific literature is replete with coverage on societal and
6 policy implications and personal risk factors. However, there is a dearth of coverage on micro system-level factors (i.e., school, family, and community), focusing on the developmental processes that lead from or to incarceration. By expanding the understanding of previously incarcerated Black males’ experiences and life histories, findings from this current study are likely to offer helpful information to educational professionals and other significant stakeholders (e.g., families, community advocates, and policymakers), who could deter or minimize the occurrence of incarceration for this demographic group. In closing, the researcher aimed to contribute to the limited, but growing corpse of theoretical and scientific literature on Black males and their successes.
1.4 Theoretical Framework
Cognitive, emotional, and social development of children, adolescents, and adults are influenced by many interacting factors. Contextual effects of family, school, and community environments significantly influence the behaviors, decision-making, and life outcomes of Black males. To best illustrate the effects of family, school, and community environments, Urie Bronfenbrenner’s (1995, 1999, 2005) bioecological model of human development was offered as the theoretical framework for the study1.
Bronfenbrenner’s earliest theory on human development, ecological theory of human development (ecological systems theory hereafter), emphasized the importance of interactions between individuals and their surrounding environments (Bronfenbrenner,
1977, 1989). Over time, Bronfenbrenner expanded the original premise of the theory, from a sole focus on the environment and setting to a shift on time, processes, and
1 Bioecological model of human development and bioecological theory was used interchangeably 7 individual characteristics (Bronfenbrenner, 1995, 1999, 2001; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006). The current study utilized the complete bioecological model of human development to emphasize the social nature of human beings and the importance of relationships and experiences in the development of Black males.
1.5 Research Questions
In this study, the researcher focused on the below interrelated research questions.
1. What are the factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males?
2. What specific role does education play on both the incarceration and recidivism of
Black males?
3. What are effective programs, policies, and strategies in disrupting the path to
incarceration for Black males?
1.6 Researcher’s Assumptions
The researcher holds the following assumptions.
1. Based on current theoretical and scientific literature, many factors influence the
incarceration susceptibility for Black males (Harris, Graham, & Carpenter, 2010;
McWhirter et al., 2017; Shader, 2001; Wilson, 1996), but the school experiences
are likely to serve as one of the most significant contributing factors (Casella,
2003; Mallet, 2016; Noguera, 2008; Wright, 2016).
2. Education is likely to play a significant role in both the incarceration and
recidivism of Black males (Couloute, 2018; Prison Education, 2016).
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1.6 Definitions of Terminology
African American and Black. Terms used interchangeably to represent persons who self-identify as Black and of African descent currently living in America (US
Census Bureau, 2018; US Legal, 2018).
GED: General Educational Development is often referred as the general equivalency diploma or general education diploma, serving as a high school equivalency credential. (Merriam-Webster, 2019).
H.S. Diploma: High School Diploma is a degree that validates that an individual completed all educational requirements expected of high school students (US Legal,
2019).
Jail: A jail is a confinement facility usually administered by a local law enforcement agency for confinement before and after adjudication (U.S. Department of
Justice, 2016). Persons sentenced to jail facilities usually have a sentence of 1 year or less.
Juvenile Delinquency: Juvenile delinquency refers to the behaviors and participation, by youth between the ages of 10 and 17, of illegal behaviors and activities
(Legal Dictionary, 2018).
Male: For this study, male is defined as a person who identifies with the sex, biological characteristics, he was assigned at birth; it included also individuals who identify as another gender, the way in which an individual identifies his male attributes, during childhood and teenage years.
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Mass Incarceration: This term is commonly used to describe the rapid increase of
Americans incarcerated in jails and/or prisons (Alexander, 2012; Wagner & Rauby,
2016).
Prison: Prison is a long-term confinement facility, normally operated by the state or federal government, where offenders are housed when sentenced for one or more years
(U.S. Department of Justice, 2016).
Prisoner: Persons confined in a state or federal correctional facility (U.S.
Department of Justice, 2018). In this study, prisoners are also referred as offenders.
Protective Factors: They are often referred as characteristics or variables that decreases the potential of harmful risks (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2014;
Shader, 2001).
Recidivism: It refers to previously incarcerated persons, who relapsed by committing another crime and returning to prison (National Institute of Justice, 2014).
Re-Entry: This is the process of recently released prisoners returning to society and their community (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2018).
Rehabilitation: The process of preparing prisoners to re-enter society. The process includes programming meant to assist prisoners with successfully transitioning back into society, after being incarcerated. This process often helps them prepare for adjusting to changes they may experience in society (Prison Policy Initiative, 2017).
Risk Factors: Characteristics and variables that, when present, increase probability of negative outcomes and problem behaviors (Mrazek & Haggerty, 1994;
Murray & Farrington, 2010; Shader, 2001).
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School-to-Prison Pipeline (STPP): It is the perpetuating process, when vulnerable students of specific populations are continuously funneled out of schools, due to excessive and punitive practices and policies, into the juvenile justice system (Casella,
2003; Mallet, 2016).
Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies (ZTDP): A school discipline policy implemented to respond to both non-violent and violent behaviors with similar consequences and punishments (Mallet, 2016).
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Chapter 2: Review of the Literature
2.1 Introduction
Over the last four decades, incarceration rates have increased by nearly
500% in the United States (Sentencing Project, 2018). In 1980, there were less than half a million inmates in U.S. state and federal prisons and jails (Obama,
2017). Today, roughly 2.3 million men, women, and youth are being detained in federal, state, and local correctional facilities and other systems of confinement
(Wagner & Sawyer, 2018). The U.S. imprisons more citizens per year than any other country in the world (Obama, 2017; Sentencing Project, 2016). With just five percent of the world’s population, the nation incarcerates nearly 25% of the world’s prisoners (Obama, 2017).
Of the 2.3 million incarcerated persons, African Americans constitute nearly 1 million of the population, six times the rate of White Americans
(Sentencing Project, 2016). The number of youths incarcerated in U.S. juvenile justice facilities totals nearly 34,000, not including the 5,000 in adult correctional facilities or the 20,000 in residential facilities away from home (Sawyer Prison
Policy, 2018). Racial and gender disparities are eminently prevalent for Black men and boys that experience the U.S. justice system (Davis & Sorensen, 2013;
Ghandnoosh, 2015; Schanzenbach et al., 2016). Statistically, there are more
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White men incarcerated in jails and prisons than Black (Bureau of Justice
Statistics, 2018; Gramlich, 2018). However, when examining the 126 million
White males in the U.S. compared to the 22 million Black males (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2018), Black men are disproportionately represented, and the incarceration statistics for Black males are still jeopardous. Black males, in their
30s, experience greater disparities compared to other age groups. In 2015, one in
17 Black men, aged 30-34, were in a prison facility, compared to one in 42
Hispanic males and one in 91 White males in the same age group (Sentencing
Project, 2018). Currently, one in 12 Black men, in their 30s, are serving time in a prison or jail on any given day (Carson, 2018).
Studies examining the likelihood of imprisonment noted Black males as having greater probability of being incarcerated, at some point in their lifetime, than other racial or gender groups (Bonczar, 2003; Ghandnoosh, 2015). Black men also are recorded as having one in three likelihood of being imprisoned compared to White men, with a one in 17 likelihood and Black women, with one in 18 chance (Bonczar, 2003). Although the incarceration rates for Black women are steadily increasing, rates for Black men are still higher (Obama, 2017).
Despite juvenile incarceration rates being on the decline across the United
States (Obama, 2017), White youth placements have declined faster than Black youth placements over the last decade (Davis & Sorensen, 2013; Sentencing
Project, 2017). Blacks are five times as likely to be incarcerated compared to
White youth (Sentencing Project, 2017). In 2017, the Sentencing Project released
13 a seminal report that stated, “nationally, the youth rate of incarceration was 152 per 100,000. Black youth placement rate was 433 per 100,000, compared to a white youth placement rate of 86 per 100,000” (p. 1). Similar statistics among
Black males are reflected in other reports and publications.
When examining the type and range of offenses charged to incarcerated persons, drug-related offenses unequivocally exceeded all other offenses. Current adult persons detained in prisons and jails for drug offenses is ten times higher than in 1980 (Carson, 2018; Mauer & King, 2007). In 2016, the Bureau of Justice
Statistics revealed that nearly half of federal prisoners had been sentenced for drug offenses. Of the total, forty nine percent of prisons comprised Black males
(Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2016). Recently, Carson (2018) reported that prison sentences tripled for persons convicted of federal drug offenses. Additionally,
Carson (2018) stated that most persons convicted for drug offenses had no prior criminal record of violent offenses and were not associated with any high-level drug operations.
Incarceration rates increased significantly, after changes to sentencing policies during the War on Drugs era (Mauer & King, 2007; McVay, 2019). The
Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 established federal sentencing guidelines (Mauer
& King, 2007; McVay, 2019), while the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 established mandatory minimum federal sentences (Mauer & King, 2007). The drug abuse act continued to reinforce racial divides within sentencing laws and in ways that Black men are targeted. The 1986 act mandated minimums based on the
14 type of drug used or found on an individual. The minimum sentence for selling or possessing crack, typically associated with Blacks, was 100 times harsher than charges associated with selling or possessing powder cocaine, typically associated with the White population (Ghandnoosh, 2015).
Furthermore, sentencing policies continued to escalate, during the 1990s, when California enacted the Three Strikes law, mandating any offender with three felonies to receive a minimum sentence of 25 years to life (Ghandnoosh, 2015).
Soon after, federal laws mandated a sentence of life, without parole, for individuals whose third strike was a federal crime (Ghandnoosh, 2015). In 1980, there were 40,900 Americans incarcerated for a drug offense, and, nearly 40 years later, close to 500,000 citizens are serving sentences for similar drug offenses
(Carson, 2018; Minton & Zeng, 2016).
Mandatory minimum sentencing affect individuals convicted of drug offenses in many ways. For example, they tend to stay in prison for longer periods. Because of the heroin crisis, federal mandatory sentencing are also affecting White Americans (Cohen, 2015; Seelye, 2015; Sentencing Project,
2016). Yet, Black males are incarcerated at higher rates and given longer sentences, even for minor drug offenses. Generally speaking, for juveniles, most offenses are non-violent, low-level related to truancy, technical violations of a probation condition, and violating curfew (Sawyer, 2018b; Walls, 2003).
The U.S. penal system was initially established to detain individuals until an actual punishment could be carried out (Gottschalk, 2006). A proliferation of
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Brick and mortar prison facilities was constructed, during the 19th century, to deter citizens from committing crimes (Ayers, 1984). After the Emancipation
Proclamation, Black citizens were supposed to gain racial equality and protection of the laws (Alexander, 2013). Conversely, Blacks continued to face societal roadblocks and blatant violations of their constitutional rights, a second-class status referred by Michelle Alexander (2013) as the current racial caste system.
The juvenile justice system was originally established, with the intention to rehabilitate and promote the development of troubled youth (Mallett, 2016;
Steeves & Marx, 2014). Over the last 30 years, there has been a shift towards harsher policies and a more “tough on crime” approach for both adult and juvenile corrections, making rehabilitation secondary to the punishment (Heitzeg, 2014;
Mallet, 2016; Marsh, 2014). Currently, there are several methods for confining convicted offenders (i.e., prisons, jails, half-way houses, etc.). The majority of individuals, sentenced by the courts, are assigned to local jails and state and federal prisons.
A once rehabilitative-focused system is now a major profiting business.
The U.S. spends nearly $80 billion, on an annual basis, on corrections expenditures at the federal, state, and local levels (Whitmore-Schanzenbach et al.,
2016). The Prison Policy Initiative report (Wagner & Rauby, 2017) revealed the effects of mass incarceration and the enormous price tag incurred by the government and families of those involved in the justice system. More specifically, the report detailed the yearly expenditures, according to construction
16 and interest payments for facilities, food, utilities, and employee salaries. Because of these expenses, many private U.S. companies and industries benefit immensely from contracts with prisons, a concept that is now referred to as the Prison
Industrial Complex (Heitzeg; 2014). The Prison Industrial Complex is frequently less about prisons themselves. Instead, they are about the mutually reinforcing web of relationships between outside businesses and institutions (Heitzeg, 2014).
Much of the literature examining the causes of mass incarceration pinpoints the economic aspects of the penal systems (Fasching-Varner, Mitchell,
Martin, & Bennett-Haron, 2014; Heitzeg, 2014) and why America continuously use this method as a form of punishment. With this in mind, Davis (2003) asserted, “the prison has become a black hole in which the detritus of contemporary capitalism is deposited. Mass imprisonment generates profits as it devours social wealth, and thus it tends to reproduce the very conditions that lead people to prison” (p.16). Increasingly, the U.S. educational school system is seen as an implicit partner in helping increase profits for the juvenile justice system, particularly privately-owned facilities (Fasching-Varner et al., 2014). A past documentary, Kids for Cash (2013), exposed how two judges in one Pennsylvania county received financial kickbacks for incarcerating youth for longer periods of times. The film uncovered information on other cases of profitable prison exchanges, across the United States.
A vast body of research proposed that the implementation of zero tolerance discipline policies and the concept of the school-to-prison pipeline are
17 major contributing factors of the increase of incarcerated youth and profitable relationships with private prisons and the judicial systems (Casella, 2003;
Heitzeg, 2014; Mallet, 2016; Skiba, Arredondo, & Williams, 2014). In 1994, the federal government passed the Guns Free School Act (GFSA), requesting that state and local educational agencies establish and implement gun and weapon policies for district schools (Hirschfield, 2008). The act was part of the Improving
America’s Schools Act of 1994, a continuation of the 1990 Gun-Free School
Zone Act. Zero-tolerance discipline policies were not specifically mentioned in the law, but there were many GFSA ramifications. The government attached a financial stipulation to encourage a swift implementation of the law (Casella,
2003). States were not mandated to implement the policies; however, GFSA included a clause that described the risk of losing current funding if there was not compliance (Mallet, 2016). The school-to-prison pipeline consists of zero tolerance discipline policies and practices, such as increased police presence in school buildings. Nevertheless, they all negatively impact students of color, particularly Black males (Skiba et al., 2014).
Other macro-level policies and practices increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males, such as structural changes in urban economies
(Travis, Western, & Redburn, 2014) and lack of adequate justice reforms
(McLeod, 2018; Obama, 2017; Porter, 2019; Schanzenbach et al., 2016). The reform of current rehabilitation practices and policies is noted throughout the social science literature (Agan & Starr, 2018; Muhlhausen, 2018; Sawyer &
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Wagner, 2019; Sickmund & Puzzanchera, 2014). Extensive literature on incarceration practices also pinpoints issues with rehabilitation, community re- entry, and recidivism (Agan & Starr, 2018; Mendel, 2011; Sawyer & Wagner,
2019; Schanzenbach et al., 2016). Each year, eleven million men and women move in and out of jails, with almost 600,000 inmates released each year without proper programs to reintegrate them into society (Obama, 2017). Moreover, the laws continue to shift, providing released offenders with the items they possessed when arrested and less than one hundred dollars to re-enter society (Whitmore-
Schanzenbach et al., 2016). Therefore, it is critical for reentry planning to begin once persons enter the correctional facility (Feierman, Levick, Mody, 2009;
Goldkind, 2011; Sullivan, 2004).
Prerelease transitional planning is key component to successful reintegration for Black males (Goldkind, 2011). Among the struggle to financially maintain after incarceration, restored citizens commonly experience difficulty finding housing, exploring educational opportunities, and obtaining privileges restored (McLeod, 2018; Obama, 2017; Schanzenbach et al., 2016). For example, during the 2016 presidential election, 6.1 million Americans were unable to vote because of state felony disenfranchisement policies (Uggen, Larson, & Shannon,
2016). Felony disenfranchisement is usually associated with the elimination of voting privileges of individuals with felonies and convictions, particularly severe convictions (McLeod, 2018; Obama, 2017; Schanzenbach et al., 2016).
Restrictions vary by state in determining whether marginalization occurs during
19 incarceration, while on parole or probation, or after completed sentence (Chung,
2018). Denying the voting rights of convicted persons emanates from Jim Crow laws and commonly when states attempt to prohibit Black citizens voting privileges (Alexander, 2013; Taylor, 2018)
Rehabilitation and re-entry planning are particularly critical for incarcerated youth. Transitioning to detention facilities, oftentimes, foster gaps in their educational sequence (Altschuler & Brash, 2004). Therefore, it is critical to incorporate a prerelease transitional plan because poor quality educational supports only increase the chances of recidivism, particularly for youth attending low-performing community schools (Stephens & Arnette, 2000). Black males are especially vulnerable. Across the nation, they are commonly documented as underrepresented in gifted and talented programs (Moore & Flowers, 2012;
Moore & Lewis, 2014; Skiba & Peterson, 2000) and honors courses (Moore &
Flowers, 2012; McFarland et al., 2018), while overrepresented in special education programs (Cartledge, Gibson, Lenwooed, & Keyes, 2012; Farmer,
2010; Toldson & Lewis, 2012).
An earlier Prison Education (2016) report noted that 70 percent of prisoners have not completed high school. Further, approximately 75 percent of
America’s state prison inmates, almost 59 percent of federal inmates, and 69 percent of jail inmates did not obtain a high school diploma (Wagner, 2015).
According to the Collateral costs: Incarceration’s effect on economic mobility
(2010) report, one in three Black men, aged 20 to 34 who are behind bars, lacked
20 a high school (H.S.) diploma or general education diploma (GED). Formerly incarcerated citizens lag behind the general public on educational achievement and attainment (Couloute, 2018; Schanzenbach et al., 2016), and, for adjudicated youth reentering the community, a small percent attend school or obtain a job a year after returning home (Bullis, Yovanoff, Mueller, & Havel, 2002). Nguyen and Bouchard (2013) asserted that deviant social and human capital is easy to obtain, specifically when finding a legitimate job is difficult. Too often, formerly incarcerated Black males return to the same toxic communities and peers they left because other viable alternatives are not available (Anthony et al., 2010), increasing the probability for new offenses to occur (Whitmore-Schanzenbach et al., 2016).
Over the last few decades, recidivism rates have increased among Black males. Thus, individual state data illustrate a decrease in recidivism rates for youth who obtained high school diploma or GED (Ambrose & Lester, 1988;
Sickmund & Puzzanchera, 2014). Sickmund and Puzzanchera (2014) noted that youth, without any educational attainment, had recidivism rates over four to five times higher. Further, Gorgol and Sponsler (2014) found that nearly 70% of those had been incarcerated were likely to commit a new crime and 50% likely to return to prison within three years. With 95 out of 100 incarcerated people eventually rejoining society, quality educational and vocational programs in the juvenile and adult prison systems are essential.
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The education-recidivism link continues to be well-documented. Previous studies indicated that education reduces recidivism among juveniles, potentially decreasing the probability of adult incarceration (Sickmund & Puzzanchera, 2014;
Stephens & Arnette, 2000; Zajac, 2015). The lack of current recidivism data is largely due to how states define, measure, and report the rates (Sickmund &
Puzzanchera, 2014). With no set standard for states to follow, many challenges exist in outlining critical federal reform.
Robust rehabilitation programs are important to reducing recidivism. In addition to educational offerings, vocational and trade programs are key initiates for success after release (Agan & Starr, 2018; Couloute, 2018; Muhlhausen,
2018). Despite the need, vocational programs are not always available (Altschuler
& Brash, 2004). Over the years, many correctional facilities assist inmates with rehabilitating but frequently neglect providing means for change. Because of this oversight, formerly incarcerated citizens have trouble with obtaining employment because acquired vocational skills are not applicable to the labor market
(Whitmore-Schanzenbach et al., 2016). There is frequently a void of vocational program opportunities in juvenile facilities (Davis et al., 2014). Rehabilitation programs are continuously underfunded and slashed from state funding allocations (Davis et al., 2014). Yet, allocating funds for rehabilitation, in order to decrease the probability of recidivism and decrease the incurring increased costs for re-incarcerated offenders, would seem like a logical, more effective move.
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In the current literature review, the researcher examines, in further detail, factors and experiences Black males encounter that may increase their probability of incarceration. Thus, there is a specific emphasis on familial, community, and educational settings. The beginning of the review highlights developmental influences and details on the theoretical framework for current dissertation study.
The literature review continues by addressing the vulnerability factors that often influence incarceration and pinpointing the protective factors that prevent it for
Black males.
2.1.1 Developmental Influences
The concept of human development has been extensively defined and examined within theoretical and scientific research (Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1979;
Erickson, 1968; Marcia, 1966). A consistent among many developmental psychologists is that human development occurs at various stages of the life span cycle. Both human development and identity development are frequently used synonymously (Erickson, 1968; Marcia, 1966). Psychologist Erik Erickson’s
(1968) theory on human development emphasized that the central crisis of development occurs during the adolescent years when individuals are learning to distinguish between identity and confusion. Erickson (1968) asserted that the key to resolving the crisis lies within the adolescent’s interaction with other individuals and environments. Each stage in Erikson's theory builds on the preceding stages and paves the way for subsequent periods of an individual’s development.
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James Marcia (1966), a developmental psychologist, described a similar crisis within identity development but proposed stages of development that are non-linear. Similarly, Marcia (1966) suggested that these stages of identity development occur, during crises, in social domains and other structures. Critical periods of development occur, during the childhood and adolescent years, as noted by extant human development literature (Bullis et al., 2002; Evans et al.,
2016; Goldkind, 2011; Hardaway, Sterrett-Hongs, Larkby, & Cornelius, 2016;
Vega et al., 2012). For example, Vega et al. (2012) posited: “adolescence is a transition period that is critical for establishing developmental trajectories relevant to psychological adjustment, coping, and identity development” (p. 127).
At the adolescent stage of life development, individuals are gaining experience for adulthood, such as learning how to be financially and socially competent for life as an adult (Xie et al., 2014), and learning how to be secure within their chosen identity.
Another developmental psychologist, Urie Bronfenbrenner (1977), conceived human development as the collections of human interactions with others. With this in mind, Bronfenbrenner framed an ecological theory of human development and contended that human development was the product of interactions between an individual and their environment or a process he described as multiple, embedded nested systems. Within the nested systems, human development occurs because of complex interactions between the individual and various systematic factors or components that influence each other
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(Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979). Essentially, ecological systems theory focuses on the progressive accommodation, throughout the life span, between a human being and the changing environments in which they live and grow (Bronfenbrenner,
1977, 1979).
When the initial theory was conceived, Bronfenbrenner (1989) believed there was not enough research on development being conducted in real-life settings. Four systems initially constituted the ecological systems theory model.
The first system was the microsystem. Within this system, Bronfenbrenner acknowledged the significance of immediate settings in which an individual lives and participates, as well as the people in these contexts that have direct contact with the individual (Berk, 2000; Bronfenbrenner,1989; Harris et al., 2010). The microsystem encompassed an individual’s ongoing relationships and interactions with other systems, such as family, school, peers, neighborhoods, churches, or community centers. The second system was the mesosystem, which emphasized the interrelationships between individuals in the microsystem (e.g., teacher and parent relationships) (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979, 1989). Therefore, the mesosystem was inherently a system contrived of microsystems.
The third system was referred as the exosystem, an extension of the mesosystem. Within this system, external influences commonly affect the developing person, even though he or she has no directly related contact or relationship (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Thus, the external influences frequently influence someone or some relationship within the developing person’s
25 immediate environment, causing indirect effects (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Policies, governmental agencies, and other social influences may also affect the developing individual. Another exosystem example includes, a parent losing a job and having to relocate to a homeless shelter with their family. The drastic change could potentially affect a child’s emotional development, while interrupting their academic instruction, due to having to relocate and switch schools.
The fourth system was the macrosystem. This system is considered the most complex but represents the outermost layer of a developing person’s environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The macrosystem encompasses the broader cultural and social influences, such as economic, educational, or legal systems
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Bronfenbrenner (1977) further stated that macrosystems were “carriers of information and ideology, that both explicitly and implicitly, endow meaning and motivation to particular agencies, social networks, roles, activities, and their interrelations” (p. 515).
A fifth system, the chronosystem, was added later to the human development model (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). The chronosystem encompasses changes in the other four systems and the developing person, across time (i.e., a parent’s death or how a child perceives her environment as she grow older).
Changes or conflicts, within any one of the four systems, are believed to cause complications within the other systems, causing relationship changes and psychological or emotional difficulty within the developing person
(Bronfenbrenner, 1989; Harris et al., 2010).
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Multiple fields of study, from social sciences to medical, have utilized and incorporated Bronfenbrenner’s theory of human development (Ahmed, Amer, &
Killawi, 2017; Arditti, 2005; Bogg & Finn, 2009; Brakenhoff & Slesnick, 2015;
Darling, 2007; Diez-Roux & Mair, 2010; Ellen, Mijanovich, & Dillman, 2001;
Eriksson, Ghazinour, Hammarstrom, 2018; Espelage, 2014; Foster & Brooks-
Gunn, 2013; Hines & Holcomb-McCoy; 2013; Ostaszewski & Zimmerman, 2006;
Paat, 2013; Roger, Gilbride, & Dew, 2018; Spencer, Dupree, & Hartmann 1997;
Stewart, 2007). A vast literature exists on children of incarcerated parents
(Dallaire, Ciccone, & Wilson, 2010; Harris et al., 2010; Poehlmann, Dallaire,
Loper, & Shear, 2010; Travis & Waul, 2003), and much of the literature have included utilized the theory to examine the impact of incarceration on families.
Additionally, studies examining delinquency utilized the theory to examine factors that led youth to portray delinquent behaviors (Farineau, 2014; Hong &
Espelage, 2012; Johns, Williams, & Haines, 2016; Khurana & Gavazzi, 2010;
Lee, 2010; Moon, Patton, & Rao, 2010).
Bronfenbrenner was self-reflective and continuously worked on enhancing his theory on human development, introducing major theoretical innovations from earlier models (Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 1999; Tudge, Mokrova, Hatfield, &
Karnik, 2009; Tudge et al., 2016). The ‘bio-ecological’ concept was introduced, emphasizing the central influence that biology has on development and the need to consider the role of individual differences in developmental outcomes
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). By 1994, Bronfenbrenner’s most recent addition was
27 introduced as the bioecological model of human development. Further, this literature displayed the model as an extension of ecological systems theory
(Tudge et al., 2009; Tudge et al., 2016).
From Bronfenbrenner’s earliest writings on human development, the premise has always been about context-individual interactions. Challengers of the theory only viewed it as contextual influences on development. Even in his later versions of the model, Bronfenbrenner continued to place emphasis on interactions, adding that interactions were affected by more than just the context, but also by time and characteristics of the developing individual (Bronfenbrenner,
2005; Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Thus,
Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) redefined the definition of development as,
“the phenomenon of continuity and change in the biopsychological characteristics of human beings, both as individuals and as groups” (p. 793), particularly over the life course and across generations. As the theory continued to evolve over the course of a 20-year span, the primary emphasis of the bioecological model continued to highlight the role of developmental processes, the outcomes of producing changes over time, and the implications of those changes for the society’s future (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).
Four defining properties comprised the bioecological model: (a) process,
(b) person, (c) context, and (d) time. Process was the core part of the model.
Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) defined process as a “construct [that] encompasses particular forms of interaction between organism and environment,
28 called proximal processes, that operate over time and are posited as the primary mechanisms producing human development” (p. 795). Proximal processes included developmental occurrences and non-unidirectional, interactions that needed to be reciprocal (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000;
Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Proximal processes do not only occur with people. They also included objects and symbols (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Tudge et al., 2009).
Bronfenbrenner acknowledged the importance of biological and genetic characteristics of a developing person (Bronfenbrenner 2001; Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006) and extensively focused on personal characteristics an individual brings with him into any situation (Bronfenbrenner, 1995; Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006). The bioecological theory emphasized on how the power of interactions substantially depended on characteristics of the developing person.
To this end, Bronfenbrenner divided the characteristics into three types: (a) resource, (b) demand, and (c) force.
Bronfenbrenner considered resource characteristics of a person as major shapers of development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) and believed that these characteristics to be “biological resources of ability, experience, knowledge, and skill [that] are required for the effective functioning of proximal processes at a given stage in development” (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006, p. 796). Resource characteristics are not always immediately apparent. According to Tudge et al.
(2009), resource characteristics were based on experiences and skills often
29 identified as emotional and mental resources. The researchers also defined social and material resources as educational opportunities, access to food and housing, and supportive parents (Tudge et al., 2009). Demand characteristics referred to the age, sex or gender, race or ethnicity, and physical appearance of a person.
Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) suggested that a distinguishing feature of demand characteristics was “their capacity to invite or discourage reactions from the social environment that can disrupt or foster processes of psychological growth” (p. 812). Force characteristics, also referred as dispositional characteristics in some of Bronfenbrenner’s other publications (Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006), related to differences of dispositions, such as motivation, temperament, and persistence (Tudge et al., 2009). Thus, force characteristics may “set proximal processes in motion in a particulate developmental domain and continue to sustain their operation” (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006, p. 795).
Active behavioral dispositions - that set proximal processes in motion and sustain
- were viewed as developmentally generative characteristics (Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006). Examples of generative characteristics included, but were not limited to, curiosity and humility. Force characteristics may also “actively interfere with, retard, or even prevent their [proximal processes] occurrence”
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006, p. 810). Dispositions that interfere with development were referred as developmentally disruptive characteristics
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), such as experiencing difficulties maintaining control over emotions and behavior (e.g., impulsiveness or aggression).
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The context property referred to the environment in which the developing person interacts (i.e., microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem), and the property of time indicated the periods in which the proximal processes took place (Bronfenbrenner, 20005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Within this concept of time, proximal processes must occur on a regular basis to have an actual effect on development. Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) suggested that environmental changes, over a long period, produced significant developmental changes. It is worth noting that changes may disrupt the timing and duration of normative transitions, during the life span or may offer opportunities to enhance psychological growth or reverse a previous disruption (Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006; Swanson et al., 2003).
In closing, it was believed that this theory can aid the researcher with examining behavior and developmental experiences of Black males as a function of their exposure to different settings, over time.
2.2 Incarceration Risk Factors
Pedro Noguera (2008) lamented: “For every story devoted to the feats of a
Black sports hero, there are others where Black men are decried as irresponsible fathers, drug dealers, and sexual predators” (p. xii). Negative connotations of the
Black males commonly overshadow the positive, whether it be in the media, a school setting, or within theoretical research. Too often, they are born into a world with predetermined views of who they are and what they will become. From lack of adequate healthcare and community resources (Akom, 2011; Hardaway et al.,
31
2016; Thomas, Caldwell, & Jagers, 2016) to poor schooling (Sanders, 2013), there are many factors that hamper the success and well-being of Black males.
The following describes some of these risk factors, such as family, community, and school.
2.2.1 Familial Risk Factors
The home setting is viewed as one of the most critical, developmental environments for youth (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2016; Hardaway et al., 2016;
Howard & Associates, 2017; Sitnick et al., 2017; Taifa & Beane, 2009). The home environment is typically, where youth spend the most time throughout their childhood and teenage years. The familial environment is where initial learning initially begins for children, whether positive or negative. Thus, not all home environments present positive experiences for youth, causing detrimental effects on their development, interactions with others, and lifespan transitions (Meldrum,
Connolly, Flexon, & Guerette, 2016; Taifa & Beane, 2009).
Challenges with family structure, support, and functioning frequently contribute to negative developmental influences, increasing the likelihood of delinquency and incarceration (Hoeve et al., 2009; Meldrum et al., 2016;
Noguera, 2008). The effects are even greater for Black males compared to their
White counterparts. They are disproportionately inclined to experience disruptions in the home (Meldrum et al., 2016). Family conflict or disruption, criminal history, and substance abuse are all factors that challenge the structure of the family (Derzon & Lipsey, 2000; Development Services Group, Inc., 2015;
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Evans et al., 2016; Hines & Holcomb-McCoy, 2013; McWhirter et al., 2017;
Murray & Farrington, 2010). Single-parent households, parental divorce, death of family member, absentee fathers, and involvement in the foster care system are common disruptions to the family that may lead to deleterious life experiences
(Evans et al., 2016; Harris et al., 2010; Hines & Holcomb-McCoy, 2013;
McWhirter et al. 2017; Yoder et al., 2016). Close to three million children per year experience having a parent in jail or prison (FWD, 2018). Having an incarcerated parent or family member increases probability one or more of the youth in the home will encounter challenges that contribute to delinquent behaviors and incarceration, particularly for Black males (Harris et al., 2010;
Wakefield & Wildeman, 2014).
The stigmatization and lack of parental influence, while a parent is incarcerated, may cause withdrawal and/or problem behaviors among Black males
(FWD, 2018; Wakefield & Widleman, 2014). Further, such youth may display behaviors immediately or they may be delayed as they attempt to process the situation. Once a parent or family member is released from prison, many families struggle to reconnect with their children, often leading to psychological detachment (McWhirter et al., 2017; Meldrum et al., 2016; Morsey & Rothstein,
2016). Disruption to the family structure also has a negative impact on the academic performance of Black males (Hoeve et al., 2009; Howard & Associates,
2017; Shader, 2001). Unaddressed and severe changes to the family structure may lead to antisocial and problematic behaviors in the school (Meldrum et al., 2016;
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Townsend-Walker, 2012; Wasserman & Seracini, 2001). When support from family is lacking, eliminating the problematic behaviors in the school may become more difficult (Christle, Jolivette, & Nelson, 2005).
Challenges within the family structure compliments the scientific and theoretical literature on parental and familial involvement. Family involvement in the life of Black males is important. When lacking, the school failure increases
(Christle et al., 2005; Evans et al., 2016; Hardaway et al., 2016; Robinson, Vega,
Moore, Mayes, & Robinson, 2014). Lack of involvement may often occur, when parents and guardians are unsure of the best way to navigate their children’s schooling and/or do not feel equipped to effectively engage and communicate with their teachers and school staff (Epstein, 2011; Gardner & Miranda, 2001;
Robinson et al., 2014). Arthur et al. (2002) noted that families’ discomfort may emanate from their own personal experiences as students.
Familial support can be provided emotionally and economically. Extant literature on low-income and working-class families noted the strong connections that Black males have with academic failure (Moore & Lewis, 2014; Noguera,
2008; Simson, 2014), special education services (Cartledge et al., 2012), delinquency (Derzon & Lipsey, 2000; McWhirter et al., 2017; Murray &
Farrington, 2010; Noguera, 2008), and juvenile incarceration (Osher et al., 2003;
Pyle et al., 2016). This same literature also suggested that low-income families often do not possess the necessary social and cultural capital to assist their children as they progress through school (Robinson et al., 2014). Limited access
34 to social capital may reduce access to opportunities and resources, particularly those made available to middle-class or wealthier families.
Low attachment to parents and negative parenting styles are frequently linked to family functionality (Derzon & Lipsey, 2000; McWhirter et al., 2017;
Murray & Farrington, 2010). Adverse and traumatic experiences may compell males to pursue other significant relationships to fill any void or lack of meaningful relationships with their parents and/or other important family members (Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015; Evans et al., 2016).
Unfortunately, these relationships are not always developed with positive role models and peers. Instead, they are established with those individuals who are engaged in negative activities or criminal behavior (e.g., gangs). As highlighted in research on familial support and structure, the functionality of family systems has strong effects on academic achievement and behavior among Black males.
Disruptions can cause youth to be unfocused or distracted in the classroom setting, ultimately leading to a drop in academic achievement and falling behind in class ranking (Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015).
Moreover, abusive and controlling parents disrupt the functionality of the family and increasingly ruin any type of constructive or positive relationship with their children. Abuse and dysfunctionality within families may stem from a parent’s substance or alcohol use. Nevertheless, Black males who are emotionally, physically, or mentally abused, may become dependent on a substance (McWhirter et al., 2017) and possibly exhibit aggression, depression,
35 hyperactivity, and school absenteeism (Straussner & Fewell, 2015), all of which are associated with delinquency and incarceration.
2.2.2 Community and Societal Risk Factors
Community risk factors for Black males often include dire challenges in association with the physical environment, economic and recreational opportunities, and social supports (Brewer, Hawkins, Catalano, & Neckerman,
1995; Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015; Hardaway et al., 2016; Howard
& Associates, 2017; Kaufman, 2005; Sitnick et al., 2017; Taifa & Beane, 2009;
Thomas et al., 2016). According to Kaufman (2005), neighborhoods and communities that are economically disadvantaged tend to have higher rates of crime, and these communities are more apt to have higher drug and gang rates than those in middle-income communities (Harris et al., 2010; Thomas et al.,
2016; Yoder et al., 2016). Ongoing exposure to poverty, crime, and neglect increases the likelihood of Black males’ involvement in delinquent behavior
(Hardaway et al., 2016; Shader, 2001) and escalates the probability of incarceration (Kaufman, 2005).
A past research study noted that Black males are 13 times more likely to be arrested for drug offenses than their White counterparts (Ghandnoosh, 2015).
Marijuana was the most widely-used illicit drug (Volkow, 2015). Other research studies have highlighted that adolescent Black males explore marijuana around the same time as their adolescent White men counterparts but smoke it at higher rates (Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, 2015; Johnson et al.,
36
2015). Additional literature posits that Black males use of marijuana may be used as a coping mechanism to handle the chronic stress of discrimination (Parker et al., 2017; Williams & Mohammed, 2009) or adverse and traumatic experiences.
Regardless of speculations as to why Black males are using substances, the use and possession of drugs are afflicting communities and families, increasing less desirable outcomes for Black males.
Addition has increased among Black males, and it is increasingly worse for those individuals incarcerated. Nearly 50 percent of jail and prison inmates has reported being clinically addicted (National Association of Drug Court
Professionals, 2018). Because there is a lack of effective rehabilitation and clinical programs in U.S. prisons, many prisoners continue to suffer from addictions. Over the years, a considerable amount of research has addressed the access and use of drugs and other substances in prison systems (Grierson, 2018).
This literature base noted that nearly 95 percent of incarcerated addicts return to substance abuse, after their release from prison (McVay, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg,
2004), and 60 to 80 percent of them committed new crimes (McVay, Schiraldi, &
Ziedenberg, 2004).Regrettably, drugs and other substances continue to distress the health of Black males and the communities in which they live.
In the theoretical and scientific literature, negative environmental factors tend to have negative effects on student achievement and, unfortunately, low- income students are overly affected compared to their affluent and middle-class peers (Harris et al., 2010). Gardner and Miranda (2001) asserted similar points, by
37 noting that low-income students were more apt to exhibit disruptive behaviors and higher rates of suspensions, expulsions, and dropouts.
As discussed in the section on familial risk factors, poverty has long been an indicator for many of the challenges and shortcomings for students of color in schools (Brewer et al., 1995; Kaufman, 2005; Thomas et al., 2016). Black males, in low-income neighborhoods, often subjected to joblessness, due to low employability skills and other structural barriers (Thomas et al., 2016; Wilson,
1996; Yoder et al., 2016). Black males that seek to take care of their families or themselves tend to have limited employment opportunities. As a result, they seek other means of income to survive (Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015), such as the distribution of illicit drugs.
Negative peer influences regularly impact academic achievement for
Black males (Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015; Evans et al., 2016;
Robinson et al., 2014; Taifa & Beane, 2009). Peers may inadvertently take the role of mentor or role model for male youths, particularly when no role model is in the familial unit (Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015). If the relationship with the father or male figure in the home is weak or lacking, male youths tend to focus their attention elsewhere. Additionally, a father or positive role model can be present, but the attraction to material things, particularly when finances are lacking within the home, may lead youth to admire and gravitate to poor role models (Thomas et al., 2016).
38
According to the education literature, peer influences are critical to development. Students, who are not accepted by their peers, may fall behind academically, display problem behaviors in the classroom, and/or drop out of school (Thomas et al., 2016). Black males can easily be influenced. In such cases, they often disengage from the classroom to maintain connections with their peer group (Ford-Harris, Schuerfer, & Harris, 1991). Those persons, who are easily persuaded, often are bullied or recruited to participate in gangs or sell drugs
(Mallett, 2016). When steered in the wrong direction, Black males may find themselves expelled from school and later incarcerated. Swanson, Cunningham, and Spencer (2003) asserted: “societal stereotypes, in conjunction with numerous social, political, and economic forces, interact to place [Black] males at extreme risk for adverse outcomes and behaviors” (p. 609). Criminal, gangster, and thug are just a few of the negative labels attached to Black males. These terms are all used to negatively characterize Black males, regardless of their social status in society (Swanson et al., 2003). Too often, they inadvertently internalize these characterizations and emulate the behaviors that often correspond with the messages they have been given (Heitzeg, 2014; Jackson, 2006).
An increasingly significant body of research has detailed the impact communities have on academic achievement or failure for youth of color (Howard
& Associates, 2017; Wilson, 1996; Yoder et al., 2016). The lack of spaces for youth to be engaged and productive commonly denies them the outlet needed to escape social conditions out of their control. Whether economic or recreational,
39 having opportunities to be productive decreases the likelihood of Black males exhibiting behaviors that lead to incarceration (Bullis et al., 2002; Developmental
Services Group, Inc., 2015).
2.2.3 School Risk Factors
A vast body of literature illustrates the strong connections between education and incarceration (Casella, 2003; Developmental Services Group, Inc.,
2015; Mallet, 2016; Skiba et al., 2014). With schools playing a major role in the development and overall success of Black males (Moore & Lewis, 2014; Toldson
& Lewis, 2012), researchers are charging school systems to take some accountability and begin enforcing effective changes (Howard & Associates,
2017; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). Excessive policies and practices, disciplinary issues, unqualified and unengaging teachers, educator biases, and non-inclusive curricula are common risk factors for Black males. These factors are consistently noted in the theoretical and scientific literature (Anderson, Howard, & Graham,
2007; Mallet, 2016).
Harsh policies and practices, such as zero-tolerance discipline policies, are salient risk factors. Over the years, numerous researchers have argued that such school-based policies are impacting student outcomes, especially for Black males
(Casella, 2003; Lawson, 2003; Mallet, 2016). The excessive use of zero tolerance policies, combined with additional punitive practices and increased presence of security in schools, advances the school-to-prison pipeline (Mallett, 2016; Skiba et al., 2014). The increased use of zero tolerance policies in schools has triggered
40 major interests from numerous education and non-education stakeholders (e.g., researchers, education advocates, and policymakers) (Farmer, 2010; Hirschfield,
2008; Mallet, 2016).
School factors contribute immensely to delinquency and, more importantly, to disproportionate disciplinary issues common among Black males.
The overrepresentation of Black males in disciplinary procedures has caused damaging effects on the population. For example, Black males are disproportionately represented in school detentions (Robbins, 2008); suspensions
(Anderson et al., 2007; Toldson & Lewis, 2012); expulsions (Hoffman, 2012;
Skiba et al., 2014); office referrals (Fenning & Rose, 2007; Mallet, 2016); and dropout rates (National Center for Education Statistics; Raffaele Mendez &
Knoff, 2003). Once suspended or expelled, readmission into school may be difficult because of potential interruptions in academic instruction (Casella, 2003;
Mallet, 2016).
Within the school setting, Black males are more likely to be expelled and arrested for behaviors considered to be minor offenses, such as class disruptions or truancy (Mallet, 2016; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). As mentioned previously, dropout rates among Black males are paramount and continue to surpass their
White counterparts and Black girls (National Center for Education Statistics,
2016). The effects of not having a high school diploma limit their chances of gaining employment or attending college (Casella, 2003; Noguera, 2008). Instead,
41 it increases their chances of becoming involved in both juvenile and adult justice systems (Development Services Group Inc., 2015).
Students with learning disabilities are three times more likely to be susceptible of being incarcerated (CDFO, 2012; Simson, 2014; Mallett, 2016).
Students with learning or physical disabilities often display behavioral characteristics that resemble aggression, hyperactivity, and restlessness
(Cartledge, Gibson, Lenwood, & Keyes, 2012). A past U.S. Department of Justice report (Shader, 2001) noted similar behavioral characteristics but suggested that aggression, dishonesty, and difficulty concentrating were commonly associated with males. Because the aforementioned behaviors are commonly viewed as threatening, specific disciplinary actions, particularly for Black males, are authorized. Therefore, certain behaviors of special needs students are misunderstood and deemed as erratic (Casella, 2003; Gregory et al., 2010). Being
Black, male, and labeled as having a disability increases the likelihood of all the negative academic indicators previously stated (Farmer, 2010; Skiba, Eckes, &
Brown, 2009).
The United States continues to fall behind other countries in the educational performance of school systems (Desilver, 2017). Math, science, and literacy performance results among American school systems tend to be significantly low, particularly in urban and rural school districts (Desilver, 2017).
Literacy skills are essential for advancing in school, and such skills are the hallmark of democratic societies. With poorly designed literary practices in
42 schools, Black males often struggle to keep up academically (Christle & Yell,
2008; Holzman, 2006; Tatum, 2012), making it difficult to stay on track. Meager reading skills are frequently linked to increased dropout rates and delinquent activities (Christle & Yell, 2008; Stanton, Feehan, McGee, & Silva, 1990; Tatum,
2012). Further, reading difficulties, combined with other familial, community, and school factors, placed Black males at greater risk of academic failure and delinquent behaviors (Christle & Yell, 2008; Hall, Cassidy, & Spencer, 2008;
Swanson et al., 2003). Anderson et al. (2007) suggested that limited reading proficiency, in the elementary years, is a strong indicator of problem behaviors and delinquency in the teenage years.
Teachers play a significant role in the educational attainment of Black males (Allen &White-Smith, 2014; Anderson, 2016; Ayers, Dohrn, & Ayers,
2001; Casella, 2003; Development Services Group Inc, 2015; Howard &
Associates, 2017; Sughrue, 2003; Toldson & Lewis, 2012; Vega et al., 2012).
Allen and White-Smith (2014) referred to teachers as “academic gatekeepers” (p.
447), essentially key stakeholders in the academic success of students. Stated differently, Erickson (1975) identified gatekeeping as a decision-making process.
Applied in this context, the decisions made by teachers ultimately influence the outcomes of the students they encounter. If disengaged and unqualified teachers serve as “gatekeepers,” students are likely to extended inadequate educational experience and limited educational opportunities (Allen & White-Smith, 2014;
Gregory et al., 2010).
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Over the years, many studies have noted that teachers, both Black and
White, possess lower expectations for Black students compared to White students
(McWhirter et al., 2017; Sughrue, 2003). More recently, Hodge and Collins
(2018) highlighted how teachers’ cultural and racial views of Black males tend to converge with existing school policies and practices. Personal and implicit biases in the classroom often shape widespread disparities among Black males (Allen &
White-Smith, 2014; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). To this end, it is reasonable to conceive that societal forces influence teachers’ perceptions of Black male students, prompting them to characterize students as loud, disruptive, and unteachable. In the education literature, researchers are increasingly stressing the need for more attention on the prevailing disciplinary norms and practices in schools (Monroe, 2005). If not addressed, Black males may continue to construct negative beliefs about schooling and the instruction offered to them (Vega et al.,
2012).
School systems inadvertently hinder parent and family engagement. A major segment of the literature suggested that parents and families were not interested in supporting their children’s academics. On the contrary, emergent literature noted that many parents and families want to be involved in helping their children navigate school and educational opportunities (Anderson, 2016).
Further, school systems have been documented as not being understanding or accommodating to families without childcare or transportation (McQuiggan &
Megra, 2017; NEA, 2008), lacking regular communication (NEA, 2008), and
44 having understanding for single parents and guardian circumstances (NEA, 2008).
Furthermore, parents and families often expressed frustration, when they were only contacted for difficult student behavior (McQuiggan & Megra, 2017; NEA,
2008). While an extensive number of school districts across the U.S. have made strides to engage parents and families, there is still a need to enhance involvement.
2.3 Dismantling the Pipeline to Prison: Black Male Success
In his 1907 autobiography, Up From Slavery, Booker T. Washington asserted:
The Negro boy has obstacles, discouragements, and temptations to battle
with that are little known to those not situated as he is. When a white boy
undertakes a task, it is taken for granted that he will succeed. On the other
hand, people are usually surprised if the Negro boy does not fail. In a word,
the Negro youth starts out with the presumption against him (p. 36).
As outlined in the aforementioned sections, Washington’s assertion seems to be applicably today. There is a plethora of obstacles working against Black males.
Based on current national statistics, protective factors emerged as topical areas of research. The following sections outline protective factors, at the family, community, and school level, that can work to decrease the likelihood of encounters with incarceration and the U.S. penal system. In addition to protective factors, the sections also describe recommendations.
45
2.3.1 Familial Protective Factors
As previously stated, the structure, supportive nature, and functionality of the family is core to the development of Black males. The overall success and wellbeing of Black males frequently correlates with the strength of the familial structure and support (Engle & Tinto, 2008; Epstein, 1990; Evans et al., 2016;
Howard, Rose, & Barbarin, 2014; Nogeura, 2008; Vega et al., 2014). In short, strong parental involvement can decrease academic disengagement, expulsions, dropouts (Anderson, 2016; McQuiggan & Megra, 2017; NEA, 2008; Noguera,
2008; Toldson & Lewis, 2012), while increasing retention and academic achievement (Epstein; NEA, 2008; Stewart, 2006). Furthermore, parental involvement can decrease negative peer influences and delinquent behaviors
(Anderson, 2016; Noguera, 2008) When a parent becomes an advocate for their child, it conveys to others that they not only value education but also communicate it to their children (Vega et al., 2012). Parental expectations and student outcomes are closely linked (Anderson, 2016; McWhirter et al., 2017). In other words, the quality and success of schools depends significantly on the support of students’ parents.
Joyce Epstein (1990, 2002), a leading researcher in familial involvement, outlined a model incorporating six notions for successful family involvement: (a) parenting, where parents and families assume responsibility for children’s basic needs; (b) communicating, school’s need to continuously communicate with families student progress; (c) volunteering, improving opportunities for families
46 to be involved; (d) provision of learning activities at home; (e) parents’ involvement in decision-making roles at schools; and (f) family and school collaboration with the community to improve learning environments. Through her work, Epstein found that these school practices foster greater family engagement.
Owen, Wettach, and Hoffman (2015) maintained that when families volunteer in schools the occurrences of behavior problems in the classroom reduce. With this in mind, Owen et al. (2015) recommended that parents and families assist schools with creating alternatives for suspensions and other consequences for misbehavior. Such a process encompasses parents collaborating with schools.
Equally as important, Hoffman (2012) found that school suspensions were less prevalent among those students who were highly engaged and involved parents.
Parents offer home stability, safety, and structure for their children. Accordingly, the extent of students’ emotional wellbeing and academic performance reflect this point. Further, it is reasonably to believe that effective family and school partnerships improve schools and student achievement, as well as strengthen family structure and community support (Anderson, 2016; Epstein, 1990; Epstein
& Salinas, 1992; NEA, 2008;)
2.3.2 Community and Societal Protective Factors
A strong correlation between neighborhoods and schools can be found, throughout the social and behavioral science literature (Barbarin, 2010; Boxford,
2006; Development Services Group Inc, 2015; Howard & Associates, 2017;
Sanders, Martinez-Alda, & White, 2012; Sanders & Sheldon, 2009). Additionally,
47 there is emerging literature base stressing the importance of partnerships among communities, schools, and families. Within this literature, there is growing literature on the role the community has in advancing academic achievement among Black males (Beachum & McCray, 2012; Howard & Associates, 2017;
Noguera, 2008; Owen et al., 2015; Reis & Diaz, 1999). Community supportive spaces allow Black males to foster resiliency development, an important skill needed to navigate adverse experiences and environments (Howard & Associates,
2017). In order for partnerships to be successful, special initiatives and programs should be well integrated into the overall school’s mission and considerate of all family structures (Howard & Associates, 2017; NEA, 2008)
In 2005, Comer noted the interconnectivity of the community with school and family. He also highlighted how community interconnection influenced student learning and development. Accordingly, Bach (2015) suggested that community centers were important assets and outlets for youth in many neighborhoods across the United States, particularly in economically disadvantaged communities. With community centers and other organizations providing a safe outlet for youth in toxic communities, Black males have an opportunity to develop healthy relationships with other adults and peers.
Brooms (2013) found that, during the high school years, supportive relationships with positive adults were key for facilitating academic success among Black males. Similarly, Howard and Associates (2017) found that mentorship was a critical success factor for Black and Latino males. Thus, Black
48 males were more likely to display resiliency and overcome barriers, when they possessed mentors that supported their growth and development. Additionally, community and educational-based programs, such as Big Brothers/Big Sisters,
My Brother’s Keeper Initiative (Obama, 2017), and Upward Bound (The Pell
Institute, 2009), offer supplemental support – both academically and social- emotionally – that enhance Black male outcomes.
Strong connections with high-achieving peers is another positive factor attributed to Black male success (Moore & Lewis; Reis & Diaz, 1999; Rimm,
2002). Research suggests that Black males that associate with peers who were striving for academic success were more inclined to continue on the same path
(Evans et al., 2016). This form of peer mentorship allows Black male students to recognize that academic achievement is acceptable and push them to strive for excellence. Thus, considerable research illustrated the importance of cultural and social capital on Black male success (Noguera, 2001, 2008; Perna & Titus, 2005;
Putnam, 2000; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). Cultural capital, as it relates to students’ success in school, comprises the collection of cultural skills, vocabulary, background, and manners they acquire from other individuals, including parents, peers, mentors, teachers, and other adult influences (Bourdieu & Passerson, 1977;
Perna & Titus, 2005). Typically, cultural capital facilitates better interactions for
Black male students to achieve greater academic success.
Social capital is often described as benefits individuals derive from associations and participation within social networks and organizations (Putnam,
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1995). As previously mentioned in the introduction of this literature review, social and cultural capital has both negative and positive effects. Black males may associate and obtain healthy, nurturing relations or adverse relationships that lead to delinquency and incarceration. Extant research noted that Black males who possessed high levels of positive social capital achieved higher grades, test scores, graduation rates, and more opportunities to attend postsecondary institutions
(Dika & Singh, 2002; Freeman, 1997; Iruka, Winn, & Harradine, 2014; Putnam,
2000). When Black males accumulated specific capital and were extended the needed resources, higher education gaps decreased, and future income opportunities were enhanced (Haskins, Isaacs, & Sawhill, 2008; Iruka et al.,
2014). Therefore, educators and community advocates need to continuously work to enhance community partnerships at the elementary, secondary, and postsecondary levels.
2.3.3 School Protective Factors
Due to the expanding literature and growing concerns focused on adverse experiences and academic setbacks of Black males, extensive research has been devoted to studying protective factors and how they enhance Black male success
(Anderson, 2016; Howard & Associates, 2017; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). This literature base emphasized the critical need to examine and challenge current educational policies and practices impeding on Black males’ academic achievement. In their latest edited volume, Toldson and Lewis (2012) noted that
Black males were capable to excel in the American school system but asserted
50 that they need access to important educational resources, opportunities, and supports that nurture their social, emotional, and academic development. Recent findings from Howard and Associates (2017) highlighted the importance of having educators and other advocates in academic settings. Further, they underscored the importance of understanding Black males and the best ways in which they learn and prepare for school success. Thus, when they are continuously suspended or expelled from school, they are denied critical instruction and opportunities indicative of school and, of course, life success.
NEA (2019) noted, when teachers and school districts maintained consistent classroom management policy, students were more accepting of discipline policies and displayed behaviors that are more positive. Even when minor, many school infractions necessitated punitive school disciplinary actions (Giroux, 2003;
Mallet, 2016), causing major disruptions to their learning and academic success.
School systems, increasingly, are considering alternative disciplinary actions beyond suspension or expulsion, such as restorative justice programs (Wadhwa,
2016; Zehr, 1990); community service (APA, 2008); counseling sessions (APA,
2008); collaborative behavior contracts (Fenning & Rose, 2007); and mini- courses to combat some of the discipline issues in schools and removal of students from schools (Fenning & Rose, 2007). Schater (2010) recommended restorative justice approaches, focusing on “principles and practices set up to help build community and respond to student misconduct, with the goals of repairing harm and restoring relationships between those impacted” (p. 27).
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Educational systems, across the nation, have been using restorative justice models for centuries (Payne & Welch, 2013; Wadhwa, 2016). These models gained momentum in American school systems after recognizing the limitations of current structured models used in prisons, hospitals, boardrooms, and community centers (Pranis, 2005; Wadhwa, 2016). Thus, effective restorative justice models encourage students, teachers, families, and communities to resolve conflict, promote academic achievement, and address school safety in a collaborative manner (Wadhwa, 2016). School districts that employed such models connect students who commit school violations with trained representatives, and these persons help the students to identify and address any collective harms, needs, and obligations on how to heal and mend situations
(Zehr, 1990).
Parent involvement has been widely documented as a key protective factor for problem behaviors and delinquency among Black males (Anderson, 2016;
Barbarin, 2010; Christle et al., 2005; Howard & Associates, 2017; Toldson &
Lewis, 2012). Hence, multiple studies revealed that parents and families often feel uncomfortable communicating with school officials, due to language or cultural differences or because of negative past schooling experiences (NEA,
2008). Accordingly, many families feel that they lack the requisite expertise and resources to help their children. In such cases, they express frustrations with school bureaucracies or policies that they find impossible to understand or change
(NEA, 2008).
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Teachers are the front lines of education. Too frequently, they are seen as academic gatekeepers. It is worth noting that supportive teacher interactions positively influence the academic outcomes for Black males and lessens the probability of behavioral problems (Fenning & Rose, 2007; Wiggan, 2008).
Oftentimes, Black males do not experience positive teacher interactions. This is especially the case, when teachers are unwilling and/or unsure on how best to build supportive relationships with Black males. Across the nation, White female teachers hold the majority of teaching positions in elementary and secondary settings (Beachum & McCray, 2012; Kunjufu, 2002; Landsman & Lewis, 2006).
These statistics have intensified more scholarship and research on recruiting and hiring more teachers of color (Moore, Michael, & Penick-Parks, 2017).
The literature on Black male achievement highlight the need for teachers of color in the classroom and the importance of Black males having role models that look like them in the classroom (Moore et al., 2017). Yet, having more teachers of color in the classroom may not fix the disconnect some White teachers have with Black males. Stated differently, Hancock (2006) asserted that school systems should not only recruit and maintain teachers of color but should also
“[focus their] attention on helping to educate White women teachers about the realities of teaching students who may hold a different sociopolitical, sociocultural, and socioeconomic perspective” (p. 97). Some Black teachers also struggle connecting with Black males and, as a result, are ineffective teaching
Black males. In the teacher education literature, preservice and inservice teachers
53 of all backgrounds need ongoing professional development in teaching demographic groups, such as Black males (Moore et al., 2017). Furthermore, teachers, who are biased, unqualified, and inexperienced in teaching students of color, are likely to experience classroom struggles (Allen & White-Smith, 2014;
Fenning & Rose, 2007). Black males tend attend schools, where teachers have little experiences and poor preparation with teaching students of color (Toldson &
Lewis, 2012).
Accordingly, it is imperative that teachers have the needed experience and support to work with students in increasingly diverse classrooms (Hodge &
Collins, 2018; Hodge & James-Hassan, 2014; Howard & Associates, 2017).
Restructuring teacher preparation programs and educator professional development offerings are two widely noted recommendations to aid inservice teachers (Fenning & Rose, 2007; Little, 2006; Mizell, 2010; Seven Centers, 2017;
Toldson & Lewis, 2012). Effective programs can challenge implicit biases that often plague the classrooms, particularly affecting students of color. By increasing teachers’ knowledge of Black male academic needs and preparing teachers to recognize and address them are critical in today’s public schools (Seven Centers,
2017; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). Both in-service and pre-service educators benefit immensely from ascertaining skills and practices on best ways to educate and support learning of Black males (Moore, Michael, & Penick-Parks, 2018; Seven
Centers, 2017; Staats, Capatosto, Wright, & Contractor, 2015).
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Generally speaking, professional development promotes unified school cultures and collaborative working environments (Darling-Hammond, Hyler, &
Gardner, 2017), while providing greater opportunities for student achievement, effective classroom management, and increased student retention (Seven Centers,
2017). Continuous professional development also builds and increases the confidence and skills of educators, working with Black male students. As educators continue to develop and enhance their teaching skills, students become more engaged in the learning process (Darling-Hammond et al., 2017; Moore et al., 2018, Seven Centers, 2017). At the end of the day, all school personnel play a major role in the academic success of Black males and need adequate preparation to be effective with them.
2.4 Conclusion
As noted in this literature review, families, communities, and schools play a significant role in the growth or lack of advancement of Black males. Further, this literature review illustrated the educational disparities or shortfalls of Black males. When Black males possessed multiple risk factors across multiple domains, the likelihood of adverse and traumatic experiences increases, as well as the occurrences of perceived negative behaviors. This literature review also showcased and placed major emphasize on family, community, and school systems and how they positively impact educational outcomes for Black males and sometimes negatively contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline and other
55 deleterious setbacks. When one social system is lacking, it is essential for the others to fill in the gap and provide support.
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Chapter 3: Methodology
3.1 Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study was to analyze factors and experiences which most likely increased the probability of incarceration for Black males, specifically examining how family, school, and community add to this trajectory. Moreover, the study’s primary objectives were to:
(a) understand the factors that increase the likelihood of juvenile and adult incarceration; (b) pinpoint the connection between education and adverse life outcomes; (c) determine how family, school, and community might contribute to increased incarceration of Black male youth and adults; (d) identify salient factors that decrease the probability of incarceration for Black male youth and adults; and (e) offer recommendations for policy, practice, and research that address the success factors of Black males. By collecting and examining personal narratives and lived experiences of previously incarcerated Black men, the researcher sought to understand and pinpoint the factors that strengthened the probability of incarceration.
3.2 Research Questions
This study was guided by the below research questions:
1. What are the factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males?
2. What specific role does education play on both the incarceration and recidivism of Black
males?
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3. What are effective programs, policies, and strategies in disrupting the path to
incarceration for Black males?
3.3 Research Design
3.3.1 Narrative Inquiry
Given the nature, scope, and complexity of this study, a qualitative inquiry design was deemed necessary and advantageous to this research endeavor. More specifically, a qualitative narrative inquiry design was implemented because it allowed the researcher to collect in-depth data reflective of Black males’ personal experiences on causes leading to incarceration. Narrative inquiry was the preferred methodological approach for this study. This qualitative methodology is commonly used to examine life experiences (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2014). This research method captures the experiences as expressed in lived and told stories of individuals, exploring the life history of each individual (Creswell, 2007).
Within this qualitative design, data were collected through the collection of stories, reporting individual experiences and chronologically ordering the meaning of the experiences to determine pertinent information (Creswell, 2013). Accordingly, Holley and Colya (2009) stated that narrative analysis offers a specific framework and terminology for researchers to construct texts. It is also worth noting that narration was a major role of the researcher, allowing for research participants to serve as guides (Holley & Colya, 2009). Thus, many different formats were highlighted in the scientific literature on narrative inquiry. Because of the researcher’s interests in understanding participants’ family, school, and community experiences, a life history was conducted to guide the data collections. In a narrative inquiry, research participants are able
58 to express how they view themselves and how they wish others to do so as well (Elliot, 2005).
To this end, a life history offered a complete view of research participants (Creswell, 2007).
Generally speaking, life histories often are depicted as life stories, oral histories, or narrative research (Elliot, 2005; Glesne, 2011). Regardless of the depiction, researchers must conduct a series of interviews (Yin, 2016), and some narrative research projects focus solely on one person (Creswell, 2013). However, other cases included vignettes of multiple persons, exemplary particular perspectives, incidents, and/or interactions (Glesne, 2011). In this current study, the researcher examined the narratives of 15 participants.
3.3.2 Theoretical Framework
Narratives often have a specific contextual focus, guided by specific theoretical lens or perspectives (Creswell, 2007; Ollerenshaw & Creswell, 2002). Considering the purpose of this study, Urie Bronfenbrenner’s (1995, 1999, 2005) bioecological model of human development was used as the theoretical underpinning for this research. The bioecological model of human development is a mature version of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. Both versions of the theory are widely used to analyze development in context (Ahmed et al., 2017;
Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1989, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006; Harris et al., 2010; Paat, 2013; Roger et al., 2018; Tudge et al., 2009). In this case, the bioecological model allowed the researcher to examine the developmental experiences of participants as a function of their exposure to different settings. Specifically, the researcher explored the role of contextual factors as they relate to familial, school, and community environments to understand the role each played in the incarceration of each participant. In addition, the theoretical model allowed the researcher to investigate the progressive
59 accommodations between participants and their immediate environments, over their lifespan
(i.e., life history narratives) and through other structural and perplexing factors.
The original version of the theory neglected to acknowledge characteristics of the developing person, and the effects of objects and symbols have on individual development
(Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Tudge et al., 2009). A major premise of the model posited that proximal and distal factors operate in distinctive ways as the person interacts with the multi-tiered environments. Further, because the theory accounted for shared forces of various environments, settings, and experiences and how they significantly influence personal characteristics and/or changes a person’s life trajectory, the researcher was able to use the theoretical framework to examine factors, at the micro level, that may have increased the probability of incarceration. In the theory’s logic of the microsystem, the immediate environments of the developing person often produce the greatest effects on developing children (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Hoare, 2008;
Swanson et al., 2003; Taifa & Beane, 2009).
Additionally, it is worth recognizing that the influences from adverse and conflicting relationships in the microsystem contribute considerably to child development by limiting access to necessary life skills or tools critical to effectively exploring other systems throughout the lifespan (Harris et al., 2010). Such disruptions may cause developing youth, particularly during the adolescent years, to seek attention in inappropriate environments (Addison, 1992; Swanson et al., 2003). Furthermore, a change or conflict, within any system, stirs relationship changes and causes psychological and/or emotional difficulty in the developing person (Harris et al., 2010).
In 2006, Bronfenbrenner and Morris highlighted benefits of the bioecological model, by stating that “the specific profile of the bioecological model of human development is its
60 interdisciplinary and integrative focus on the age periods of childhood and adolescence and its explicit interest in applications to policies and programs pertinent to enhancing youth and family development” (p. 794).
To effectively situate the study in bioecological theory and avoid misuse or misrepresentation of the theory, Tudge et al. (2009) recommended that researchers explicitly acknowledge on what part of the theory applied to their work. The authors also asserted that all characteristics of the model should be included, in order to proclaim that a study was using the mature version of the theory (Tudge et al. 2009). For this study, the researcher made a purposeful effort to use each aspect of the full theory in its original form, employing all four defining properties of the model (i.e., process, person, context, time). To that end, the use of each property, for this study, was noted below.
1. Proximal processes were the most critical element of the theory (Bronfenbrenner
& Morris, 2006; Tudge et al., 2009). In order to assure this property was included
in the study, an assessment of each participant’s experiences and interactions,
through interviews and questionnaires, were collected and analyzed to determine,
if and how proximal processes affected the development of each Black male
participant.
2. Person characteristics were noted especially to understand how a developing
person may influence proximal processes and other relationships (Tudge et al.,
2009). Demand (i.e., age, sex/gender, skin color/race, and physical appearance);
resource (i.e., emotional, mental, social, material); and force characteristics (i.e.,
temperament, motivation, and persistence) were taken into consideration for this
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study. Personal characteristics were also examined, through participant accounts
of their life experiences and interactions via interviews and biographical
questionnaires.
3. Context also influences proximal processes. Incorporating this property was
necessary to examine their familial, school, and community factors and
experiences. Further, it allowed the researcher to evaluate differential and
multiple-tiered systems and how they worked independently and collectively to
influence Black males’ experiences and interactions, thereby increasing the
probability of incarceration. Factors and experiences in three microsystems (i.e.,
family, school, and community) were examined and compared.
4. Time is a property that is often difficult to incorporate in a study, particularly if
the study is not longitudinal in nature. The property is important to “evaluate the
influence of proximal processes, because they are mutually influenced by person
characteristics and context, on the developmental outcomes of interest” (Tudge et
al., 2009, p. 202). With this in mind, implementation and examination of life
history narratives provided longitudinal accounts of each participant’s life, and
the researcher was able to evaluate reoccurring activities and interactions of the
participant within specific points of historical time.
3.3.3 Sampling/Sample Size
For this study, each participant needed to meet the following criteria: (a) identify as a
Black male and (b) have been incarcerated previously in a juvenile correctional facility, adult facility, or both. Further, for this study, male was operationally-defined as a person who
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identifies with the sex, biological characteristics, he was assigned at birth; it included also
individuals who identify as another gender, the way in which an individual identifies his male
attributes, during childhood and teenage years. The latter part of the definition was amended to
include one participant that identified as transgender but grew up the majority of his life
identifying as a male. This participant was also incarcerated in male correctional facilities. It is
worth noting that all of the participants needed to have been incarcerated, at least one
incarceration, for at least three months or longer, in a jail or prison facility.
Typically, one or two individuals are included in a narrative inquiry design (Creswell,
2003; Yin, 2016). However, Creswell (2013) maintained that a larger pool of participants could
be used to develop a collective story. For this particular study, fifteen participants were
interviewed to establish a stronger collective narrative and maintain the authenticity of the
designated research design. The ages of the participants ranged, from 27 to 71 years, with the
average age being 51. More details on participants are included in Table 3.1.
Chosen Age Marital Educational Level Number of Work Status Family Pseudonym Status Children Makeup T 50 Single 10th grade/GED 0 Unemployed Single-Parent Steel 71 Separated Associates Degree 2 Retired Two Parent Storm 67 Single GED 5 Disability Two Parent Peter 46 Single H.S. Diploma 2 Unemployed Two Parent College (More than 1 year) Blue 27 Single GED 3 Student Single-Parent College (More than 1 year) Chip 57 Married GED 2 Unemployed Single-Parent Pimp Juice 47 Divorced H.S. Diploma 5 Part-Time Two Parent Quanni 34 Single GED 1 Unemployed Single Parent College (More than 1 year) Robert 58 Separated 10th grade/GED 0 Unemployed Single Parent Tupac 62 Divorced H.S. Diploma 3 Disability Single Parent Black 31 Single 10th grade 2 Unemployed Single Parent Leroy 57 Married GED 7 Part-time Single Parent 34 49 Married H.S. Diploma 0 Full-Time Two Parent College (Less than 1 year) Employment Mr. ETV 48 Single 10th grade 2 Self-employed Two Parent Cooper 61 Married H.S. Diploma 4 Unemployed Single Parent Table 3. 1 Description of Participants
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3.3.4 Participant Narratives
To maintain the authenticity of the narrative research design, a comprehensive description of each participant was utilized, and each participant was asked to choose their own pseudonym at the beginning of the interview process after signing consent forms. The pseudonyms were used to protect their identity and were utilized from the time they completed the biographical questionnaires to the final write up. In Table 3.1, the selected pseudonyms can be found.
“T”
At the age of 50, T was born a man but identified as transgender. The researcher asked T which pronoun he preferred to use for the study, and T did not specify a preference. As a result, he and they were used interchangeably throughout the study. The interchangeable pronouns reflected T’s fluid personality and evolving gender identification, based on the environment. T was included in this study because of his experiences and embraced male identity growing up, as well as his experiences being incarcerated in male prison facilities. T participated in the male group counseling sessions, at the drug rehabilitation facility he attended. Furthermore, he informed the researcher that his transgendered identity started, at the age of 21, after his five- year penitentiary sentence.
T grew up in a single-parented home, with his mother and two brothers. He described his childhood as “great” and believed his mother did the best she could to raise him and his siblings.
During his childhood and teenage years, T’s mother received government assistance for food and housing and did not pursue a career, until after her sons were grown. While T was incarcerated, his mother returned to college and later became a nurse.
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T was raised in the same neighborhood, throughout his childhood and teenage years.
Growing up, his best childhood memories were the holidays, when his entire family congregated.
T was the middle child and often looked to his older brother for guidance and inspiration. He mostly admired his older brother, because of his lifestyle comprised the fast life of hustling and prostituting women. Thus, T’s older brother was incarcerated, and his youngest brother was struggling with a drug addiction at the time of the interview. T could not recall a time that he ever enjoyed school. In the classroom, he focused his efforts on being popular, having numerous girlfriends, and acting as the class clown. Not seeing the value of an education at the time, T, basically, attended school to have fun and impress his peers. He rarely obtained good grades and even failed the fifth grade. Around the same time, T began fighting with other students, because they teased him and called him gay. The fighting led to multiple suspensions and later expelled from school in the eighth grade for having sex on school grounds. Although T never had an interest in anything that the school offered, he still regretted not paying more attention in school.
At the time of the interview, T was court-mandated to participate in a specialized counseling program at a drug treatment facility as he recovered from his crack cocaine and heroin addictions. T began smoking marijuana, at a young age, and later started experimenting with stronger and more potent drugs. The early part of his youth, he dreamed of becoming a fashion model. He felt his dreams were unattainable, once incarcerated. At the age of 16, T was sentenced five years in an adult prison facility and was incarcerated seven times throughout his life. His longest sentence was 6.5 years.
T’s mother died, during one of his later prison terms. He did not extensively elaborate on any of his incarceration experiences but did share that each of his sentences was burglary
65 charges, motivated by money and drugs. Each participant was asked to describe three things they would share with their younger self. T was not able to provide three. However, he did state that, if he had focused more on his education, he could have possibly made something of himself.
Participants were also requested to share where they see themselves in five years. T hoped to be:
(a) clean and sober, (b) married with a decent job, and (c) living on the “right terms.” T participated in the individual interview process only.
“Steel”
Steel, aged 71, was raised as the only child in a two-parent home, until the age of 10, when his father died. Steel’s overall relationship with his father was poor, due to his father’s ongoing illnesses. Thus, during the last year of his father’s life, the two began to bond. Steel viewed himself as a “momma’s boy,” because of their strong mother-son bond. Hence, Steel’s mother was a strict disciplinarian and did not allow others to chastise him. His family frequently moved around the city and consistently received government food and housing assistance. Steel hated moving because it meant having to meet new people and develop new friendships.
In the early years, Steel played peewee sports, frequented the local recreation centers, and attended various summer camps. His family attended church on a regular basis, but he did not develop a more personal relationship with God until adulthood. Describing himself as introverted, Steel had a few select friends that he consistently spent time. He started drinking in high school because he felt it made him more comfortable being around others. In other words,
Steel felt all his inhibitions disappeared, when drinking and later doing drugs. Alcohol open the gateway to drugs.
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Steel enjoyed school, during his elementary years. Subject, such as reading and history, were two of his favorite subjects. As he grew older, Steel only attended school to see and hang with friends but admitted not valuing education because he was not aware of its significance. In high school, Steel attained all A-level letter grades, during the football season, but allowed his grades to drop to C-level grades, after the playing season. Hence, Steel did not finish high school but later obtained a GED, while incarcerated. He was incarcerated numerous times, with his longest sentence being seven years, and all of his convictions were due to burglary and theft. In his late 40s, Steel attended a local community college and obtained an associate degree in
Culinary Arts. Between incarceration sentences, Steel worked for over 20 years in various settings.
At the time of his interview, Steel was enrolled in a program at a drug treatment facility.
Further, he indicated being infected with Hepatitis C, due to heroin use. His drug addiction placed a major strain on his marriage. As a result, he and his wife separated but shared that treatment of his drug use would determine if his wife would take him back. Steel also mentioned having two adult children and desiring to become more involved with his church in the next five years. In a letter to his younger self, he wanted to: (a) develop a relationship with God, (b) make sure his spouse is saved and knows God, and (c) maintain consistent employment to sustain himself. Steel participated in both the individual and focus group interview process.
“Storm”
Storm, aged 67, was placed in Children Services, at 9 months old. Soon after, he was adopted by an older couple and raised as an only child. Storm’s adoptive mother worked as a housekeeper, while his adoptive father worked for a harbor company. Storm’s biological mother
67 worked as a prostitute and had eight other children, in which all were placed in other foster care families. As he grew older, his adoptive mother provided opportunities for him to meet and build relationships with his biological siblings.
Storm grew up in an environment, where discipline was lax. He claimed his adoptive mother spoiled him, but this was not the case for his adoptive father. Storm mentioned that his adoptive father was a functioning alcoholic and that he frequently witnessed him abusing his mother, particularly when he was drunk. As a teenager, he confronted his father and demanded that he never hit her again. Although he never really felt embraced by his adoptive father, the confrontation detached them even more.
Growing up, Storm participated in a variety of activities, such as swimming, track, and boxing at the local Young Men’s Christian Association, widely known as the YMCA. His family attended church regularly and attempted to keep him active. However, as Storm entered his teenage years, he became intrigued with toxic and illegal activities in his neighborhood. As a result of his mother’s lax discipline style and his father’s disdain for him, Storm began staying out late and skipping school. During his teenage years, he admired the lifestyle of hustlers and pimps in his neighborhood because of their perceived material wealth. Storm shared that he was not interested in typical careers, as a police officer or firefighter, because he did not want to work a job dominated by White males.
Storm was initially introduced to drugs, around the age of 12. Over time, he experimented with all types of drugs, including marijuana, acid, heroin, cough syrup, methane, and codeine. Storm quickly became an addict, regularly using drugs to get high and escape his problems. Storm grew up in the 1960s and 1970s, admiring Black culture (e.g., Black Panthers),
68 and wanted to mimic what he viewed as rebellious characteristics. Although he thrived on being rebellious, Storm wished his mother had disciplined him more. He grew up in an era, when paddling in school was acceptable. He recalled being paddled several times. When he entered middle school, he told school administrators that they could not paddle him anymore. From that point forward, the school administration used suspensions as a form of discipline.
Storm passed every grade, until he reached middle school, when he retained in both the seventh and eighth grade. Storm spent many years in middle school and was older than the other students. Eventually, the administrators moved him from the eighth to the tenth grade. Storm was later placed in special education in which he recalled being taunted by other students. The name- calling was one of many factors that contributed to him dropping out of school. Although he struggled to maintain passing grades, mathematics and history were the two subjects he enjoyed at one point. Storm battled many distractions in the classroom and community. Thus, he had extracurricular interests, but drugs and street life took precedence.
After continually skipping school and being away from home, Storm’s adoptive mother called a truancy officer. Storm was 16, at the time, and spent a week in a detention center.
Scarred by the experience, he vowed he would never go back or be in any other type of prison, and, after the experience, Storm talked to his mother about dropping out of school. With her permission, Storm withdrew from high school and continued indulging drugs and later becoming involved in prostitution and managing female escorts.
Storm received his GED, during his second incarceration term, and he wanted to pursue next a degree in counseling at a local community college. However, he did not feel prepared and eventually went back to his criminal endeavors. Storm served two prison terms, the first lasting 5
69 years, and the second 19 years. Even while he was incarcerated, Storm continued selling marijuana and other types of drugs. Storm was originally sentenced to serve more than 20 years for his second prison term. Throughout this sentence, he maintained his innocence and tirelessly worked to find lawyers to help overturn his guilty sentence.
Storm converted to Islam, while incarcerated, and, after serving 19 years, he was exonerated. New evidence suggested that the local police department falsely framed him for murder. After being released, he was advised to move to another city, find employment, and stay clean of drugs. Although the evidence determined he was not guilty of a crime, Storm had trouble keeping employment and finding employers to hire him. Thus, he eventually found work with an airport, in a nearby city in 2001, the same year as the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Storm was fired, within a few months, because he identified as Muslim, and some federal employers were wary of him. Storm relocated to another city but continued to struggle with finding employment.
He began indulging in alcohol again.
At the time of the interview, Storm was enrolled in drug and alcohol counseling. Storm never married but has five children. Three are now adults, and two are under the age of 4.
Storm’s relationship with his older children was strained, due to the 24 years he spent in prison.
Storm said that he was making a conscious effort to be a positive father figure for his two youngest children. In five years, he would like to be living in a comfortable space and enjoying time with his youngest two children. The three things that Storm would share with his younger self are to: (a) be obedient to your parents, (b) strive to get a better education, and (c) stay focused on God and find out who you are. Storm participated in the individual and focus group interview process.
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“Peter”
Peter, aged 46, grew up in a two-parent household with his three siblings. He described his childhood as positive but maintained that he was the “black sheep” of the family, due to his rebel-like behavior. His family was devoted Jehovah’s Witnesses, and his father had a significant leadership role in the Kingdom Hall, until he was shunned. Peter and his siblings never knew why their father lost his administrative position but recognized changes within the household.
Growing up, Peter was very outgoing and enjoyed being active.
Due to the family’s religious commitments, most of the people Peter engaged were from their congregation. Therefore, Peter and his siblings rarely attended any activities outside of the church, but Peter was content and enjoyed being with his family, until his late middle school and early high school years. Further, Peter’s family received government housing assistance, until he was in sixth grade, when they moved to a suburb of the city. Peter described his new environment as being drastically different from his previous environment, because his new community was comprised mostly of White families. Neither of his parents had a college degree but worked their way up the career leader to leadership roles.
Peter was an avid reader and excelled all throughout his schooling. His motivation to excel in school emanated from his desire to please his father. Growing up, Peter’s religion did not encourage attending college and/or support playing organized sports. Despite his family’s religious beliefs and his parents’ disapproval, Peter secretly played football for his high school.
Peter also attended a career center for part of the school day, where he learned about college and was exposed to college preparatory programs. He eventually developed an interest in both football and college. Graduating half a year early from high school, Peter decided to attend a
71 college almost an hour away from home. His parents were not accepting of his decision, but he was awarded a partial academic scholarship and received the remaining financial aid by playing football for the university. Peter was used to a structured upbringing and quickly became overwhelmed with all the freedom that came with the college experience. Additionally, he felt the pressure of balancing athletics and academics. After failing his first semester, he left college and returned to his home city.
Shortly after returning home, Peter was arrested and detained in jail, for a week, for being intoxicated in public. With no immediate options, Peter decided to enlist in the military. It was the military, where he was provided the structure needed, but he began experimenting with drugs. After serving a few years in the military and returning home, Peter was arrested again and sentenced to seven years in prison. Peter stated that, while incarcerated, he learned how to become a better criminal and established new contacts that he could connect, once he was released. Peter also identified his time in prison as the root cause of his addiction.
At the time of the interview, Peter was enrolled in a drug and alcohol treatment facility.
In five years, Peter would like to continue to progress on the road to recovery and continue being a supportive father to his youngest child. The three things he would share with his younger self are: (a) the importance of core values, (b) stay away from alcohol and drugs, and (c) learn to forgive yourself. Peter participated in both the individual and focus group interview process.
“Blue”
Blue, aged 27, grew up in a single-parented home and lived in two households (i.e., both his mother’s and grandmother’s homes). Being the oldest of four children, Blue saw himself as the man of the house, because his mother brought many men in and out of the home. For most of his
72 childhood, Blue’s mother dated and allowed these men to live in their home. None of the men were Blue’s or his brothers’ biological fathers. With all the instability in the home, Blue often believed he needed to assume a parental role and help to raise his brothers. Blue despised when his mother’s boyfriends would attempt to discipline him and his brothers. He also struggled to get along with these men, which caused much friction in the home. Given the lack of discipline and attention and the constant relocating, Blue felt that there was a lack of parenting in his mother’s home. Blue later transitioned to living with his grandmother, but soon realized there was a lack of guidance there as well. More specifically, he discovered that his grandmother was using drugs, and, although he was ashamed of this, he stayed because he was able to be free and roam the streets as he pleased.
Clearly, Blue grew up in neighborhoods overwhelmed with poverty and oversaturated with crime and violence. Blue began to display troublesome behaviors and associate with an older group of peers. He eventually joined the local neighborhood gang. Blue began displaying the same behaviors at school. Blue enjoyed learning until his middle school years when he struggled academically. During the football season, Blue maintained passing grades. Outside of the season, Blue was constantly absent from school. Neither Blue nor his brothers graduated from high school. He dropped out of school, partly due to incarcerations as a youth. Blue was 13, when he was sentenced to juvenile detention. He was charged for possession of a weapon and sentenced for two years. After being released, Blue was arrested again at the age of 15, when he was teenage parent, and spent a week in the county jail. Blue was incarcerated again as an adult, and during this period, he obtained his GED and had three children, over the course of seven
73 years. Blue vowed to never return to prison and was required to participate in a drug treatment program, after his last incarceration.
At the time of the individual interview, Blue was living in a homeless shelter and was unemployed. Although Blue desperately needed a place to stay, his mother did not offer him to live with her and his brothers because Blue and his stepfather did not get along. Blue’s stepfather disapproved of Blue’s old lifestyle and banned him from ever coming back to the home. Thus,
Blue believed his relationship with his mother drastically changed over time because of the friction between him and his stepfather. He felt that his mother was unconcerned about his lack of employment and need for shelter. Despite his many hardships, Blue enrolled at a local college for business management. By the time the focus group interviews were conducted, Blue had secured two jobs and had custody of one of his children, which was why he was unable to participate in the interviews. Blue shared, in five years, that he would like to have a car and stable home for him and his children. He also wanted to continue to build his relationship with
God and wanted to make progress with his health. Further, Blue stated that he was determined to live more positively. In closing, the three things he would share with his younger self were to: (a) believe in God, (b) have faith things will work out, and (c) learn to think for yourself.
“Chip”
Chip, aged 57, lived in a single-parented home, with his mother and was the youngest of seven children. Chip’s home life was unique. Although his father did not physically live in the home, Chip saw his father every day. Chip’s father was able to see Chip and his siblings off to school every morning and was able to greet them every evening, when they returned home.
Although he was married with a new family, Chip’s father still provided financially for his
74 children. However, not all of Chip’s earliest memories of his father were positive. Chip often witnessed his father physically and verbally abuse his mother. Chip perceived this as a factor affecting his relationships with women, because he physically abused his first girlfriend as a teenager. Ironically, Chip’s father made him aware of his abusive ways.
Despite his disdain for the way his mother was treated, Chip still believed having his father in the home would have made a major difference. Being the youngest, Chip admitted that he was able to get away with a lot with his mother, who he stated was also an alcoholic. Chip’s father and brothers served in the military, while his sisters were hustlers and drug dealers. Chip was influenced mostly by his sisters’ lifestyles. One of his sisters was incarcerated for robbing a bank, while the other hustled men for money. Chip admired the boyfriend of one of his sisters, who introduced Chip to drugs, specifically marijuana. Chip truly idolized his sister’s boyfriend and wanted to be just like him.
Chip admits he was rebellious as a youth, due to witnessing riots and racism growing up.
Chip had a preferred group of friends that he did everything with, including experimenting with drugs and alcohol. He was often the initiator among these friends and other peers. Chip said that he introduced marijuana to the students, during his elementary school years. Chip struggled to focus in school and was uninterested in most of what was taught. Eventually, Chip was expelled for bullying and other behaviors and was sent to another school. Although it was not reflected in his actions or academic performance, Chip professed to enjoy school as a child. Mathematics and reading were two of his favorite subjects. Still, Chip lost focus on school and was suspended often between elementary and high school. By the time he reached high school, Chip was chronically absent, due to truancy and incarceration. When Chip did attend school, he was often
75 high on marijuana or would fall sleep in class. Chip’s last juvenile incarceration prevented him from graduating high school. At the age of 31, he obtained his GED while incarcerated but regretted not taking advantage of educational opportunities as a youth.
Chip began drinking at the age of 13 and began stealing from people in the neighborhood to make money. At 17 years old, Chip began using heroin and continued to do so for 30 years.
Chip’s first incarceration was when he was 15. He was charged with theft, for stealing money to purchase shoes and was sentenced to a juvenile camp for one month. At 17, he was charged again for burglary and spent six months in a juvenile facility. Chip went back to prison, at the age of 22, and served three years. After his release, Chip’s mother passed away from cancer. He attempted to find employment, but his criminal record discouraged employers from hiring him.
Because of inability to secure legal employment, Chip began selling drugs. With a total of 17 years in the penal system and intensive drug use, Chip did not have much of an employment history. During one of his incarcerations, Chip enrolled in college courses for business management. However, the institution providing the educational courses stopped offering all college programs, and he did not attempt to identify another program, after his prison release.
Chip’s mother periodically worked as a housekeeper. With such a large family, they still needed governmental assistance for food and housing. Receiving government assistance meant having to follow certain rules and regulations. A barrier many face when re-entering the community are policies that affect housing assistance. Chip’s family was evicted, after he confronted the apartment manager about an issue in the complex. The manager noticed Chip was carrying a gun and reported it to the police. Although the weapon was not used, housing assistance policies stated that previously incarcerated youth were prohibited from having
76 weapons on the premises. Therefore, his family had to downsize to a smaller unit, causing disruption and friction in the home, ultimately affecting the family.
At the time of the interview, Chip was enrolled in a drug rehabilitation program per court order. Chip was also celebrating being sober for 30 days, something he considered to be a major milestone. Further, Chip shared the three things he would share with his younger self were following: (a) make sure to get an education, (b) find stable employment and plan for retirement, and (c) strive to provide for yourself. For the next five years, Chip wanted to be happy and have five years of sobriety. Chip has been married for seven years. He has two biological children and two stepchildren. Chip participated in both the individual and focus group interview process.
“Pimp Juice”
Pimp Juice (PJ), aged 47, grew up in a two-parented home, with his two other siblings. PJ described his childhood as a rather typical upbringing. Although PJ’s father lived in the home, he worked multiple jobs and rarely had time to interact with his children or participate in family activities. As a youth, PJ secretly desired more attention from his father, as he wanted to have a closer relationship with him. Growing up, PJ frequented the local recreation center and participated in national youth sports programs for gymnastics and swimming. His family attended church weekly, but PJ stopped attending, when he was 15. This was roughly the age, when PJ began displaying antisocial behaviors, and was a critical turning point in his life.
Without the interaction he desperately sought from his father, PJ began seeking other role models. He was really intrigued by some of his older peers from his neighborhood. He connected with one peer, in particular, because of his attraction to the gaudy lifestyles of driving expensive cars and flirtatious women.
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School was seldom a place that PJ wanted to be as a child or teenager. He did not enjoy school because he was always in trouble and believed all his teachers were specifically targeting and punishing him. Although he enjoyed learning about science, the constant punishment from teachers and other school administrators discouraged PJ from wanting to learn. PJ began acting out more at school and retained in the sixth grade, due to multiple suspensions. He wanted to join the Navy, after high school, but was unable to enlist due to a heart murmur. His mother wanted him to attend college, but PJ was uninterested in being in structured educational settings. Once
PJ reached his 30s, he revisited the idea of attending college. He attempted to enroll in courses at a local community college but was unsuccessful in completing the first semester because he neglected to complete a financial aid application. He did not attempt to pursue college any further.
As a child, PJ wanted to be a police officer. He claimed that he soon changed his mind, after he was falsely arrested at 17. PJ was timid and shy, until high school, when he became popular for being the class clown. He believed smoking marijuana gave him the courage to be more outgoing. PJ began smoking marijuana in middle school and started selling it at age 15.
Once he entered high school and started mixing with upperclassmen, he completely lost focus of his schoolwork. Smoking marijuana led to PJ experimenting with other drugs, like cocaine, which eventually led to his incarceration. PJ has been incarcerated multiple times, with his longest sentencing being 11 months. His first incarceration was at the age of 19. His parents supported him financially throughout all his incarcerations but stopped visitation after the first one. PJ says he learned about drugs and harmful behaviors from peers and other media influences.
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At the time of the interview, PJ was working full-time for a local company but was still trying to satisfy the court-mandated drug rehabilitation program. The program has a strict attendance policy. Every time he missed a session, PJ had to start the program over. PJ was a divorcee, after being married for four years. PJ would tell his younger self: (a) family is important, (b) education is important, and (c) stay committed to one woman. In five years, he would like to establish his own painting company. PJ was only able to participate in the individual interview process because he was arrested for drug possession and found high on cocaine.
“Quanni”
Quanni, aged 34, was raised in a single-parented home, with two younger siblings. His mother had him at 17, and he lived with his grandmother until she was able to afford to live on her own. As his mother had other children, Quanni’s grandmother helped support the growing family. Being the oldest, Quanni often felt pressure to help around the household. He had distant relationship with his father but often wished that his mother and father to live together, particularly when his mother had other men living in their home (None of which were biologically related to him or his siblings). Quanni felt he missed having a positive male role model in his life and was only interested in a relationship with his father. At age 12, Quanni’s father moved to another state, thus decreasing the communication between the two even more.
Quanni stated that his uncle attempted to be a positive influence, teaching him to fish and play sports. Yet, there remained a void for Quanni.
Growing up, Quanni and his family often relocated and lived in different neighborhoods.
Most of these areas were infested with crime and drugs. Although Quanni did not enjoy having
79 to constantly relocate, he believed his mother was simply trying to find safe places for them to live.
For most of his childhood, Quanni’s family received government assistance for food and housing. Thus, Quanni struggled to maintain a sense of stability. He also struggled to establish and maintain friendships. Quanni was a follower and was easily influenced by others. Overall, he attended more than seven different schools and did not enjoy school until the seventh grade, when he began to excel academically. However, at the same time, Quanni met a new friend and his old antisocial behaviors began to resurface (e.g., skipping school). He and his new friend would steal bikes and smoke cigars and marijuana. Quanni was retained in eighth grade, after missing most of the classroom assignments. At 16, he decided to withdraw from high school and work full-time at a local fast-food restaurant.
Quanni’s first arrest was at 13, after he stole candy from a store. Then, at 15, he was arrested again for discharging firearms in the air. Both times, he was released back into the custody of his mother. At 17, Quanni moved out of his mother’s home with three friends and quit his fast-food job to sell drugs with his roommates. Shortly after, the Special Weapons and
Tactics (SWAT) team raided their apartment and Quanni spent 6 months in a juvenile detention facility. After being released, Quanni found another job but went back to selling drugs. At 21, he was arrested again and put on probation. Continuing the same pattern, Quanni was arrested again, at 24, and sentenced to serve three years in prison.
While incarcerated, Quanni obtained his GED and participated in a dental assistant program. He was told that he would be able to continue his program outside of prison. However, when he attempted to enroll in the same program, he was informed that he would have to take all
80 the classes again. After his release, Quanni tried to return to a more positive path. Quanni enrolled in classes at the local community college. He attended for one semester, before withdrawing. Quanni stopped doing his academic work because he started selling drugs again.
As a result, he was arrested, at 33, for selling drugs to an undercover informant.
At the time of the interview, Quanni was attending a drug rehabilitation counseling program. Having only been released from prison for 30 days, Quanni was participating in the program, after attempting to overdose on drugs. Quanni has never married but has one child. Due to his struggle to maintain stability, his mother has custody of his child. The three things Quanni would share with his younger self are: (a) stay in school, (b) stay positive, and (c) refrain from always thinking negative. In five years, Quanni would like to move to the same state as his father and work alongside him in the construction field. After the individual interview, Quanni became uncontactable.
“Robert”
Robert, aged 58, grew up living in multiple households but was predominantly raised by his father. Robert’s parents had him, after a one-night stand. Shortly, after Robert was born, his mother left to return to her hometown and wanted to permanently place Robert with his uncle and aunt, who were not able to conceive children. Robert’s father was totally against the idea but agreed that Robert could live with the family until he returned from the military. At age six,
Robert’s mother sent for him to come and live with her and his four siblings. Robert lived with his mother for three years, before returning to live with his father. Robert spent those three years resenting his mother, because he could not understand why she took him away from his father.
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When he returned home, his father was married and worked in construction and later in the insurance industry. Once again, Robert went to live with his uncle and aunt, after his father’s business venture went awry. Robert’s family struggled financially until he was 14, when his father made a drastic career change. Robert’s father began selling drugs. Robert had always admired his father and considered him his hero. Growing up, he had no career aspirations until his father began selling drugs and he saw the income it produced. At the age of 16, Robert began selling drugs with his father.
Robert participated in many activities growing up, but boxing was his favorite. Robert trained and worked with professionals to perfect his craft. His trainers were so impressed with his skills that they wanted him to enter the Olympic trials. However, Robert was attracted to his father’s new lifestyle, selling drugs to make money. Robert was so eager to grow up and engage in adult activities. At 14, he started smoking cigarettes and eventually experimented with other drugs. His first encounter with the law was at age 12, when he and some friends broke into a car warehouse. At age 14, an employee that worked for his uncle asked Robert to hold his drugs, while the adults went inside a bar. Detectives noticed Robert outside the area and conducted a random search. He was detained overnight at the local jail.
Once Robert began selling drugs with his father, he began using the drugs he was supposed to be selling. Robert began using cocaine but kept the habit from his father until his father caught him. Robert stated that was the first time his father had ever physically hit him.
Their relationship began to weaken, and Robert moved out of the family home. Robert served 18 total years in prison for robbery, kidnapping, and extortion. After being released, he attempted to again engage in the illegal activities that had landed him in prison. This ultimately led to another
82 incarceration stint. While incarcerated, Robert continued to sell drugs and gamble with the money he made. However, he obtained his GED and associate degree in Business. Later, he started working on a bachelor’s degree but quit to study law so that he could challenge his conviction. Robert became known as the jailhouse lawyer, because he assisted others with their cases. He benefited financially from providing these services to other inmates. Robert never liked school growing up because he believed it hampered him from being able to run the streets in his neighborhood. He also struggled in school because he had an issue with authority.
Although he always achieved the grades to be promoted to the next grade, he did not feel challenged. Robert began skipping class in middle school and was suspended, once for fighting.
Once Robert reached the 10th grade, he decided to drop out.
At the time of the interview, Robert was receiving counseling services at a drug rehabilitation program because he was still struggling with addiction. Robert and his wife had been together a total of 17 years but were separated at the time of the interview. Robert did not have any biological children but experienced fatherhood as a stepparent. When asked where he would like to be in the next five years, PJ stated that he would like to be physically and financially comfortable. He also would like to work on learning to keep promises, and three things he would tell his younger self are: (a) make different and better choices, (b) better utilize the knowledge you obtain, and (c) learn to be more patient.
“Tupac”
Tupac, aged 62, lived with multiple family members, over the course of his childhood and teenage years. He lived with his mother, several states away from other relatives, until the third grade. His mother then sent him back to live with his father. However, Tupac ended up
83 living with his paternal grandmother, until the seventh grade, because his father was always working. When Tupac was living with his grandmother, his aunt and eight other children also stayed in the home. Tupac described the environment as overcrowded and chaotic. When he was able to go and live with his father in eighth grade, he was relieved. His father was married, and
Tupac struggled connecting with his stepmother. Thus, Tupac missed having his father around, so he wanted all his attention to catch up for lost time. As a result, Tupac resented his stepmother for discouraging his father from buying him things.
Tupac often felt like the “black sheep” of the family. He also felt invisible. Both his siblings and cousins taunted him as he struggled academically in school. His grandmother asked that he be retained a grade, when he first moved with her. Tupac felt he was always being disciplined or blamed for something at home. No one seemed to show him the love he desperately sought. He was a people pleaser and often assumed the role of a follower. In high school, he played basketball and track but excelled in basketball, even though he was removed from the team for chronic absences from practice.
Tupac struggled academically, until he was identified for special education services. He enjoyed mathematics and art. Despite the negativity from his family, Tupac loved his special education classes because he received the needed attention and support lacking at home. His teachers and classmates encouraged him, and he loved being around them. However, Tupac was discouraged from attending college because of its cost and because his family felt he lacked academic ability to succeed. Tupac started drinking alcohol and smoking marijuana at 15. Once he graduated from high school, Tupac drank daily. Tupac began using cocaine and other drugs in his 30s. Although Tupac was married, he spent the week working and the weekends drinking
84 with his friends. He thought that he had everything under control, because he did not drink in front of his kids or harm others.
Tupac made enough money to pay his family’s bills but did not have enough for alcohol and drugs. He and his friends began stealing to support their habits. This led to multiple incarcerations. Tupac helped a friend rob a bank and was faced with 25 to 50 years of jail time.
He was ultimately sentenced to serve only seven of those years. With each incarceration, Tupac was only focused on how not to be caught the next time. Tupac spent most of his 40s and 50s in and out of prison. More specifically, he has been arrested more than 40 times and incarcerated seven times. Before his last incarceration, Tupac had not been out of prison more than 60 days, before he was rearrested. He attempted to sell cocaine to a girl and her friend, who were undercover police officers. Tupac did not have to worry about obtaining employment in between his incarcerations, because his father always made sure he was employed.
At the time of the interview, he was attending classes at a drug and alcohol treatment center. Tupac had been sober for a few years, but still attended counseling sessions to stay focused and help others. Tupac credited his faith with helping him stay sober. Tupac was married twice. His first marriage lasted 22 years, and they had three children. The marriage ended in divorce because he was constantly in and out of jail. His second marriage only lasted a couple of years because of domestic violence. Tupac would tell his younger self to stay focused and hold on to religion. In five years, he would like to become an alcohol and drug counselor.
“Black”
Black, aged 31, grew up in a home environment in which he described as very dysfunctional. Black, along with his two brothers, lived with their paternal grandmother after
85 being left by their father at an early age. Black’s mother was a heavy drinker and experimented with a number of drugs. At times, she worked as a prostitute. Black’s father also abused drugs but was more interested in selling and distributing them.
Over the course of 18 years, Black recalled his mother visiting only a few times. He did not even know her name, until he was in high school. His father visited more frequently, but the visits were short and meaningless to Black. In addition to him and his two brothers, his grandmother had seven other people living in the home. More specifically, ten or more people could be found living in the home on any given day. Apart from his grandmother, Black did not feel supported in the home. When his grandmother was not around, Black described the household as troubling and chaotic. He shared that many family members physically and emotionally abused him and his brothers. Because of the aforementioned issues in his home,
Black found himself extremely angry all the time and wanting to give up on life. Much of what was going on affected Black’s behavior and performance in school. For example, he was often bullied.
Growing up, Black played football and was an avid boxer at the local recreation center.
He dreamt of becoming a football player, but this quickly changed around the age of 12, when he was introduced to selling and using drugs. In his neighborhood, he grew up seeing a lot of drug use and trafficking, prostitution, gun violence, and deaths. Black was first introduced to selling drugs by a friend but had seen many family members using various substances. Black did not finish high school because he did not accumulate enough course credits. This was mainly due to his absences in school and his frequent number of incarcerations. Black was retained in school twice and was in and out of juvenile detention facilities, until the age of 19. His first arrest and
86 experience in a facility were, at the age of 13, for stolen property. A friend stole a car and offered to let Black drive. He got behind the wheel and crashed. Black was later arrested but his friend was not. He vowed to never drive again and still does not drive at 31. Both of his brothers were currently incarcerated.
Black believed there was no real guidance or support for him. Black only received support from his family, when he was selling drugs and making money, but their attitudes shifted whenever he was in prison. Black enjoyed school for a number of years and considered it a getaway from home. He enjoyed learning about science and history. As he grew older, he became solely interested in girls and playing sports. In middle school, Black was placed in special education classes but tested out of those classes in high school. Black would often get suspended from school for fighting, but he claimed it was all self-defense. However, Black did not like getting in trouble and preferred being the teacher’s pet. Black dropped out of high school because he thought he would never be able to graduate.
He wanted to obtain his GED, while he was incarcerated, but was placed on a waiting list and never selected. After being released, he considered trying to obtain his GED but did not have insufficient funds to enroll. At the time of the interview, Black was on probation and enrolled at a drug treatment facility. He was looking for a job that would fit his schedule at the center.
Further, Black has never been married but has two children. Three things Black would share with his younger self were: (a) stick with it and finish school, (b) always stay positive, and (c) be happy and smile more. In five years, Black would like to have a stable income to consistently pay child support. In addition, he would like to move out of the community, where he was residing. Black only participated in the individual interview process.
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“Leroy”
Leroy, aged 57, grew up in a single-parented home, with his mother and three younger siblings. As the oldest, Leroy grew up having to learn responsibility. For example, he was assigned multiple chores and the responsibility to take care of his siblings. Leroy’s mother had him at a young age, and he enjoyed the benefits of being the only child. As the family grew, he noticed his mother struggled financially, ultimately giving him less. His mother relocated to be closer to family, and his maternal grandparents and aunts were spending quality time with him and assist his family. After Leroy’s mother had her third child, she began dating a police officer, the father of his fourth and youngest sibling. Although his mother’s boyfriend never lived in the home with Leroy and his family, Leroy acknowledged that he was an intricate part of the family and helped financially.
The family dynamics continuously shifted until Leroy’s teenage years. Some events occurred, during Leroy’s childhood, including his grandparents’ separation after his grandmother shot his grandfather over drugs. Because his father was not in the picture, he felt abandoned by his father and questioned regularly why he was not around. His father had 11 other children, some of whom Leroy had already established relationships. When his mother became upset with
Leroy, she often told him that he was acting just like his father.
Leroy has struggled with drugs and alcohol, since his teenage years. He was introduced to alcohol, through family, and began drinking, around the age of 12. His mother, grandparents, and aunts would frequent local bars and cabarets. Leroy recalled his family drinking in the home, on a regular basis. He was responsible for cleaning up, after they passed out from being intoxicated.
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Leroy later began to experiment with alcohol, because he enjoyed the way it made him feel. After his mother discovered he was drinking, she did not discourage him but only asked that he be careful. Leroy drank, when he was mad, frustrated, and/or just wanted to have a good time.
Once Leroy entered high school, he began smoking marijuana. Leroy continued drinking heavily, until his early 20s, when his liver failed. At this point, he turned to using drugs heavily.
Leroy was arrested over 85 times, and he lost count of the number of times he has been in jail.
Growing up, Leroy had issues with self-esteem. He often felt worthless and found alcohol and drugs to be his only outlets. His family moved around frequently, causing Leroy to have to establish new friendships often. The constant relocation, coupled with his self-esteem issues, led
Leroy to become more a follower. He wanted to fit in so badly, that he emulated everything his peers were doing. This led to his first incarceration, at the age of 15. One of his friends came into some money, and Leroy found out he obtained the money by breaking into someone’s home.
They, then, went and tried to rob the same house. Both Leroy and his friend were caught and had to serve 15 days in a juvenile detention facility.
Growing up, Leroy dreamed of becoming a fireman. His favorite subjects in school were biology and mathematics. Leroy was typically a C and D average student but was still able to play sports in middle school. He attempted to play football and basketball in high school but was cut from both teams. His brother, however, excelled in sports and received a lot of attention at school. Leroy began skipping school in the 10th grade. When he did attend school, he only wanted to flirt with his female peers or show off his wardrobe choice for the day. He began struggling in mathematics and was soon retained and placed in special education. Although he liked the help he was receiving in his new classes, he was still focused on what was going on
89 outside of the classroom. Leroy had a clean school record. He was only suspended once, over the course of his schooling. After he left school, Leroy spent 6 years in the military. Leroy admitted he lost the value of an education long before high school. He tried to care about school in order to please his mother, who wanted him to succeed because she had obtained an eighth grade education only. Leroy eventually obtained his GED during his fourth incarceration.
At the time of the interview, Leroy was working as a dishwasher at a local restaurant.
Leroy has been married for 11 years. He and his wife married, while he was incarcerated, and have been together for 24 years. He has seven children, from previous partners. When asked what he would share with his younger self, he stated the following: (a) slow down and pay attention to what people are trying to say to you, (b) stay in school and get an education, and (c) be positive and do not allow negativity to take over. In the next five years, he would like to help others avoid experiencing addiction and incarceration. Leroy participated in both the individual and focus group interview process.
“34”
34, aged 49, grew up living with his mom and three other siblings. Around the age of five, 34’s mother married. Growing up, 34 did not have much interaction with his biological father but knew of him. Although there were two parents in the home, 34 stated that his family still needed government assistance. 34 described his upbringing as dysfunctional and lacking guidance. The home was consumed with fighting, gambling, and drugs. 34 grew up believing that these things were normal. His stepfather was the only one in the household, who was employed. When 34 was 13, his mother was arrested and sentenced to six months in prison. Even though this was a relatively short period, his mother’s absence had a major impact on 34’s
90 development. Still, he admired his mother and did not judge her for any of her decisions or the way their household was structured.
As a child, 34 dreamed of being a football player. He played football from elementary to high school and excelled in the sport. Academically, he struggled and realized early that he needed assistance. Hence, he received A-level grades in all his classes and could not recall ever having homework. 34 continued the same pattern in high school, where he was the star football player. 34 received several offers from colleges and universities. After he graduated from high school, he accepted a football scholarship to attend college. 34 failed, after one semester, due to his inability to comprehend the course material.
34 felt that he was not adequately prepared to be successful at the college level. He believed he received good grades, without merit, and should not have ever made it to the ninth grade. Because he was pleasant to his teachers, he was allowed to show up late and leave class as he pleased. He was suspended a few times in middle school for fighting. In 12th grade, he was expelled for fighting but was moved to another high school and continued to play sports. 34 began selling drugs after dropping out of college. After he returned home, he and some friends from his neighborhood started a gang. He was one of the founding members.
34 later moved to another side of town, connecting with another affiliate gang and quickly assuming a leadership role. The gang went from being a local neighborhood gang to being recognized as one of the most notorious gangs in America, at the time. The Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) and the Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA) swept 50 of the gang’s members off the street. During his first incarceration, 34 was still selling drugs and calling shots. He was 27, when he was arrested for a second time, and served
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12 years. While incarcerated, 34 did not pursue any educational opportunities. However, he worked on teaching himself how to read and taught himself certain subjects, using the books in the library. A few years into his last prison term, he believed he received a vision from God that he claimed changed his life. He completely turned his life around, becoming a model prisoner.
His new attitude and behavior contributed to his clearance level dropping. After serving his time,
34 left prison ready to make a difference.
At the time of the interview, 34 was working as a youth intervention specialist, aiming to help other Black males find alternatives to gangs and drugs. He has been married for 3 years and has two stepchildren. In five years, he would like to continue growing in a positive direction and fulfilling his vision from God. 34 would write to his younger self about all his past experiences and how to navigate them. He would share that everyone goes through things for a reason. He was not sure if he would want to change any of his experiences, because he believes he went through certain things to help others. 34 participated in both the individual and group interview process.
“Mr. ETV”
Mr. ETV, aged 48, was taken away from his biological mother, at the age of 5. When he grew older, he learned that his mother was a notorious bank robber, who was charged with multiple counts of murder. He also learned that his mother carried him with her during a few of the robberies and used his diaper to transport money and drugs. His biological father was also known for selling drugs and well known in the community. Mr. ETV did not meet his father, until his 40s, after he was released from prison. His mother had 12 children, by 5 different men.
Mr. ETV was able to briefly reconnect with his biological mother, at 13, when she was released
92 from prison for health related problems. Mr. ETV struggled to recall what life was like, during the first five years of his life with his biological family. He did not know he was adopted, until the age of 12, when he crossed paths with his biological sister at school. A well-known family in the community adopted Mr. ETV into a two-parented home. He went from living in a low- income environment to living in a middle- to upper-class community. The family adopted him because they were not able to conceive children of their own. However, a few years after Mr.
ETV was adopted, the couple gave birth to a baby girl.
For a number of years, Mr. ETV felt like he had nothing in common with his adopted parents. He often feeling like he was an outcast. After they had their daughter, Mr. ETV felt they treated their daughter better because she was their biological child. Hence, Mr. ETV was provided opportunities that he would not have had without his biological family. He participated in activities, such as the boy scouts, eagle scouts, and kickboxing. Mr. ETV shared that his adopted parents were extremely strict. He was only allowed to participate in activities they approved. When he did not achieve good grades, they would not allow him to play sports at school or the neighborhood recreation center.
Mr. ETV recalled vividly, being verbally and physically abused by his adopted father. He would often tell him that he did not want him to end up like the typical, “Black American male.”
When Mr. ETV found out he was adopted and expressed an interest in connecting with his biological family, his adoptive parents were displeased. They told him they would not allow him to go back and forth between homes, so Mr. ETV chose to be with his biological family. He struggled to adapt to his new environment and later began living on the street behind a shopping plaza with some of his biological family members.
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Mr. ETV became intrigued with the street life and began engaging in harmful activities.
News traveled fast to his adopted parents about these activities. Around the city, people who knew of his association with his adoptive family were embarrassed. They contacted Mr. ETV’s biological family and asked that they help find him. Members of his biological family were able to convince him to return to his adopted family. He was told that his adopted family were taking him on a trip for a family reunion. Mr. ETV claimed that his adopted family drove him to another state and dropped him off to fend for himself. Utilizing some of his new survival skills,
Mr. ETV found a way to provide for himself. He connected with a gang and began selling drugs.
Mr. ETV also claimed that he became a millionaire by the time he was 16.
Mr. ETV discovered later in life that the struggles he encountered with reading when he was younger were because he was dyslexic. As a child, his parents and teachers did not know how to deal with his reading struggles and assumed he was lazy. For years, Mr. ETV struggled to read and write. Instead of his family or teachers providing him with the necessary help to overcome these struggles, such as hiring a tutor, he was punished physically and emotionally.
Eventually, Mr. ETV was tested and qualified for Special Education services. However, he still struggled with a lack of confidence. His struggle to maintain good grades and please his adopted parents was another reason he chose to connect with his biological family. Mr. ETV also said that he chose to chase money, instead of an education, was because it was something he did well.
He dropped out of school, when he went to live with his biological family. During his incarceration, he attempted to obtain his GED but was removed from the class, and never tried again.
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The first time Mr. ETV was arrested was at the age of 12. He was arrested for jaywalking in his neighborhood, and his adopted mother had to come and pick him up. At the age of 21, Mr.
ETV was charged with conspiracy to sell large quantities of cocaine, as well as commit murder.
While living on his own, he became associated with a notorious gang. He traveled and lived in a few different cities, before being caught by the FBI. He served a 20-year sentence in federal prison. Mr. ETV had two children, before he was incarcerated. During that time, he connected with his adopted mother and asked her to help raise his children, despite everything that happened in the past. She apologized to him for all the mistreatment he endured as a child.
During the interview process, Mr. ETV was working with youth and adults affiliated with gangs to help them make better life decisions. He also worked with youth to provide preventative strategies to avoid gangs and incarceration all together. Mr. ETV’s son was recently incarcerated for two murder charges. Mr. ETV never married and did not express an interest in exploring marriage in the future. The three things he would share with his younger self were to: (a) believe in yourself, (b) do not let anything interfere with your beliefs, and (c) do not allow people to put you in a box, especially if you are not educated in the way society believes you should be. Mr.
ETV only participated in the individual interview process.
“Cooper”
Cooper, aged 61, was incarcerated for the first time, at the age of 42. Although he was originally sentenced to 30 years in prison, Cooper was released, after serving 17 years, due to the policy changes implemented by former President Barack H. Obama and the former attorney general, Eric Holder. The new policies reduced sentences of hundreds of prisoners. According to
Cooper, he was convicted of a bogus drug charge, a tactic the FBI used because he would not
95 give up the name of another individual they were investigating. Two years before his incarceration, he was picked up and questioned by the Secret Service, the U.S. Marshalls, and the
FBI, because of his distribution and cashing of fraudulent government treasury checks. While incarcerated, Cooper worked in what would be considered “high-level” prisoner positions.
Ironically, one of his positions was in the prison payroll department, where he handled 3 million- dollar budgets. Cooper shared that, before being transferred from the county jail to the prison facility, he had turned his life over to God and religion became a major part of his life.
There were a few periods of his life, when Cooper was living in a single-parented household. His biological father moved to New York, when he and Cooper’s mother had their third child. Cooper’s mother remarried, when he was five years old. She had five additional children. Cooper became close to his stepfather and saw him as a father-figure. Cooper respected his stepfather’s values and perspectives on family. His stepfather also taught him a lot about work ethic and entrepreneurship. Cooper enjoyed his large immediate family and his close relationships with these other family members. Growing up, they would often go fishing and camping, and he was heavily involved in activities at the local recreation center. His father attempted to have Cooper and his siblings to come to New York. However, Cooper stopped the visits because he became no longer interested in seeing his father. At the age of eight, he and his brother moved with their paternal grandparents across town. His grandmother often offered to
Cooper’s mother to help raise the grandchildren to ensure they were properly cared for and not overlooked by the other children. Cooper and his brother went from sharing rooms with multiple siblings to each having a room of their own. Four years later, his grandparents divorced, forcing his grandmother to find government housing assistance. Although she had income from her work
96 as a home provider for an affluent White family, it was not enough to support Cooper and his brothers.
Cooper continued to visit his mother and her side of the family but felt connected more with his maternal family, particularly his grandmother. Cooper’s maternal grandmother was a bootlegger and advocated for women struggling in the community. Cooper noticed how much of an impact his grandmother had on people in their community. This influenced his desire to grow up and help those who were less fortunate, almost like Robin Hood. Cooper eventually left his paternal grandmother’s home, when he was 15. They did not agree on a lot, particularly when it came to school and his education. His grandmother asked that he be retained in middle school, even though he was not failing in any courses. Cooper’s teachers encouraged and supported him because they noticed his “A student” potential. However, Cooper’s focused on being the class clown and having fun with his friends. Cooper’s favorite subject was mathematics.
In high school, he was moved back up a grade after a teacher felt he could potentially be in a gifted program. However, he still maintained a B average to be able to participate in recreation center activities. Teachers and administrators discussed with Cooper the possibility of college, but he was not interested in the idea. As he grew older, he was less interested in school and more interested in spending time on the streets. He moved in with his mother’s sister and lived with her family. After high school, Cooper’s maternal grandmother helped him find a job with his aunt. After working a few short months, he quit without informing his grandmother to open a nightclub with his friends. At the same time, they began selling marijuana.
With all of Cooper’s connections in his current and former neighborhoods, he was able to help grow the clientele for the nightclub. A few years later, he joined the National Guard as a
97 medic and then the Army Reserve as a professional records specialist. Cooper and his friends decided to add more products to their business and began selling cocaine. The more money
Cooper made, the more time he spent thinking of other ways to bring in revenue, which led to his involvement with government treasury checks.
Cooper fathered eight children, before his incarceration. He believed his incarceration impacted his family in a major way. He missed helping to raise his children and believed, if he had been present, that some of his children would have chosen a more positive path. Two of his eight children were incarcerated in adult prison facilities. Cooper was married, and his wife supported him throughout his 17-year incarceration. When asked the three things he would share with his younger self, he stated to: (a) watch who you take in your home, (b) watch who you hang around with, and (c) do not trust somebody just because they sound good. In the next five years, he hoped to become a millionaire and continue working on his childhood dream of helping the poor. Cooper participated in the individual interview process.
3.3.5 Recruitment
Participant recruitment primarily occurred at a local drug and alcohol rehabilitation center, because it had a significant population of previously incarcerated individuals. The center assisted with recruitment, by distributing materials to prospective participants and providing space to conduct interviews and administer the biographical questionnaires. The initial process for identifying recruitment sites entailed utilizing criterion sampling. This is a type of purposive sampling (Patton, 2002), recruiting participants who can provide in-depth information about a particular phenomenon under investigation and that have relevance to a study’s research questions (Ritchie, Lewis, & Elam, 2003; Yin, 2016). Purposive sampling can be highly
98 subjective, if participants selected are based on convenience, concerning location or data provided (Yin, 2016). This form of sampling is deliberate so that the study may yield the most relevant data (Hesse-Biber, 2017).
Criterion sampling requires that all participants have experienced the same phenomenon
(Creswell, 2013; Miles & Huberman, 1994). Therefore, criterion sampling requires the recruitment of participants that have experienced the same phenomenon and can provide the most relevant data on said phenomenon. Organizations were recruited, based on their ability to connect the researcher with the research population of interest. As mentioned in the aforementioned paragraph on sampling, the criteria for selecting participants were the following:
(a) identified as a Black male, and (b) had been incarcerated previously in a juvenile correctional facility, adult facility, or both. Additionally, participants needed to have been incarcerated, at least once, for at least three months or longer, in a jail or prison facility. After an organization agreed to allow the researcher to recruit at its site, a representative from the organization provided an approval letter to be submitted to the Institutional Review Board (IRB) (Appendix
A).
Few organizations were receptive to allowing the researcher to recruit their patients.
Some of the organizations contacted discussed confidentiality protocols or suggested they were not interested in increasing their patrons’ responsibilities, in addition to what they were already expected to do. To adapt for this, an additional recruitment strategy, known as snowball sampling, was implemented to ensure a sufficient number of participants. Snowball sampling is a qualitative recruitment technique that requires sampling from a known network, like recruiting participants from a close source (Hesse-Biber, 2017). Although this sampling technique is often
99 used to identify participants, when appropriate candidates are difficult to locate, this technique is also effective for recruiting individuals for studies with complex topics (Yin, 2016). At the end of each interview, the researcher asked participants if they knew of other organizations or individuals that may be interested in participating in the study. If a participant identified an organization, the researcher made contact and followed the initial recruitment process steps. If a participant identified an individual, the researcher contacted the individual with information on the study. Individuals were only told they were referred for a study, and no additional identifiable information was provided.
Participation in this study was voluntary, and participants were able to withdraw from the study, at any time during the research process. Incentives were provided dependent on participants’ level of completion of the study. Gift cards were provided in prorated amounts.
More specifically, participants that completed all parts of the study (i.e., biographical questionnaire, individual and focus group interviews, and member checking) received a $10 gift card. If participants withdrew before completing all required parts of the study, they received a
$5 gift card.
3.3.6 Data Collection
Semi-structured interviews (i.e., individual and focus group) and biographical questionnaires were the primary means of data collection for this study. The Biographical
Questionnaires were given to participants, at the beginning of each individual interview. The questionnaires provided the researcher with information on the characteristics of the sample and background information to include in the final report. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were used to collect the data for the study. Imposing a rigid structure on the interview by asking a
100 standardized set of questions is not ideal for narrative studies and leads participants, not allowing their authentic stories to be shared (Riessman, 2008). However, it is important to note that some individuals may find it difficult to respond if simply asked to produce an account of their life, so open-ended, semi-structured questions were utilized in this study (Elliot, 2005). To that end, an interview protocol was established to help guide the interview process. Each interview was audio taped and transcribed verbatim. Overall, each participant was expected to participate in one individual interview and one focus group session.
Individual Interviews. Extant research suggested that 90 minutes as an optimum length for a qualitative interview (Creswell, 2003; Elliot, 2005). Providing a structured time for interviews helps participants know what to expect and allows them the opportunity to be more open and available (Elliot, 2005; Waller, Farquharson, & Dempsey, 2016). For this study, individual interviews were between 60 to 180 minutes in length. Each individual interview addressed participants’ experiences before, during, and after incarceration. The individual interview protocol (Appendix D) was organized into four major sections: (a) family, (b) community, (c) school, and (d) behavior and incarceration. Interview questions were influenced and constructed, based on theoretical and empirical literature, as well as the theoretical framework employed for the study. All 15 participants completed the individual interview process.
Focus Groups. All participants were asked to partake in a focus group interview.
The focus groups allowed the researcher to collect data “real-time” from multiple voices to create a collective narrative (Hesse-Biber, 2017). Morgan (1996) noted the significance of the focus group effect and how social interactions of focus groups offer valuable data, due to
101 participant efforts to explain in detail particular responses. Thus, it was concluded by incorporating focus groups that additional details could be gleaned and developed from participants’ narratives.
Utilizing an interview protocol, focus groups were guided, lasting between 1 to 2.5 hours in length. The focus group protocol (Appendix E) included questions dedicated to perspectives on the treatment of previously incarcerated citizens’ post-incarceration and collective solutions.
Only nine of the participants were able to contribute to the focus group data. Of the six participants not able to participate, one was arrested shortly after our first individual interview, two participants declined to participate in the focus groups, one participant did not answer any communications from the researcher, and the last two participants stated they would participate but did not show at either of the scheduled focus groups. With many of the focus group questions focused on collective solutions, the missing data of the six participants did not effect the primary purpose of the dissertation but did effect the data collected to address the third research question, which focused on strategies and solutions.
Biographical Questionnaire. Questionnaires (Appendix C) were used to collect pertinent demographic information about the individual as it related to the study. Participants completed the biographical questionnaire, before the individual interview began. Most of the information obtained from the questionnaire was used to establish background data on the sample population.
Select information from the question (e.g., education levels or number of incarcerations) influenced the development of themes and data analysis.
A pilot study interview was conducted before the official study began to assist in clarifying research process and interview questions. To ensure validity and ethical standards
102 were upheld throughout this study, the researcher sought the approval of the IRB. IRB approved the study before the researcher was able to initiate data collection (see Appendix A). To maintain the integrity of the study, participants were asked to sign consent forms, before they could participate in the study.
3.3.7 Data Analysis
Qualitative data analysis primarily consists of preparing and organizing data obtained in a study, reducing the data into themes, and representing the data visually and/or through discussion
(Creswell 2007). First, a plan for managing data was created. Due to confidentiality concerns, files for the data were kept in a safe place, with access provided only to the researcher. Once the study began, the researcher kept a journal, detailing experiences from each interview and notes in between sessions. Conceptualizing and notetaking throughout the study have proven to be a helpful tool in approaching data analysis (Huberman & Miles, 1994). This process helped the researcher to recall thoughts and assisted with initial codes and theme development.
Narrative analysis consists of collecting stories of personal experiences and require retelling the stories based on narrative elements (Riessman, 2008). Creswell (2007) stated that
“the data collected in a narrative study need to be analyzed for the story they have to tell, a chronology of unfolding events, and turning points” (p. 155). In order to create a collective narrative, data coding was the key strategy utilized for analyzing the information provided.
During the process of describing, classifying, and interpreting data, researchers should develop codes in order to sort text into categories (Creswell, 2013; Marshall & Rossman, 1989).
To ensure credibility and researcher subjectivity, the researcher utilized two peers to assist as research partners. Both research partners assisted with the data analysis process. The
103 first research partner was an African American woman with a Ph.D. in an educational related field. This research partner had experience with the research process, particularly qualitative research studies. The second research partner was also an African American woman. She was familiar with both qualitative and quantitative research studies as well as extensive experience with the population recruited for the study. After selecting research partners, the researcher prepared materials to provide to each partner in order to assist with data analysis. Each research partner was provided copies of transcripts, emergent code list, and instructions on how to code transcripts. The researcher provided examples and talked through an example with research partners. Individually, the researcher and both research partners first read through the transcripts to become familiarized with the narratives. The second transcript reading was guided by the codebook created by the researcher. After, the researcher met individually with each research partner again to discuss themes and findings.
Thematic analysis and open coding were used in the initial analysis stage. Thematic analysis allowed the researcher to see patterns in the dataset. Open coding included taking data and separating them into categories that represented themes (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Emergent codes, also known as prefigured codes, were derived from the literature, and assisted with the development of the codebook (Crabtree & Miller, 1992). Some qualitative researchers believe this process limits the analysis of a study. However, the researcher wanted to be open to additional codes that emerged during the analysis phase, as this helped to ensure the data were truly representative of the participants’ narratives.
From the emergent themes, a codebook was created to document themes displayed in the interview data. After all interviews, individual and focus group, were transcribed, the researcher
104 examined the categories to create specific themes to interpret the larger meaning of the story
(Creswell, 2007). From this stage, the researcher was able to present a complete narrative, focusing on the processes, theories, and unique features of the life of the participants (Creswell,
2013).
3.4 Ethical Consideration/Establishing Trustworthiness
During the design of a study and sometimes after a study has been conducted, researchers check to ensure they are progressing in the right direction and addressing the validity of a study
(Creswell, 2013; Yin 2016). Qualitative methodology is evaluated by the trustworthiness and rigor of the methodological procedures (Shenton, 2004). In order to minimize bias and increase the validity of the data collected, trustworthiness is a critical quality to address (Hess-Biber,
2017; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Yin 2016). Credibility, dependability, confirmability, and transferability were addressed to establish the steps needed to avoid bias and enhance validation in this study. Each concept aligns with the narrative inquiry methodology used in this study.
3.4.1 Credibility
Credibility refers to ensuring the accurate preparation and interpretation of a study’s data
(Creswell, 2013; Yin, 2016), particularly of participants meaning of data (Creswell, 2013).
Ensuring credibility is the first and most important step in establishing trustworthiness (Lincoln
& Guba, 1985). Research credibility is usually established, when the researcher is able to precisely depict the perceptions of the individuals that participated in the research. The examination of previous research findings is suggested to assess whether research results are congruent with those of past studies (Shenton, 2004). The first step in ensuring the credibility of this study was the development of a literature review, Chapter 2 of this dissertation.
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Next, triangulation techniques were utilized. In triangulation, researchers utilize multiple and different sources, methods, investigators, or theories to provide corroborating evidence and avoid researcher bias (Creswell, 2007; Yin, 2016). In 1986, Lather asserted that researchers should move beyond the “psychometric definition of multiple measures to include multiple data sources, methods, and theoretical schemes” (p. 270). Two types of triangulation were employed in this study to ensure accurate results from the study’s findings, method and investigator triangulation.
Method Triangulation. This form of triangulation emphasizes the multiple data collection methods used in a study (Carter et al., 2014; Polit & Beck, 2012). The following methods were utilized for this study:
a. Biographical questionnaires
b. Individual interviews and transcripts
c. Focus group interviews and transcripts
The researcher utilized multiple methods of data collection to ensure validity. Biographical questionnaires were used first to collect pertinent background information on participants. Next, individual interviews were conducted and transcribed. Participants were contacted after individual interviews in order to participate in focus group interviews.
Investigator Triangulation. This form of triangulation, also considered analyst triangulation, involves the participation of more than one researcher or analyst to review findings in a study (Patton, 2002). The following techniques were utilized for this study:
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a. Peer debriefing provides an external check of the research study process (Creswell,
2007). Lincoln and Guba (1985) defined a peer debriefer as an individual who helps
keep the researcher honest. The researcher utilized two research partners to assist
with these checks, detailed description of peer debriefing process is described in data
analysis section. Description of research partners can be found in Appendix H.
b. Member checking is the process of ensuring that the participants’ thoughts and
comments were accurately portrayed (Creswell, 2013). Lincoln and Guba (1985)
considered this to be the “most critical technique for establishing credibility” (p. 314).
All but two participants were presented with the opportunity to review and verify that
the information obtained was accurate, only five expressed an interest in verifying the
information. This process took place after all the interviews were conducted,
transcribed, and analyzed. Once the researcher analyzed the data and the peer
debriefing process took place, the researcher contacted each participant to share the
data and themes that emerged. Additionally, participants were able to ensure the data
found aligned with the narrative they wanted to tell. A letter was provided to
participants with information (Appendix G).
Additionally, reflexive journaling played a role in monitoring of the researcher’s own developing constructions, which is considered critical in establishing credibility (Guba & Lincoln, 1989;
Yin, 2016). During this data collection process, the researcher continuously evaluated the study by considering all new aspects and developments. Journaling was also used to record the researcher’s initial impressions on the sessions where data were collected and record patterns appearing to emerge in the data collected and themes generated. 107
3.4.2 Dependability
Lincoln and Guba (1985) asserted that for a study to ensure dependability, it must be logical, well documented, and traceable. To this end, dependability, also considered reliability of a study, can be addressed several ways (Creswell,2013; Silverman, 2005) and should provide internal consistency to the data collected (Hesse-Biber, 2017). For this study, dependability was enhanced through the development of a research audit trail. An audit trail documents the research development process and provides an account of all research decisions and activities (Creswell &
Millar, 2006; Koch, 2006). Additionally, an audit trail involves a detailed process of data collection methods, and data analysis and interpretation (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Rice & Ezzy,
2000). Carcary (2009) suggested there can be two variations to the research audit trail; intellectual and physical. The author further describes the intellectual audit trail as assisting “the researcher in reflecting on how his/her thinking evolved throughout all phases of the study” (p.
16). Physical audit trails are actual documents that track the stages of the study and highlights major methodology decisions (Carcary, 2009). The following included intellectual and physical audit trails for the current study:
1. Research proposal
2. Finalized interview protocols and schedule
3. Audio-recorded interviews and interview transcripts (i.e., individual and focus
group interviews)
4. Reflection journal
5. Process notes in the form of peer debriefing and member checks
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6. Emergent Codebook
Additionally, during the data analysis process, the researcher and the research partners for this study established intercoder agreement. This technique encompasses multiple coders to analyze and transcribe data (Creswell, 2013).
3.4.3 Confirmability
Confirmability decreases the opportunity for researcher subjectivity in a study’s findings and analysis. Shenton (2004) suggests detailed steps are outlined, before a study begins, to ensure the findings of the study are more the experiences and ideas of the participants and not solely the preferences of the researcher conducting the study. For this study, confirmability was corroborated through triangulation, peer debriefing, and a research audit trail, all techniques previously described. Further, by providing a detailed methodological description, the researcher increased confirmability of the study’s results.
3.4.4 Transferability
Transferability, also known as generalizability of qualitative research, is demonstrated when the research findings can be applied to a larger population; more specifically, other contexts or populations (Elliot, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Shenton, 2004). Yin (2016) reaffirms a concept presented by Lincoln and Guba that suggests a research study’s findings should serve as a “working hypothesis” rather than a set conclusion or theoretical principle (p.
21). The results of a study should guide in building new studies that continue to produce findings that support the ‘original’.
Yin (2016) also suggested that for a research study to warrant transferability, the study must ensure rich and thick description of the data provided. Thick description is “the effort to
109 collect data that describe real-world events in great detail” (Yin, 2016, p. 340). The details from the data report often help to reduce a researcher’s selectivity and enable readers to transfer information to other settings. Thick description was important to use within this study because of the narrative approach and purpose of this study, which sought to collect personal accounts from participants. In order to ensure that voices, feelings, actions, and meaning of interacting individuals were heard (Denzin 1989), the research included information on participants and accounts from their life histories. This current study provided detailed accounts of procedures, with the hopes that the data and analyzation will inspire further research on the topic.
Additionally, materials and resources utilized in this study were provided.
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Chapter 4: Findings
4.1 Introduction
The purpose of this qualitative study was to analyze factors and experiences, which most likely increased the probability of incarceration for Black males. More specifically, the researcher analyzed how family, community, and school factors and experiences may have added to this trajectory. More specifically, this study focused on the below research questions:
1. What are the factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males?
2. What specific role does education play on both the incarceration and recidivism of
Black males?
3. What are effective programs, policies, and strategies in disrupting the path to
incarceration for Black males?
In this chapter, the researcher summarizes the findings from semi-structured, open-ended individual interviews, focus group interviews, and biographical questionnaires. Fifteen previously incarcerated Black males were interviewed and contributed to the collective narrative. Detailed quotes from individual and focus group interviews were used to capture lived experiences of participants and to stay aligned with the premise of life history narratives. Additionally, the quotes and narratives were used to solidify major
111 themes. To continue to protect the identity of the participants, some of the quotes were edited; however, the meaning of their statements was not altered. In this chapter, the researcher presented the findings, addressing the first two research questions of this study. The third research question was discussed further, in Chapter 5.
In this chapter, the researcher began by highlighting the initial themes that emerged from the participant narratives. Next, the four major themes, from the analysis, were presented: (a) Environmental Influence, (b) Valueless Education, (c) Drugs and
Addictions, and (d) Establishing a Continual Cycle. The themes underscored the
“collective” experiences of participants and those factors that supported the pathway to incarceration and recidivism.
4.2 Initial Themes
Using thematic analysis and open coding, participants’ narratives were coded to produce data, essentially leading to the initial themes. An initial list of 26 categories emerged from the data. The first stage in the data analysis process involved identifying initial categories, based on reading the transcripts. During the individual interview process, the researcher developed an emergent code list. The list was derived, from the literature review on factors and predictors of delinquency and incarceration, specifically relating to family, community, and school environments. Hence, the Bioecological theory guided the researcher, by considering the personal and individual factors in the literature that often contribute to incarceration. Additionally, as narratives were collected, additional codes were added to establish a codebook, which guided the process of the first stage of coding. The initial categories are illustrated in Table 4.1.
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Family Community School Individual/Other
Single-Parent Drugs Academic Failure Delinquent Behavior Home Separation from Gang Observation Low Expectations Law Enforcement Parents Encounters Multiple Siblings Gang Involvement Retention Recidivism Low- Crime Observation Special Education Substance Use: Socioeconomic Alcohol, Drugs, Status Other Abuse Crime Involvement Unengaging Peer Influence Teachers Relocation Negative Conflict Lack of Interest Discipline: Discipline: Lax/Harsh Expulsions, Paddle, Suspensions, Other Lack of Parental/Family Involvement Table 4. 1 Initial Codes List Each code in the table appeared at least once in the data. Essentially, the 15 individual narratives cultivated one collective story, presenting a strong account of the varying factors and experiences the Black males encountered that affected their development, decision-making, and, ultimately, leading to incarceration. The following sections present the four major themes found in this study.
4.3 Environmental Influences
Bronfenbrenner’s theory on human development has focused on context- individual interactions (Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1994; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).
Interactions may occur with people, objects, and/or symbols. The following provides specific accounts of how the participants viewed their experiences within family and
113 community environments, specifically highlighting contextual factors that increased the likelihood of incarceration.
4.3.1 Familial Influence
Family structure, support, and functioning are key variables for the development of Black males (Hoeve et al., 2009; Howard & Associates, 2017; McWhirter et al., 2017,
Noguera, 2008). Challenges in the family environment can negatively influence the development and success of Black males, thereby increasing vulnerability of delinquency and incarceration. Each of the study’s participants was impacted by the (dis)functionality of their familial environment. Leroy (age 57) disclosed his extensive family history of alcoholism. His mother, maternal grandparents, and maternal aunts were all chronic alcohol users. Leroy’s exposure to this environment influenced his decision to start drinking. For example, he stated:
Part of the oldest responsibility is cleaning up after grandma, grandpa and mom…They got a terrible hangover, so the house need[ed] cleaning. Remind you, mommy already told me how to clean house [and] how to do dishes. So, I was the one cleaning up. They had little shot glasses… a little glass of alcohol or half a can of beer. Only half [was dranked]… that other half, that didn't get drank, it got drunk… I liked it, and then I got on that roller coaster. I had to try it again [and again].
Before Leroy was of legal drinking age, he frequented local cabarets with his family.
Initially, Leroy hid his drinking from his mother, although his aunts were aware of his constant alcohol consumption. Still, after his mother found out, she did nothing to discourage him or encourage him to wait until he was of legal age. For example, Leroy stated:
What was told to me was never drink out in the streets... As long as you're at home, it will be okay, so ‘I can keep an eye on you’... And so that's just 114
how it was, until I got my sneaky ways and wanted to go to these parties and at these parties you know…
This is not to say that Leroy’s mother did not love him or care about his well-being. The concept of love reoccurred in Leroy and a number of other participants’ narratives.
Parental and familial love was not specifically addressed, in the interview protocol; however, parental and familial love was consistently referenced. Participants that expressed negative familial experiences, while growing up, still believed love was displayed in the household. Leroy (age 57) described how he believed his mother showed loved:
I feel that my mom [did] the best she [could] with what she had to work with. I could say that today. But back then, I was like, ‘Mom, can't you do more?’ So, man, she [did] the best she could do. Only thing I can say, she [did] with what she had [to do].
Although Storm (age 62) had a strained relationship with his father growing up, he still believed his father loved him, despite his aloof behaviors: “I'm not saying he didn't love me. I know he loved me because he wouldn't have put up with me”. ‘34’ (age 49) described the chaotic household he grew up in, and, as a kid, he went along with whatever was going on. Despite the unstructured environment, he still believed his mother loved him . ‘34’ described his relationship with his mother and how she served as his role model, by stating:
That was love. Even right now, I see that some of the things in our household [was not normal]. I still don't blame my mother, because circumstances had her [behave] a certain way. My mother will always be my mother... I was a momma's boy, so [mom’s incarceration] hurt…all I knew was her. Like I said, the things we did in the household… at the young age, you think it's okay. You don't know right from wrong at a young age.
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‘34’ described the conditions of his home life in further detail and admitted the experiences had a major impact on his decisions, as a teenager and adult. The following excerpt supports this point:
To be honest, there wasn't a whole bunch of guidance growing up in my household. Love was like tough…It was hard. Basically, the things I learned and what I'm going through, I learned through trial and experiences and learned more about that…at a young age. While I was incarcerated… my mind start[ed] to transform. It was hard, [and] it was tough. I guess I can say, I was brought up around a bunch of [hardness] ... There was a lot going on, [such as] drug dealing [and] fighting. That's how I was brought up and that's what I knew. It [was] drugs, fighting, arguing, [and] fighting, all the time. It wasn't nothing there [in my neighborhood], but drugs, fighting, [and] arguing… Back then, you probably think what was going on was normal. What I know now is like, ‘Oh man, that was some messed up stuff’… Those [were] messed up memories… the fighting and all that.
Black (age 31) described several experiences living in his grandmother’s home. There were other family members living in the house. Many of the experiences he had in his grandmother’s home were traumatic for him and his brothers. In more details, Black described his living arrangements, by stating:
It was my [half] brother mainly. We [got] in trouble, [and] they would hold us. There [was] dog…back in the day at my Grandma's house. They would [state that] the dog didn't like kids so he would bite us. It would have probably killed us if they didn’t grab him. They used to torment us… mess our head up. I don't know the word for it, but, it's just a lot of stuff that went on in that household I didn't like, and I feel like [it] had an effect on us…
Black described additional incidents, affecting not only his experiences at school but on how he behaved and developed relationships with others in the community. Black stated,
There [were] times, when we [were] kids… a man [would] come in the house and point a gun... I snuck the lady that was watching us…and ran to the store and called the police. [My brothers and I were] abused, mentally and physically. We [were] never raped or nothing like that, but I was 116
touched on. You don't make a little kid sit and pick your feet. We [were] kids. You don't do stuff like that… see what I'm saying? It was bad. It was deep. It was deep in that house. It was only when grandma was gone.
Black’s notion of masculinity derived, from the male members of his family. Despite the negative experiences, Black still found himself modeling their behaviors and exercising his definition of manhood. Black shared some of his encounters with women and noted that reflected what he observed and learned in his household. The following excerpt captured this point.
…I wasn't really raised to know how to treat a woman or have my dad sit you down. You know what I mean? I wasn't raised to know how to raise or treat a kid. I don't know how to treat a kid. I just try to learn as I go. I don't know how to treat a woman. I just learn as I go… See what I'm saying? I ain't really had no issues with women other than…the type stuff that you look for. You don't want to…see y'all doing freaky stuff in front of us, and then we go out and do some freaky stuff. Don't whoop us. We learned that from you. See what I'm saying? You beat us, and you punch on us... I just feel like how we [were] raised was not the way we was supposed to be raised.
Growing up, Blue (age 27) took advantage of his unstructured home environments. When he was not getting along with his mother, he would go over his grandmother’s house. In such cases, he was able to hang out late with friends in the neighborhood, leaving in and out the home as he pleased. Blue soon realized his grandmother was lenient with disciplining him, because she was using drugs. Her drug use had profound effect on him.
He explained with the following excerpt:
My grandma was doing what she was doing. She was on drugs, when I was young…so that was another thing that messed with me. I lived with her, when she was on drugs… I never knew. [I] kept wondering why she was acting…[strange]. I never knew what it was, until a couple years later, when they told me she was on drugs. That messed me up mentally, for real, because I never knew… The neighborhood [where] we grew up, all [of] my friends…knew my grandma was on drugs. That was embarrassing. 117
A lot of stuff just bottled up, making me do dumb stuff. [I] ended up in jail, end up in the penitentiary, and stuff like that.
Cooper (age 61) learned how to sell and distribute illegal goods from his maternal grandmother. He admired her entrepreneurial spirit and desired to model after her lifestyle. Cooper described why he admired his grandmother’s lifestyle, by stating:
My grandmother…was a bootlegger. So, I got a chance to see how she dealt with a lot of things, and maybe that was a little bit of why I cared for the poor. Because any woman out there in the projects… would have a problem, my grandmother would help them.
Existent research has found that families with more than five children in the household increased the likelihood of delinquent behaviors among their children (Shader,
2001). Youth may internalize the lack of attention from the family and try to find it elsewhere to fill the void. For example, Tupac (age 62) was eager to find ways to escape from his grandmother’s home environment. His mother had no desire to raise him, and his father was unable to balance responsibilities. One of Tupac’s best childhood memories was the year he received a bicycle. The bicycle represented freedom for Tupac and provided opportunities for him to discover relationships outside of his home. Tupac’s special education classroom setting provided opportunities to receive special attention he often sought after. An example of this can be gleaned from the following excerpt, “Yes, everybody liked me. Then, they wanted me to draw something for them. Then, everybody liked my art.” Tupac further discussed how his family was uninterested in his love of art or much of anything he enjoyed. Some of his family would taunt him, because he was considered a slow learner. Tupac described an early childhood experience,
I feel I was the black sheep of the family, so I didn't think they liked me anymore. I was so scared what people would say. I listened to ... Even 118
when I had a big family, people threw darts. They threw darts at you saying "you ain't gonna make it", because they didn't wanna do it. Then I came from a family, there's a lot of jealousy was in it. For what? I don't know.
On many occasions, Tupac fantasized about wanting to live with a different family yet, he did not have any other options. When Tupac was finally able to live with his father, they began building a relationship after bonding from relatable hobbies, such as construction, which happened to be his father’s line of work.
Black (age 31) also discussed how living with his large family made him feel invisible and increased his desire to see what was going on in his neighborhood. During his early teenage years, Black began associating with a local gang. However, Black’s initial encounters with gang activity began in the home, “When grandmother wasn't around, we used to have other family members smoking weed [and] fighting. They're
[also] gang banging.” Other participants experienced negative familial factors that pushed them to seek others’ approval. When they sought such attention, they would connect with friends, other peers, and/or individuals from their community. Storm (age 67) was an only child, but still craved more attention. An example of this can be found in the following quote.
I just wanted to get all the attention. Like I said, the reason … because I felt like I grew up in a household by myself, so all the attention I got was just from my parents… So when I went out to the streets, it was the same…I didn't think I was getting attention, but I was getting attention… all my dudes… they had nice grade of hair and a lot of them had light skin… girls love the light skinned dudes. You dig? So, I ended up getting my hair done, [getting] a gold tooth, and all of a sudden the girls just started liking me. You know what I'm saying? That's when I found out, I was getting attention anyway, but I didn't think so because girls are quiet, [but] if they like somebody, they're not going to tell you. They keep it in, but the dudes will tell. I didn't think I was liked…. until my friend's girls 119
[were] coming and telling them they liked me… [Other guys] wanted to fight me, and that's when I started getting a little confidence.
Storm often connected with another family in the neighborhood. He discussed on how the other family was larger and how he enjoyed being around them. T’s (age 50) narrative was different. He did not look for a role model outside of the home but suggested his brother was the person he admired. His brother was involved with prostitution and was an experienced prisoner. T wanted to do everything his brother did and wanted to even experience going to prison. As a child, T was fascinated by everything his older brother did. His admiration of his brother comes through the following excerpt:
My older brother…was out there... He wasn’t gangbanging, but he was out there… [He had a] lifestyle… pimping, hustling, and dressing real[ly] nice… he kept money. So, [I] always wanted to be like him. I liked the lifestyle and what come with the lifestyle… how they be out there prostituting…I liked how the money was coming in. That was one of my fantasies as a child.
Despite the positive example T’s mom attempted to set in the home, his brother’s lifestyle continued to overpower the positive examples she tried to set. For example, he stated:
I did what my brother did. I tried to do what my mother did. I had fun, and I didn't ... I've always use[d] to fantasize about going to the penitentiary because I use to visit my brother all the time…So, it seemed like it was fun...
Chip (age 57) described how his upbringing influenced his behaviors, as a teenager and adult. Growing up, Chip witnessed his father’s physical and mental abuse towards his mom. He observed enough to affect his first, long-term relationship. The below excerpt captures this point:
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Well, my father was abusive [towards my mom]… in my younger years... I remember it from the ages five to like seven. Didn't see a lot of it, but I [saw] enough to affect me.
Ironically, his father was the one who called attention to Chip’s mistreatment of women.
When I say affect me, [it was] my first girlfriend. I kind of abused her [and] kind of slapped her around. From the ages of 15 to 26, we were together. I remember my father telling me one time that I didn't own her. I think I was about 26. It's how he said it. He had a way with words. He didn't curse or anything like that…It kind of struck me. Who am I to be putting my hands [on a woman]? I really don't own her, so that was that. I haven't put my hands on anybody, since then.
Chip’s sisters were particularly influential in his life. One of them was a bank robber, and the other was a drug dealer. Both sisters chose lifestyles to supplement the lack of resources in the home. As he grew older and needed to find a means for income, Chip resorted to some of the same criminal behaviors as his older sisters. As an example of this, Chip shared:
…what needs to be understood is [that] it was hard. Mama didn't have nothing. Daddy…was doing what he could, but we had to get out and get it. That's why a lot of my brothers went into the service. My sisters [were] hustlers. They [were] drug dealers [and] bank robbers. All but my youngest one [were on that criminal path].
Mr. ETV (age 48) lived with his biological mother, until the age of five, before she was incarcerated. Although many of his memories before the age of five were blurred, he believed that the lifestyle of his biological family had some influence on his adolescent years. He also believed that a number of his characteristics and mannerisms were biological. With this in mind, Mr. ETV described his living environment, before he was adopted. Most of his accounts were based on memories, while others were stories from members of his biological family. The below excerpt illustrated this point.
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My mom was a bank robber and a murderer, so that's why [Children’s Services] took me from her... [My mom] robbed banks [and] transport[ed] drugs in my [diaper]. They [have] articles about her. She was of the streets, my father was of the streets, and each one of my siblings probably was of the streets. There [were] five different fathers, 12 kids, and each one of the fathers had kids outside of those.
Mr. ETV was adopted by a two-parented family. He stayed with them, until the age of 12.
Because he did not recall much before the age of five, he believed his adoptive parents were his biological parents for seven years, but he often wondered why he was so different from his adoptive family. Related to these thoughts, Mr. ETV shared:
I really knew something was wrong because I remember I got jumped one day after school, and, when I got jumped and came home, I went to go get my air pistol… I'm gonna bust these dudes, and my dad beat me. He beat me 'cause I was fighting. And, when my mom came home, she was like, ‘Why is his nose bleeding and why is his lip busted?’ She smacked the shit out of him? ‘You jumped on him 'cause he was fighting?’ What they [were not seeing] was already instilled in me… My mom and [other family members] carried guns... I was seeing it as a kid. I just didn't know it and that's why I said, I wanted dogs, [but] they wanted rabbits. Shit just wasn't matching. Ya know, I love black. Things just didn't match. The things I liked, they didn't like. And, I'm like, ‘Where is that coming from]?’ That's why I said I knew something was wrong.
Mr. ETV was identified and placed in special education. During that time, not all schools provided specialized services, so Mr. ETV had to attend a school outside of his neighborhood community. While at his new school, he discovered his biological sister and learned of his adoption. Mr. ETV learned that his other siblings remained in custody of other biological family members. As he learned more about his biological family, he realized he connected more with them than the family raising him. Mr. ETV’s adoptive family gave him an ultimatum. If he wanted to continue to live in their home, he could not communicate or visit with any of his biological family members. Mr. ETV (age 48)
122 chose to go against what his adoptive family demanded to determine what life would be like living with his biological family. For example, he posited:
Because I had seen the bugs, and I wasn't hip to roaches and rats and stuff like that in the apartment. So that wasn't cool, so I was kicking it with the older dudes in the back of the store.
Mr. ETV struggled to adjust to his new living conditions, but he still wanted to remain with his biological family. Soon, he found himself living behind a store building and mimicking new behaviors he was learning from his uncles by sharing,
I lived outside the store, while I was with my biological family, and then that's when I got familiar with my uncles, who [were] in the streets [and were] real[ly] tough. I got the two shooting charges... I was turning 14 or 15. My foster family heard that I shot two people. They took me and dropped me off in a whole [other] city, left me.
Mr. ETV described himself as impressionable and attracted to the fast, unpredictable lifestyle choices of the biological family. Like Mr. ETV, Storm (age 67) also felt disconnected with his adopted family. He also believed that many of his criminal-driven interests were biological. For example, he stated,
It's embedded…[in my] DNA or whatever they call it… Something about authority [that] I didn't like. So, that's why I really didn't get along [with others]. It wasn't really the teachers. [Instead, it was] about [the] authority. Like I told you before, I was attracted to street people. They [were] my heroes [like] the hustlers, the players, [and] the pimps…that's what attracted me, so that's what I went to… It failed like hell. I finally found it's good to know where you come from. I wondered why I acted a certain way…
Storm’s adoptive mother attempted to introduce and connect Storm to his biological family. Eventually, he was able to build relationships with some of his siblings as well as learn more about his biological family history. Still, he desired a lifestyle vastly different from what he was accustom. 123
Because Robert’s (age 58) dad was someone he admired, he modeled after most of his father’s behaviors. Thus, when his father lost his insurance job, Robert began selling drugs with him. However, He began using some of the product. In the following quote, he recalled the time his father discovered him using in the home:
…after a while, I went into [the drug] business with him [my father]… then, I started using... One time, he came to the house and I didn't hear him coming in, and he caught me in the bathroom shooting dope. That was the first time my father ever put his hands on me, but I was too old then to be disciplined. Not that I would ever fight him or anything like that, but it was too late to try to discipline me.
Following the incident, Robert’s relationship with his father changed, and they rarely spoke with each other. Robert’s use of drugs heightened, leading to his extensive criminal history. There were other participants, who felt disconnected with their own biological family. For example, Peter (age 46) expressed the disconnections with his family and by sharing he considered himself the ‘black sheep’ of the family. More specifically, he described the dynamics of his family, with the following quote:
Again, my story is something out of the norm, because I was one of those kids [whose parents] were awesome. My parents are still married. They've been married 52 years. I was raised in a great two-parent home. Education was stressed…religious [and a] very Christian family, but I was [the] black sheep of the family. I guess every family has one, but I wasn't any underprivileged kid. I wasn't abused. I just chose a different lifestyle than I was raised. All my consequences are all to my own decisions.
Peter believed his family did not influence the behaviors he exhibited, particularly the ones that led to his incarceration. Although he cited individual characteristics as the blame, his strict upbringing and the lack of mentorship from his father contributed to his development.
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Nine of the 15 participants noted in their demographic questionnaires of being raised in single-parented households, at some point of their childhood and adolescent years. Single-parent households and the absence of fathers in the home are common disruptions to the family. They are frequently linked to delinquency and incarceration
(Harris, Graham, & Carpenter, 2010; McWhirter et al. 2017). Blue, Quanni, Chip, and
Leroy all mentioned how the absence of their fathers, in the home setting, affected their developmental decisions. For example, Chip (age 57) stated,
My father was never in the household, even though he provided. I think things would've turned out different had he been in the household. Because my father wasn't in the household, I kind of had a little room to do things. I could get around my mother, even though she would discipline. Again, I say that things would've been different had my father been in the household.
Despite his thoughts over his father’s absence, Chip saw his father on a daily basis. His father, who was married with a separate family, was at Chip’s home each morning to assist and provide lunch money for Chip and his sisters. Also, Chip’s father was there every evening after school. Chip explained his family’s unique arrangement, in the following quote:
… I'm proud to say he was there five days a week for 18 years, and 16 and 17 years with my lunch money on the bed and [for] my younger sister. He was there five days a week, 5:30 [or] 6:00 in the morning…when he got off at 5:30, he was there. So, he was there twice a day for 18 years, while I was going through school, me and my youngest sister.
Chip still believed there was a difference between his father visiting every day and having his father actually living in the home. As Chip began displaying disruptive behaviors, his mother struggled to effectively discipline him. Chip realized he could get over on his mom and took advantage. He suggested having his father in the home could 125 have minimized his behaviors. Leroy (age 57) spent most of his childhood years trying to understand why his father was not around. Leroy stated,
I felt that I was abandon by my father. So with having that feeling, I didn't like it. I didn't want to feel it, but I was curious. I was a curious to know what kind of man who would leave his kids behind.
Leroy became especially curious about his father, when his mother would become frustrated and suggested he was acting just like his father. In such cases, Leroy explained,
At that time is when she really got me really curious about my dad. But, that's what made my curiosity much more. Because she begins to tell me, I look just like [him] and I'm [acting] like [him] now, with my temper.
Quanni (age 34) was searching for similar answers and wanted to know why his father was absent from his life, “I guess as I got older… I was looking for a father figure in my life. I never really got to have that fatherly figure role in my life.” Quanni’s father moved to a different state, when he was younger and rarely communicated with him. Quanni and
Blue discussed the effects of seeing multiple men consistently in and out of the home, none of which was their fathers. As an example of this, Quanni asserted,
When I was little, I really didn't understand why my dad wasn't staying with my mom... I would say, when I was like five or six, I didn't see any male in the house at all. I would say, when I was maybe like 9 or 10 years old, I had a stepdad. Well, she had a boyfriend and that lasted until I was maybe like 12… My mom moved on to this other guy. I would see different men in my mom's life, instead of my dad, or my little brother and my little sister's dad. [Those were] things that I had to accept, because I knew that them guys [were not] my dad.
Blue (age 27) believed, since he was the oldest, that he needed to act as the man of the house. He was not interested in trying to develop a relationship with any of the men his mother allowed to stay in their home. Furthermore, Blue did not agree with any of his
126 mother’s male friends trying to discipline him or his younger brothers. Blue frustratingly shared his sentiment, by stating,
That was another problem with me and my mom. She had boyfriends and stuff like that. They'd try to correct me and my brothers. I'd always get into an altercation with them because [they were] not my dad…After being there so many years and protecting my mom, I felt like that. It was always that. Like, we'd be perfectly fine, and then there'd be somebody. I'd see him trying to correct my brother or something. I'd flip on him. That was another thing that was getting to me too. There was more dudes coming in. ‘Shit, who is this dude now?’ That would make me flip. One day, when I was there, and there was a new dude. I was like, ‘I get used to one, and then another one come.’ But there was a new dude in there, in the bed and stuff. I just went nuts. ‘Mom, who is this dude? Get up out of our house, bro.’ I just went nuts. My mom was just being a hopper… hopping around. It was getting to me too. I felt like it was embarrassing… embarrassing to me. You're my mom. ‘Why are you messing with all these dudes?’ Come on, man. That's how I felt. This is a stranger. ‘You might not be with this dude in two weeks, but you can kick me out?’ That's how it's always been.
Furthermore, Blue found his mother’s inconsistent relationships with men to be embarrassing. The inconsistency within the home played a role in his development and his desire to cultivate relationships outside of the home. Blue’s mother eventually married. Her new husband did not agree with Blue’s lifestyle. His stepfather’s feelings toward him negatively affected the relationship Blue had with his mother. At the time of the interview, Blue was living in various shelters as he worked to obtain stable housing.
Further, Blue was not able to visit his mother or ask for assistance, although his three younger brothers lived at home with his mother. Blue expressed his disappointment with the following quote,
…she [my mom] played a big role in a lot of the depression… that I got. I've got three other brothers, like I told you. They all live with my mom right now... I can't go over there, and I've got three kids. I can't go over there at all. No other family there or nothing. I can call my mom, right 127
now, and be like, ‘I'm at a shelter.’ She would be like, ‘Okay’ and hang up. Well, she won't hang up. Our conversation will keep going. It's not going to be like, ;What are you doing at the shelter? What you go there for?’ No. It's not going to be that. ‘You could've came here.’ … we're going to get to talking about something else, and I'll end up staying at that shelter that night. That's how it is. All because her husband [does not] like me.
While some participants discussed being affected by living in a single-parented household, others expressed different sentiments. T (age 50) was raised in a single- parented home with his mother. He did not mention the absence of his father or if it had any effect on his development and decision-making. At the age of 10, Steel (age 71) went from a two-parented environment to a single-parenedt home, after his father’s death.
Although his father was in the home for most of his childhood, Steel admitted that they did not have a close relationship. Instead, he admitted preferring the company of his mother. During the year leading up to his father’s death, he suggested their relationship had grown,
I don't know. I don't think him and I got along. [It] is not his fault [or] my fault, because I was spoiled. My mother wouldn't allow him to discipline me, so he felt backed up. Then, he got sick, because he had sugar diabetes. He’d been away for a while and came back home. When he came back home, he was different. Our relationship was different, like father and son.
Tupac and Robert experienced living in single-parent homes for a brief period, with their fathers. Both participants’ fathers remarried. Tupac (age 62) lived with his father and step-mother, during his teenage years. For a number of years, Tupac (age 62) was convinced he and his father would never have a close relationship because his father seemed to care more about work than anything else. To this end, Tupac articulated the following:
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I was happy, but I was sad because my father worked all the time. He couldn't afford to keep us, when he got us, so he placed us with my grandmother and his sister, where she had eight [or] nine children. I wanted to go see him, and I caught him with other different women. He said hello, [gave] us some money, but it was more [like] that. Man, I wanted a dad, and he didn't ever see it. I didn't ever know how to tell [him] ‘I love you, man.’ …I didn't get that in my life because he was so busy. Then, when he wasn't busy, he was sleep snoring on the couch.
When Tupac was able to move with his father, he felt the two had finally began to connect, mainly after he expressed an interest in his father’s line of work. Tupac (age 62) also suggested the relationship with his mother was strained. When she moved to the East coast, the only communication they had was during the times he would go to visit. Tupac revealed that the visits stopped before he entered middle school. Tupac shared,
It was like she t[hrew] me away. It wasn't no relationship. Then, I got to a point, when I got in the seventh grade [or] eighth, [stopped] going up… I went and visit[ed] her that summer. I did that on my own, because I wanted to show her that I'm an adult now. I'm a man now. I [can] come and see you.
Robert (age 58) experienced living, with his father, for most of his life and preferred being in the home with his father over his mother. Thus, Robert did experience living with his mother, from ages six to nine. The experience caused Robert to hold resentment towards his mother. Robert explained,
No, my mom and I never really had a relationship… like I said, in fact to be blatantly honest, I didn't even like my mother… she was my mother at birth and all that kind of stuff. I think my resentment came from her taking me away from my father… for that short period. I was just so relieved, when my father came and got me, getting me away from down there [my mother’s home].
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Still, his living situation with his father was not always stable. On two separate occasions,
Robert went to live with his aunt and uncle. Hence, Robert preferred being with his father because he was his hero growing up,
He [father] was my hero. It's really about influence and that was one of the reasons why I looked at my father. I felt my father was the greatest thing, since whatever is great...because he was so intelligent… It wasn't because of [him] having a formal education or none of that kind of stuff.
Black (age 31) was sent to live with his paternal grandmother, before he reached one year old. His mother and father also sent two of his brothers as well. Black shared this experience, through the following excerpt:
We came here because of my mom and dad's lifestyle. They sent us here when we [were] babies. [I] wasn't even one yet. So, I was raised with our grandmother. My mama…was a drinker. She did drugs [and] my dad, too. I guess they were just making it. It was a fast life, and they couldn't take care of us. So, they gave us up. I don't know too much of the details on what they [were] doing, but she used to tell us, when I first met my mom…she felt bad about giving us up and all that. But, she had a lifestyle, where she couldn't take care of us. Which was good that she gave us up, instead of leaving us on the street.
Black saw his father more frequently than he saw his mother. He felt that she was so detached from his life that he was did not know her name, until his teenage years. The below excerpt illustrates this point.
I [saw] my dad more than my mom. My dad really didn’t do nothing. I mean it was cool that we [saw] him a lot. We just used to see her. She brought us a game ,one time. She'd come see us here and there, but I don't remember the times we had quality times with our mom. I didn't even know my mom's first and last name, until we was grown. I didn't even know how old my mama was. You know what I mean? We didn't really know nothing about her, until I was 25.
Other participants indicated living in two-parented homes, for either short or long periods. Peter and PJ were the only participants raised in two-parented homes with their 130 biological parents. Both mentioned their fathers working long hours or having two jobs at a time. Peter (age 46) disclosed that he desired more attention and love from his father.
He even insinuated that his father was a great provider but lacked in showing personal affection. More specifically, he stated: “Because I think it would have helped me sort out some of my feelings better… while I was taught how to be a man, I really didn’t know how to feel as a man.”
Storm and Mr. ETV were also raised in two-parented homes but with their adoptive families. His adoptive family took in Storm at nine months, while Mr. ETV was adopted at age 5. Both participants recalled times, when they experienced witnessing abuse or being mistreated by their adoptive fathers. Specifically, Storm (age 67) shared a memory of how he confronted his father about abusing his mom. He stated,
The worst is when my father used to jump on my mother [and] when he was drunk… When I was really young, [I] said, ‘I can't wait till I get older,’he said, ‘Why?’ I said, ‘Because this shit gonna stop.’ Then, I got 14, and it stopped. I don't care ... You don't have to be a good mother. Most kids [are] just protective of their mother. I was very protective of my mom. I didn't like to see my mom cry. I come in the house and I see her cry. I already know what's happening.
Storm (age 67) further elaborated on how he believed jealousy and envy were the cause of his strained relationship with his father, through the following excerpt.
I mean…he respected that. He quit hitting on my mother, but I think my father was kind of envious of me, for some reason. I got more attention from my mom than he got, but it was sort of like a jealousy thing because, truthfully, I wasn’t their blood like I was to my momma. I was her blood. To my dad, he knew I wasn't really… [his biological child].. He had a little thing about that.
Being an only child and missing affection from his father, Storm sought attention from other families in the community. Different from Storm, Mr. ETV (age 48) could not 131 recall any positive memories from his childhood, while living with his adoptive family, particularly his adoptive father. He discussed the constant mental and physical abuse, along with the unfair treatment he received compared to his sister, the family’s biological daughter. The below excerpt further captures his thoughts on the matter.
My parents were real strict… I was totally different than them. They were very educated. I grew up Dyslexic. I couldn't read and couldn't write, so I would get punished and whoopings all the time. And, after they adopted me, they had a daughter five years later.
Mr. ETV held a lot of resentment towards his adoptive parents for the mistreatment he endured and for not accepting him as their own.
Cooper and ‘34’ also lived in two-parented homes, with their mothers and stepfathers. Cooper (age 61) described his two-parented home setting, in a more positive manner. Although he only lived with his mom and stepfather, until the age of eight,
Cooper described his stepfather as his role model and someone he admired. For example, he stated,
The relationship was beautiful. He was a father figure. He taught me things, like mechanics. So, growing up with him, I had an opportunity to work, too, in the summers and stuff like that. I looked up to my stepfather, because he put family values first, above anything. You know… he didn't drink or anything like that. And, he made sure that he took care of home. Before he done anything else, he made sure that the food was in the house [and] that bills was paid. We had shoes and clothes on our backs and stuff like that. He made sure that he took care of the home.
Cooper moved with his paternal grandparents at the age of 8 and, four years later, his grandparents divorced. ‘34’ (age 49) described a different view of two-parented homes.
He suggested that not all two-parented home environments are always positive settings.
For example, he lamented:
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But, even though I had two parents, that don't mean everything was [great] ... Shoot, it could have been a one parent or a zero parent. Just because I had the two parents in my household, don't mean that I was getting it better, or my household was better than the ones who had one parent or nothing. Like I said, it was all messed up. It really didn't matter, if two parents was in there or none of them, as I look at it now. Yeah, it was messed up.
The absence or, at times, presence of a father figure in the lives of participants affected their development. Fathers play an immense role in Black males’ lives, but, too frequently, the fall short of meeting the expectations of their children, especially sons.
Mobility and family relocation are closely connected to growth and development of youth (Mai, 2014; Sullivan, Jones, & Mathiesen, 2009). Residential and school moves correlate with poor academic performance and delinquent behaviors (Mai, 2014; Scanlon
& Devine, 2001). Some participants discussed having to frequently move to different homes growing up. Many of the participants often assumed their family’s need to relocate were due to financial hardships. Quanni (age 34) believed his mother moved to various neighborhoods, in an attempt to find a better environment for her children,
My mom, she raised me the best that she could, but I guess it's hard being a single black mother. It's another bad neighborhood, but it's not as bad as where we just moved from, but the neighborhood is still bad. It's really not even that far from the old neighborhood that we moved from, but my mom wanted to get out of that situation where she was staying at.
Quanni also mentioned his struggles with continuously moving and how it affected his desire to explore new friendships. Moving to different neighborhoods also affected his education, as he was required to transfer schools with every move. Quanni stated,
I just had to like start life all over again, because I didn't know nobody. At that point, I just kind of like ... I stayed away from everybody, except for my family…from us moving so many times, I think that's what held me back from going to school. But, I was already skipping school. It was just 133
the fact that we [were] moving so much. It made me not even really want to go to school.
Steel (age 71) had a similar narrative and described the difficultly he experienced having to learn new environments each time his family moved. Steel stated how moving affected him socially and described the struggle for him to find the courage to meet new people, by sharing:
We moved a lot… Why did we move so much? I don't know, financially [or]…money, I guess... I think that was the main reason, because of money. That's one I can't answer. I hated to move…[When I] moved, I had to switch schools a lot…I didn't like having to go through meeting new people over again... It's always harder, until you actually do it. For me, it was something I had a fear of doing, and then, once I did, it was okay.
Situational factors influenced the moves of Leroy and Chip’s families. Leroy’s (age 57) entire family moved to a different side of town after his grandparents separated and his grandfather passed away. He described their relationship with the following quote:
Yes…While still living in the apartments [with] my grandmother and grandfather…a situation happened. My grandmother shot my grandfather. It was all drug-related. He didn’t die from that. It was from the alcoholism. It was after their separation and my grandfather passed away, then we all moved…out of the apartments. After he was gone, it was like we left.
Leroy suggested the move was for the best, because they went from living in an apartment to residing in a home. In other words, Chip’s family was forced to move out of a large apartment to living in a smaller unit, because an apartment clerk noticed him carrying a gun, after having a confrontation. As a result, it was reported to the
housing authorities.
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At the time, certain housing assistance programs had established restrictions, and, when particular violations occurred, tenants were evicted from their apartments. Chip described this personal experience, by stating:
We had a five-bedroom apartment, [in which] me and my other four siblings stayed. The two older ones had married and moved out. In that five-bedroom apartment, we were able to have Sunday dinner, and we were able to be together. Well anyway, the Metropolitan… called me to the office and accused me of doing something. Out of all the things that I did… I didn't do this. I can be honest today. I was bitter, and I had a gun in my waistband, and the project manager [of my apartment complex] seen it. And, he [said], ‘Oh, okay, we got it straight. We got it straight.’ Soon as I left, he called the police, and my mother was evicted. My mother was evicted into a one-bedroom apartment…that kind of broke the dynamic of the Sunday dinner.
Chip did not mention how the move individually affected him but described the impact it had on his family. Participants that experienced relocation admitted consistent removal from stable environments, contributing to their development and educational attainment.
Some of the participants found it very difficult to complete assignments and classes, when they were required to continuously change schools, meet new people, and learn new environments and teaching styles. In this study, most participants alluded to how familial matters influenced their increased development and behaviors towards a life of crime and eventually incarceration.
4.3.2 Community Influence
Community risk factors for Black male youth often include challenges to their physical environment, limited economic and recreational opportunities, and scarce social supports (Howard & Associates, 2017). Stated differently, the popular and scientific literature often cites the consequences of these negative exposures to communities,
135 particularly on the behavior of Black male youth. For example, ‘34’ (age 49) believed that all the kids growing up in his neighborhood were simply “products of their environment. He further elaborated, “I think we all [were] a product of our environment.
Basically, what was going on in our environment, that's basically how we was shaped and modeled, from our household and our environment.” ‘34’ (age 49) also discussed how a group of friends, from his community, formed the gang that he became engaged. He described this experience, by asserting:
…you're a member of your environment. We [were] already in the [neighborhood]…before gangs even started to come. We always stood together anyway. The gangs just really put a title to it, but…the drugs [were] brand new… [They] increased [the] different levels of lifestyle. Now, in increasing that [drugs]…it was like everybody start[ed] to click up. People [were] robbing [and] stealing. Everybody had their crews. That pulled me in… and it was brand new. I was like, ‘Man, I flunked out of college.’ It was a lot of money. I said, ‘Shoot man.’ I'm thinking [that] I'm going to escape the projects… by selling these drugs, but it was an illusion…that came true, because they locked my butt up... [I was] into that gang that tempt me, so that's what drove me.
Crime observation and participants’ interest and involvement in criminal activity were salient factors that established a premise for the main findings of this study. They provided a frame of the setting in which some of the participants grew up. Black (age 31) described the neighborhood, where he was raised, and how difficult it would be for any youth to not be exposed or even effected by the behaviors and crime he witnessed. Black explained,
It was hectic. You had a lot of drugs… selling…shooting… [and] murders. You seen dead bodies… One day, we [were] sitting on the porch, and a little kid got hit from my grandmother's house, all the way down and all the way to the stops. That's the first killing I ever seen in my life. It was a kid. It was a low [income] community. Back, when we [were] coming
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up, it was a lot of killing, [and] it was a lot of drug selling… There's times in that neighborhood [that] you can walk up alleys and see a dead body.
Each of the study’s participants described developing relationships with individuals within their community. It was in their neighborhoods, where they often met friends, identified role models, and learned or acted out behaviors they would not typically display in the home or school environment. The individual interview protocol included questions about who the participants admired or viewed as role models growing up. As participants talked about their role models, the researcher discovered most of their heroes exhibited similar characteristics. Storm (age 67) described the individuals in his community he viewed as heroes, by sharing:
A lot of people don't realize the hood that [they] grew up in. It's like you said, ‘if you don't ever get up out [of] the hood, you're never going to see other types of people?’ [This] is what I did, and I didn't ever reach [back] out [to] the hood. I stayed right within my environment and that's all I [saw]. Had I seen some others, I probably would've [strived for more in life]. [There] were no policemen, lawyers, or doctors… to [see as] heroes [role models] in our hood. [Instead], there were hustlers, pimps, [and other] street people. Anybody [from the street who were] accomplished [were the role models]... I idolized them…
Storm idolized the lifestyle of street criminals as a youth. He described being the neighborhood hustler was not ideal, by stating:
…in this life, everybody now want to be a dope boy, even in the rap songs… Everybody want to be a dope boy, which is the wrong thing because they ain't saying nothing else. Listen to rap, listen to music, [and] watch YouTube videos. [The] dope boy got money like… driving pretty cars.... This is why we got to build the youth, and let them know that that don't last long [material things]... Before you know it, somebody [is] either robbing him, killing him, or he [is] going to end up robbing or killing somebody [else], because they got his money… or the police [is] going to get him and he [is] going to go to penitentiary the rest of his life. So that lifestyle is nothing. The lifestyle that I grew up in didn't last… 137
Antisocial and menace behaviors were a daily norm for Storm and were consistently reinforced in his community. The same was true for other participants in the study. PJ
(age 47) admitted his “ideal” role model was outside the home. He admired people who lived lavish lifestyles and knew and roamed the streets, something vastly different from his family. For example, he stated,
Well, I had a [friend] named Jerome Brown, who I looked up to, because he had a lot of women. And, he drove a nice car, and I just always thought I was gonna try to be like him. I gotta mimic his actions. he was cousins with one of my best friends. And he would come over every now and then with my best friend's older brother. They would hang out, so seen from afar, not close.
Another participant, Chip (age 57), recalled an individual he admired, during his teenage years:
My sister had a boyfriend. His name was also Chandler. He used to dress [well and kept] a pocketful of money. I want[ed] to be just like [him]. He gave me my first joint, and he said, “Never forget it…Come back [after] school. I want you to watch out for me." He also said, "I got something for you." He went and shot some dope and he came back and said, "Here, put this belt around your arm." Then he snatched the belt away, said, "Boy, this ain't for you," and he gave me a joint, which is just as bad. I looked up to him. He was a hustler, and I wanted to be like him, unfortunately.
Whether participants admired individuals from afar or knew them personally, all admired people that had some influence on their life choices and found ways to emulate their behaviors. Although Steel (age 71) did not underscore admiring anyone in particular, he still admitted learning deviant behaviors from individuals in his community. His consistent exposure to his community led to his interest in trying alcohol and other drugs.
For example, he stated, “I remember when I was a kid. I'd see a guy, [who] used to drink
138 wine. I didn't know [that] he probably was drunk, but I didn't know if he was a drunk or not.”
Comparably, Robert (age 58), who stated his father was his role model, realized there were other factors and influences more impactful than familial factors. Robert’s father sold drugs but did not use them. Robert provided his take on why youth, particularly those from low-income areas, admire and look up to the neighborhood role models,
Of course. I mean [that] most black kids do… it grows up in them… They see things and like… basketball stars and… football players. They have aspirations of being Michael Jordan, Lebron, or whomever. Say this kid failed… [and] don't have the abilities to do that [play professional sports]. So [their] next [thing] would be to acquire all those things that Lebron James have… [the] prestige [parallels] would be the next pimp or the next drug dealer that has those things. You know? I guess to some… not all, but to some…they would form some type of admiration for that. My father said… ‘When you grow up, I'm going to get you this Jaguar…’ because that's what he was getting in, a new Jaguar… ‘We [are] going to put these type of clothes on you, and you going to be this here.’ And, at the time, I was actually thinking… Man, are you crazy? I don't want that little funny looking car. I want an El Dorado or a Mark IV like you are driving, because that's what my immediate environment told me. You know to have this certain status quo… to have a Cadillac as opposed to a Mercedes Benz. You know [that] they [are] popular now, but, back when I was growing up… if you didn't have a Cadillac or a Lincoln, you didn't have that status.
Robert’s views aligned closely with the other participants’ narratives and thoughts on community influences. Additionally, participant narrative accounts illustrated that not all community influences involved same-age peers. Robert’s position on why some youth do not pursue their childhood dreams, by presenting his own story:
And just like I said, when I was a kid at Blackburn, I fought two Golden Gloves, [and] I won two Golden Gloves… Despite the fact that I had a passion for that boxing stuff… despite that I wanted all the status of being 139
this great boxer…I looked past that [because] this was my thing… I won a whole bunch of money and all this here. You know [that] my environment had taught me something else totally and partly from ignorance that I could achieve a whole lot of the things that I had acquired and desired for.
Others shared their stories about deferred childhood dreams. Black (age 31) had dreams of playing college football and later playing in a professional football league. In the below excerpt, he elaborated on his disappointments on
I messed up… I knew [that] I was supposed to finished this, and go to college [to] play some ball. I wanted to play ball. That was my goal… My mind was so focused on just going and playing football. I wanted to go to Ohio State. I was one of the biggest Ohio State [fans], [and] I am still now [an] Ohio State fan. You see what I'm saying? I just couldn't make it. As I got older… I just feel like I was mentally screwed.
Steel (age 71) struggled to recall his dream career but realized that his addictions and alcohol use ruined any chances of him attending college or enlisting in the military. To this end, he shared:
…I'm sure I did. I just can't remember. It's like a different world. I think I wanted to… go to the Army, because I heard about it so many times from my uncle. He always would tell me [to] go to college, graduate second lieutenant, and go on and do 20 years. That never materialized. By the time I got to 17, I was poisoned.
Mr. ETV (age 48) never believed that he was good at anything until he started selling drugs. With his family and school not understanding his struggles with reading and comprehending information, Mr. ETV was discouraged from pursuing an education. An example of this is captured in the following quote, “Not doing well in school, I didn’t care… That's what made me get in the streets, found something I was good at.” ‘34’ (age
49) went to college to play football but withdrew, after the first semester. Going back to
140 his old neighborhood, he became involved in selling drugs and other activities in which he grew up seeing.
After I went to college, Central State, for a year, I was like, ‘Shoot, I didn't make the grades.’ I was like, ‘Shoot, back to what I know.’ I was already in it. I still made that choice to say, ‘I want to go to college to try to do something different.’ When [I] didn't make it, I went right back to what shaped and mold my whole life.
Blue (age 27) wanted to be a basketball player, but his involvement in juvenile detention facilities derailed the dreams he had growing up. For example, he explained, “[I wanted to be] a basketball player. [It] changed probably, when I was about 17 or 18, because of records and street life.” T (age 50) dreamed of one day becoming a model, before he became interested in following in his brother’s footsteps. He plainly expressed: “Before that [wanting to be hustler and prostituting], I wanted to be a model. It just didn’t happen.” Storm (age 67) was not exactly sure of what he wanted to do growing up, but, once he was introduced to the streets, he stopped participating in school and sports, “I was about 13, and, when I turned 14, I got really introduced to the streets. I said, ‘Man, I ain't on this [sports] no more.’”
Many participants were raised the majority of their lives, in low-income, predominantly Black neighborhoods. Quanni (age 34) vividly described the neighborhoods that he resided and the ways things could have been different, if he had lived in better areas,
…I think it was because of the crowd that I hung with… [or] the places, where we [were] living at. I think if we might've stayed in the suburbs or maybe if I would've had somebody pushing me that extra mile to go harder, maybe keeping me focused in school a little bit more, and just probably taking me to a basketball camp or a baseball camp, or just taken me to a place out of town to get me out of my neighborhood, and let me 141
play sports in different regions around the world, and stuff like that, I think that probably would've helped me want to progress and go farther into playing sports on a higher level... My mom got her first apartment back in 1986. It was a real bad area for crime and drugs, especially the neighborhood that we just had moved in.
Quanni was unable to escape the chaos in his environments, because there were no other outlets for him at the time. Peter (age 46) described the differences between the two neighborhoods he resided. He also discussed the differences among the school settings, teachers, and the culture of the neighborhoods he resided,
Oh yeah! When I was [a] kid, we lived in the hood. We lived in government housing… My parents were struggling. They both worked. It was predominantly [Black and poor] ... there were probably two or three white kids in our class ,maybe. That was just what I was used to… right at middle school… Right then is when we switched.
Blue (age 27) was adamant about the critical role his environment played in his upbringing and development. As a child, he did not recognize the impact his environment would have on him until later in life. He shared,
Just the environment I was in [and] the neighborhood I lived... There wasn't nothing positive. It was always negative. Then, these dudes I started hanging around… the stuff they did was negative. I was trying [to] overcome it. We grew up in a neighborhood that was violent. They took the court down. We [were] so mad. We used to be at the courts every day… Yea some adults used to be out there late night gambling and fighting... That's why they took them down [the basketball goals]… You're taking from us… who are trying to play. You're going to make us do the stuff they do [and] that's exactly what happened. We stopped balling. We started hanging out with them, the older cats that were drinking and stuff. They'll still be at the court, but they ain't balling. They're never trying to ball. They [were] out there with the beer, their liquor, and all that extra stuff. We walked down there, and we can't play basketball. We end up politicking with them. All you have to do is just do this. Peer pressure. It was just hood people, Bloods and Cripps in the schools. In my neighborhood, it was all Cripps in that hood. I was confused with that. I think there was a lot of stuff that came. Trying to be a thug, gang banging, you know? I was living that life, and all that came with it. 142
Blue grew up idolizing the behaviors of individuals in the community, and it reflected in his actions, leading to multiple juvenile incarcerations. Robert’s (age 58) family’s financial status changed during his teenage years. His father went from being an insurance sales representative to a drug dealer. The change in careers actually helped
Robert’s family move from a low-income neighborhood to a wealthier community.
Robert went into detail about his father’s career change,
He’s a family person. He was trying to provide for his family. So financially growing up until maybe I was 14 or 15, we struggled financially, but, you know, when he changed careers or whatever you wish to call it, things was very, very comfortable. But, by that time I was affected by the environment [that] we lived in prior to that ... He spoiled me…. My father spoiled me real bad, for whatever reason, to the point of a sense of entitlement. I felt that I could do basically anything I wanted to do but that's not something that he wanted for me... So, things were comfortable because most things… I could ask for… I could have. When you can barely put food on the table, you couldn't even buy yourself things that would be adequate enough for you to go to work… I watched my father put cardboards in his shoe so it wouldn't get totally soaking wet, so he can try to give us some of the necessities....
Some participants suggested that the era they grew up influenced their actions. They described how historical events, racial tensions, and the media played a major role on their behaviors and dispositions. Chip (age 57) credited his community and the era he grew up as significant factors contributing to his rebellious and delinquent behaviors,
I grew up in the projects [low income housing]. I was kind of rebellious. I seen a lot of riots and a lot of racism. I was kind of rebellious towards the system. Then, I played it out, me and my friends. I started drinking at the age of 13 and doing things around the community to have money.
Storm’s (age 67) narrative was similar,
A lot of people don't realize it's the hood that you grew up in. It's like you said, ‘If you don't ever get up out the hood, you're never going to see other 143
types of people.’ That's what I did and I didn't ever reach out the hood. I stayed, right there, within my environment and that's all I seen. Had I seen some others I probably would've been like that. You know?
Numerous participants described the challenges of learning positive behaviors, when they were only exposed to settings that produced the opposite. Such participants suggested if they were exposed to other environments, they might have made better decisions and different life outcomes.
Negative peer influences often impact academic achievement for Black male youth (Robinson et al., 2014). In the school setting, youth, who are not accepted by their peers, may fall behind academically, display problem behaviors in the classroom, or dropout of school (Robinson et al, 2014). For some youth, acceptance from peers is more important than obtaining good grades or excelling in the classroom. To this end, Black male youth who are easily influenced may disengage from the classroom or home environment to maintain meaningful connections with their peer group (Balsa,
Gandelman, & Roldan, 2018; Ford-Harris et al., 1991; Noguera, 2003).
The interview protocol for this study included a number of questions on the potential influence participants’ peers had on their lives. Quanni, Leroy, and Tupac admitted friends and other peers heavily influenced them, when it came to making decisions, particularly involvement in criminal activities. Leroy (age 57) recognized that he was more of a follower than a leader in his group of friends. He also described his desire to gain attention from older peers,
I was being more of a follower. You know? I believe what really caused me to start going to prison is because I was a follower and not a leader… I was responsible for my brothers and sisters, once I stopped having to do those things. I became a follower, and, the reason, I feel, I became that 144
follower is because I didn't have a teenage life. I went out there seeing what the teenagers was doing. I just wanted to fit in. I got my freedom. Man, what are y'all doing? Let's party. That’s how I started seeing what older kids was doing, and I wanted to do it, too. When I ran with this other bunch of friends, who I thought was my friends, we [were] always getting in trouble.
Leroy (age 57) expressed his need to fit in, began once he was relinquished from the responsibilities typically placed on him at home. Leroy also described a time, when he decided to go with a friend’s idea and burglarize someone’s home,
So, I was watching the things he was doing… he came by one day and had a pocket full of change. I ain't had no money, [and] he got all the money. Where you get that from? You wanna find out? Yeah. Curiosity got the best of me. We went and broke back into the house he had broken into and that's how I got my first incarceration.
Tupac’s narrative was similar, because he spent most of his teenage and adult years following the ideas of friends and being afraid to be himself. Tupac (age 62) questioned why he would allow his so-called friends to have so much influence over his life. For example, he stated,
I was a bad guy, but I didn't think I was bad. I didn't think I had no problem. Everybody else had a problem, except me. But, I hung with the ones that always wanted to steal. Through my days of using drugs [and] when I started hanging around with the good bunch, I was cool. But, the bad bunch, I liked them too 'cause it was something about being the gangster. I hung with them….then, when they were stealing, I was scared 'cause I thought I was gonna get caught. I still was that scared kid that I thought, ‘I wasn't raised up to stealing and do things like this. But, I like y'all, man. I want to be a part of it.’ Me being a part of it… led me down that death lane.
Tupac struggled between the life he fantasized about and the desire to do the right thing.
Every time Tupac was incarcerated, he told the judge that he was ready to change but returned to the same behaviors. Further, he discussed his desire to live a fantasy lifestyle,
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My fantasy still played a part in my life. I came back. I wasn't even out 60 days. Somebody taught me how to sell crack cocaine, and, when I tried to sell crack cocaine to a white girl, she liked it. But, she brought a friend back ,and he was undercover… I started hanging with them older guys... I started drinking. Next thing you know, [they] wanted to break in people's house. That really wasn't me. I was always scared. They just didn't know. I played like I wasn't scared.
PJ (age 47) shared his desire to hang with the older male students, at his school. Although he did not explain why hanging with the older crowd was attractive, PJ admitted his behavior changed after the new friendships developed,
I did have one friend, when I started sixth grade. We started smoking weed real[ly] kind of regularly and that just progressed into just different stuff. When I got to high school, I started hanging around with the seniors and upperclassmen, and I kind of just started only smoking weed and not really focusing in on my schoolwork. It wasn't disobedient, but I wasn't following the rules… more of the negative than positive. None of my friends was ever talking about what school we wanted to go [and] what colleges we wanted to go to. It was mainly doing the street things, like we were gonna sell or try to get some weed or whatever. It wasn't about the positive.
Quanni (age 34) struggled to forge new relationships because his family was always moving. However, in middle school, he met a friend that encouraged him to try smoking.
The excerpt below captures this point.
I was like 13 [or] 14. I've never touched marijuana, until I [had] seen one of my friends smoking it. It was kind of like a little peer pressure thing with like, ‘Go ahead and hit it. Go ahead, and hit this, and we're going to go talk to these girls.’ I guess that was like a little bit of courage to make us talk to the girls.”
Quanni (age 34) also admitted that he learned about smoking from a rap group called
Bone-Thugs-N-Harmony,
I was a real Bone Thugs-n-Harmony fan, when I was little. Watching their videos, and seeing them smoking Black & Mild’s [cigars]… I kind of wanted to do that. I gradually drifted off into having somebody buy the 146
Black & Mild’s for me or me going out to go steal them from a CVS, or a Kroger... That's when my life just kind of turned me out a little bit...
The two influences, his friend and the rap group, increased the exposure Quanni had with drugs, leading to trying new substances. Similarly, Blue (age 27) hung out with older peers in his neighborhood, who he deemed as friends at the time, and shared that he had limited choices of positive individuals to befriend or have as friends. Because these challenges, he opted to hang with whomever he met in the neighborhood,
I just think the environment I lived in…caused a lot of me doing a lot of dumb stuff… I was always the youngest... Everybody I hung around was always older than me… never really around nobody my age… It was to the point to where people thought I was older. That's how it was! And then, it came to a point where I wouldn't even want to be at my mom's. I want to go to my grandmas, where my friends lived at. I go there, and it was just the environment. It wasn't like a group of friends when you're around, you're playing basketball, going to the movies or maybe y’all studied together. Nah, it wasn't that type of friends. They were doing other stuff, and I just fell into place with them. Not meaning to, but you hang around for so many days and all that, you're going to get there, doing some dumb stuff.
Blue also mentioned the influence the older males in the neighborhood had on him and other young males,
But, it was new to my friends too, drinking and smoking, because they [were] with me. We got introduced to it, at the same time. I was like, man, I don't got no friends. Now y’all doing this? If I want to go hang with somebody, then that's what I'm going to be doing. I don't got no other friends I can just go chill with that were doing something positive. Everybody doing something negative. It was just like we were trying to fit in, because I was younger. But, then it was like the older cats want[ed] you to come around. They want[ed] you to fight. ‘Fight him. Fight him.’ And, do all that. So, it was more me trying to fit in like, ‘Oh, I'll beat him up. Give me a beer.’ I'll drink a beer. Now, I’m one of y’all. Thinking if I do this, then I'm grown. That's all it was me trying to be grown. Me trying to fit in and be grown like everybody else, when I was a kid. I don't want nobody singling me out, going, ‘He's a baby. He's a kid.’ I wanted to fit in. I’m going to feel like the outcast if I'm just sitting there, and you're all drinking and smoking. It's not 147
going to add up. I'm not going to sit there too long, so that's what I did. But I was always never not no dummy.
As he reflected, Blue expressed frustration with the choices he made to hang with this particular group of friends. He wished that they had done more to direct him down a better path,
It was always negative [and] never positive. And the whole time, everybody's grades…were always F's. Nobody getting good grades… They weren't a good example. They weren't telling me to go to school. I was the star quarterback as a freshman. I was in varsity, but they weren't encouraging me to go to school. Go to school. Go do this. Go do that. No, I never heard that because I would've went to school. But really, if they was pushing me, ‘Don't hang with us. Go to school.’ I'd go to school. But, they took me in with open arms. Here you go. Here's a six pack of beer, and that's what made me comfortable. I'm going to drink some beer, [and] do some dumb stuff. That's just the truth.
Other participants discussed having positive peer relationships. However, they admitted the overpowering effects of other environmental influences that kept them from modeling after some of their more positive friends. For example, Black (age 31) discussed growing up with a best friend that he viewed as being a more positive example on this life,
[He was] definitely a positive. I wish [that] I could have followed him more because he's doing real good. He never was like the negative vibe. He never was a negative person. We did negative, [and] he wasn't there. He was that type. I ain't going to say the word corny, but he was just a different dude.
However, Black (age 31) suggested that his home environment was so disruptive that it seemed impossible to be able to achieve comparable success as his friend. More specifically, Black stated,
Yeah, I experienced more different environment[s], like streetwise, but he knew [the] street[s]… his path was a little different. You see what I'm saying? He had that structure. He had that backbone. See what I'm saying?
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They had a lifestyle that they [were] doing. Like, when they going back to their house, I go back into the hell hole.
Chip (age 57) illustrated how he and his friends were always together, engaging in both positive and negative activities. One friend may have brought an idea to the group, but they all decided to do it together. Chip suggested that there was no peer pressure among the group,
We were a reflection of each other. It was four of us. It wasn't no gangs, back then. We didn't shoot. We didn’t do all that, but we made some noise when we got drunk or high. We did everything. We stole neighbors' TVs, just thugging around the neighborhood. Everybody knew us.
Additionally, Chip noted he was more of the leader in the group,
On the other side, I can recall two of my friends ... Some of the people in the projects thought they were a little better than others… not my friends, but their mothers [were] like I was, ‘Why are you messing with him? He's just going to get you in trouble.’ They were probably right, but we never led each other or influenced each other. When we did it, we did it together. He couldn't tell his mother that. I think my mother had an idea, like I know he's a part of it. He's crazy anyway.
Chip revealed that he and his friends experienced drug addictions, “They're still living today. I see them on and off. We all went in different directions. All of us was into drugs.” On the contrary, Steel (age 71) initially did not believe that his friends influenced him. Thus, he later admitted that one of his friend swayed him a lot. The excerpt below captures this point,
Well, I guess most [of my friends]. Some of them didn't have any influence on my life. Probably, one of them had influence, and he was a good guy. But, he had some bad habits. He used to… and his little girlfriends; they used to steal and stuff. I used to hear about them. I don't know why I never did none of that stuff. Him and his little girl… in middle school, they used to steal. We used to hear this stuff about him, but I never did do that [stuff].
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Other participants suggested that they had more influence on their friends than they had on them. For example, Storm (age 67) recalled being the main influencer among his friends growing up. Storm explained his thoughts, by stating:
They'd think everybody was enticing me, but I'm the one… [who] was the enticer. I'm the one to be like, ‘Yeah, let's do this.’ They be like, ‘Man,’ because their mom was more [a] disciplinary than my mom was. My mom was wasn't [a] disciplinary. I started staying out all night, when I was 14 or 15 years old… [I received] no whooping, when I come home. I stopped getting whooping[s], when I was fourteen. I got stopped. My mom said, ‘No!’ You know what I'm saying? She's like, ‘That's enough,’ She [also] said, ‘He's a man.’ … she calls him that… I tell my daughter and [others] this, ‘If you don't get a hold of a little boy before he's fourteen, then you might as well forget it.’ You got to have some kind of control over your son or your daughter, before they reach them teens...
Storm realized, at a later age, the importance and need for discipline and structure for young males. Now, he offers advice to his children, who are raising young, Black males.
For most of the participants, they did not view the behaviors of their friends and other significant relationships as negative, until they were older. The influence of peers contributed to a number of the behavior’s participants exhibited growing up, which led to the actions and behaviors that, ultimately, led to their incarceration.
4.4 Valueless Education
The connection between education and incarceration was addressed in previous sections. Thus, in this section, the researcher addressed the first and second research questions of this study: (a) What are the factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males, and (b) What specific role does education play in both the incarceration and recidivism of Black males? The value or lack thereof of an education was an apparent theme among the participants. After a certain age, most of the
150 participants lost interest in school and only attended because they were required to be there. Their disinterest in school was encapsulated in the below excerpts.
How important [was school] to me? It wasn’t. I didn’t know the significance [of it, at the time] … they [people tried]…telling me, and it was dawning on me, or I wasn't paying attention to what they were saying. (Steel, 71)
No… I thought it was deterring me from being able to run around and do nothing all day. You know to hang out with the fellows and the guys that was doing all what I would consider as being exciting stuff or doing something that I wasn't supposed to be doing. And then the authority type thing, I have to listen to what somebody was telling me to do and instructing me and so, no, I wasn't ... I mean, the girls, I mean you know what I'm saying. I like to be around the girls and all that kind of stuff, but other than that, no, I didn't ... then it was easy for me. It wasn't a challenge. I learned very easily, so I like the challenge type thing. (Robert,58 )
“I did like school. I thought math was a subject that I liked. I read well, but I acted out. You wouldn't think that I was interested in it. I was very interested in it, but it was a conflict of interest. I guess my attitude outweighed my desire to learn… because I didn't sit there and learn. It must not have been too important. Today, I think that's the most important thing for anybody. It's the most important thing. Knowledge is power, but, back then, it wasn't important. I was just going through the motions. There was a lot going on. I like to blame it on that, but that was all about me. (Chip, 57)
I did not like school. Remember: I had a thing for authority. I hated authority. I was ignorant to that fact because ... I know ignorant means somebody who ignores the truth. That's what I was doing, and that's why I was ignorant… I was ignoring the truth… that I had a lot of common sense, and I felt that I didn't really need an education. (Storm, 67)
It was [my] elementary [school]. My mom was taking me to school every day. I was going in there, [and] doing what I got to do: Boom, middle school. Now, I'm riding the bus. Now, you get on the bus stop with boys that was older… and doing dumb stuff. Now, getting to school on my own, and then still doing dumb stuff. So, that's what it was. It was just a lot of freedom, and I get to do what I want. I just took advantage of it. Back then, ‘why go to school when I don't want to be there?’ [I would] walk right back to my neighborhood and stand around with [the] older cats [i.e., older guys]. We ain't doing nothing. I was missing school, and we 151
ain't doing nothing at all. We just standing around, probably drinking and smoking, when I'm supposed to be at school. (Blue, 27)
No, I hated school. I couldn’t understand it. They [adoptive parents] didn’t understand what was going on, even with the money. They didn’t think I was struggling. They thought I was cutting up in school. They put it on me [and] not the teacher. They go along with what the teacher say. (Mr. ETV, 48)
Yeah, I liked school. I guess it's just got to be the teacher, because if you've got somebody teaching that is passionate about their work, and what they do, and how they use they words, then you can relate to them or you can kind of understand what they're talking about, but if you've got somebody that you don't understand what they're talking about, you can't relate to them, or they just kind of like throwing you off and not teaching you the right things, then you're not going to want to learn, and you're not going to want to hear what they're talking about. I think that's got to be a key position to where people want to learn, if they like what they hearing, or like what the teacher is talking about. I liked doing the physical things, like playing sports when I was in school. I liked the science and math. It was like my best subjects. I liked school more when I was younger. When I got older I kind of disliked school. (Quanni, 34)
Well, I didn't learn nothing in school. Now that I look at it, but I liked school just to go play [and go to] recess. (34, 49)
No… I would get in trouble. Back then, I would get paddle[d]. You know what I mean? They had paddles going on back then. I wasn't feeling that. Yeah, they did do it in middle school. I got tore up quite a bit... I was bad. Looking back, I was a little terrible kid. I don't know what I did wrong. I just was messing with people, and my dad... fought with the Black Widow Karate Club. He fought over in Korea [with the] US team, so I thought... I was trying to mimic my dad, and I would go to school to chop people, and kick ... And I would just get in trouble and fight, and I just wanted to be like my dad, I guess. Yeah, up until I got to ... high school, my grade average dropped… When I was in middle school and in elementary [school], I was doing good and focusing [on] doing my homework. When I got to high school, it just seemed like it went downhill. I just started cutting classes, driving around. I was doing all the things I wasn't supposed to do. (PJ, 47)
While in school, many participants noted how they placed major importance in hanging with friends and seeking attention from the girls. For example, T (age 50) explained that 152 he only attended school to see his girlfriends and have fun with friends, “I had a lot of girlfriends. I acted out ... I was a clown back then. I went to school just to have fun and not to learn basically, just to dress”. Similarly, Storm (age 67) shared similar viewpoint,
Only thing I liked about school was lunch…the girls… showing off… [and] liked football. I was real good at football and basketball and track, so I liked that. But my intention ... was real short. You know what I'm saying?... Now, I love math… [and] I love math to today.
However, at some point, the importance, more specifically the value of school, was lost and, for some participants, never implanted. Mr. ETV (age 48) described what deterred him from wanting to obtain an education,
My [adoptive] father was trying to use reverse psychology on me as a kid. He told me that a [Black person] that can't read and write is [insignificant]. A [Black person], who can't read and write, can't take care of his self or his family… He was trying to use that to get me… but it backfired. So, I started chasing the dollar versus education. That's what made me get in the streets… [I] found something I was good at.
Without seeing a value or purpose for obtaining an education, participants did not have the drive or motivation to do well, unless it was connected to an outcome that they felt was achievable, like playing sports and/or spending time with friends. For instance, Steel
(age 71) described his motive for making good grades, “Football. During that season, I got A's [but, when it was not football season, I received] C’s… I studied more so I could stay on the team... All I had to do was study.” Blue’s (age 27) narrative was similar; he only worked to achieve passing grades to play football,
When I was playing football, I had like 2.5 [GPA]. After that, it was all down[hill]. Once he [the teacher] gave me good grades, I was trying real hard, but just trying to mix street life and school wasn't going to work. It had to be one or the other. It wasn't going to work. I didn't realize that, until it was over for school...
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Cooper (age 61) only strived for passing grades so that he could avoid punishment and hang with friends, “I had to value it. I had to make decent grades in order for me to be able to go to the recreation center. [So I] valued it [enough] to get by.” Many of the school systems and families neglected to help the participants discover the meaning and value of an education. In some cases, the community even failed to reinforce the value of education to the participants. Extensive research on community-family-school partnerships revealed the critical role that the community plays in the academic achievement of Black males (Beachum & McCray, 2012; Howard & Associates, 2017;
Noguera, 2008; Owens et al., 2015). For example, Mr. ETV (age 48) excelled in music and art, but he struggled with reading and writing because he was diagnosed with
Dyslexia. Further, although excelled in other subjects, he was frequently discouraged and ridiculed by his family and teachers,
I didn’t do homework. My grades consisted of D’s and F’s, all the way across the board. I got in trouble every time, but they knew the grades wasn't changing. Only [good] grades I got… was in music class, and they couldn't understand that. But, music class wasn’t consisting of reading and writing. I excelled in things that [were] visual and hands on… [and] working with the wood… Martial arts, I excelled in. It's just that book stuff and that writing [that I struggled].
Peter (age 46) was the only participant that genuinely expressed an interest in doing well throughout his K-12 school experience. However, Peter mentioned that some of his drive to perform well in school was because he wanted to please his father, “I actually liked school. I actually tried my hardest to do very good in school, just because I knew that he
[Peter’s Father] liked that.”
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Additionally, no value was placed on pursing postsecondary opportunities for most of the participants. Only two participants explored college, following high school.
For example, Peter (age 46) attended college but without the help and support of his family. Peter’s family did not encourage him to attend college because of their religious beliefs. As a result, he learned about postsecondary opportunities through the career center he attended. Through the center, Peter went on college tours and received assistance applying to colleges and universities. Generally speaking, Peter felt prepared for college but indicated that he was not able to balance the independence from his family,
My parents encouraged K-12… Now, you know about my faith… They'll [my parents] say, ‘Sometimes to make it in this world, you have to get little higher education.’ Back then, it was like no organized sports. You don't need college… Going to college was not one of my aspirations… because of my religion. But, freedom [was an aspiration]. I was running around ... I was an athlete. I thought I could just get by. I didn't need to go to class. I could just do the homework, whenever I got done, because I had people telling me, ‘You ain't gotta go to [school or do your homework]... especially [because you are] on the football team. You ain't gotta go to school.’ As soon as I came home, I was arrested for aggravated menacing.
The correlation between parental educational attainment and student academic achievement is well documented in the literature (Davis-Kean & Sexton, 2009; Fomby &
Cross, 2018; McFarland et al., 2018). Higher levels of parental educational attainment correlate positively with educational outcomes for children (Davis-Kean,2005; Fomby &
Cross, 2018; McFarland et al., 2018). Past research also illustrated that parental educational level was a significant predictor of children’s behavioral outcomes (Dubow,
Boxer, and Huesmann 2009). Table 4.2 illustrates the educational level of participants
155 and their parents/guardians, gleaned from the biographical questionnaires and interviews.
The presented information, in Table 4.2, mirrors existing literature related to the study.
Participant Participant Mother/Guardian 1 Father/Guardian 2 Educational Level T 10th grade/GED Bachelors Unknown Steel Associates Degree Unknown Unknown Storm GED 5th or 6th grade 5th or 6th grade Peter H.S. Diploma Technical Training College ( More than 1 College (More than year) 1 year) Blue GED Bachelors High School Diploma College (More than 1 year) Chip GED H.S. Diploma H.S. Diploma Pimp Juice H.S. Diploma H.S. Diploma 12th grade Quanni GED 11th grade H.S. Diploma College (More than 1 year) Robert 10th grade/GED Unknown H.S. Diploma Tupac H.S. Diploma 7th or 8th grade 7th or 8th grade Black 10th grade Unknown Unknown Leroy GED 9th grade H. S. Diploma 34 H.S. Diploma 7th or 8th grade GED College (Less than 1 year) Mr. ETV 10th grade Bachelors Masters Cooper H.S. Diploma GED 11th grade Table 4. 2 Participant/Parent and Guardian Educational Attainment Participants expressed they learned the value of education, later in their adult life.
More specifically, many understood the importance, after experiencing incarceration.
Although it is never too late to learn and advance academically, having a prison record provided barriers that complicated their ability to obtain any type of educational opportunities.
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School Influences
Not many participants shared that their schools had any direct impact on their lives. On the contrary, ‘34’ (age 49) elaborated on how his school system failed him and how the same is happening now for many youth today,
It wasn't working out. I wasn't getting the grades, because I was passed just for sports. I never should have graduated from high school. [I] probably shouldn't have even made it to the ninth grade. In middle school and elementary [school], it was the bare minimum. [In] high school… I would wonder, ‘How'd I get an A in that? How'd I get a B in that?’… I was just showing up to class and leave. When graduating from high school, you thought you had everything you need to succeed at the high school but that wasn't true. Many of us, like I said, was going to school and just get passed. When we graduate[d], we thought we [were] about to live the American dream. Man, it didn't happen that way. I mean you say, …go to school… [to] learn how to read and write [and] do all that, but those things weren't happening for me. Yeah, and the counselors and [the teachers] really didn't teach you about that stuff, until like your senior year [or] until you was almost gone.
Additionally, ‘34’ shared his views on educational rights and the need for outside support systems,
When you look at it, education ain't a privilege; it's a human right. You set a lot of us up for failure… look at my household. My mother dropped out from school. We got gambling, robbing, fighting, [and] all that in the household. We was dysfunctional… We go to the [educators], hoping they can help us get us to the next level, but they didn't. That's why I tell a lot of people… They've got to start with some outside help.
Barley passing his classes, ‘34’ explained that he was never assigned homework and he believed he was misled. Despite this occurrence, ‘34’ attended college on a football scholarship. Mr. ETV (age 48) also believed that the teachers he encountered could have provided more resources and assistance to help him with his Dyslexia. Hence, the lack of support at home and school pushed him to explore and find something he excelled in,
157
You gotta remember… What teacher [is] gonna [to] say they don't know how to teach a person? You're a teacher with this degree in teaching. You gonna say, ‘I can't teach him.’ That means something's the matter with the teacher, not the student… The teacher saying I'm being disruptive. You see what I'm saying?... All they [are] hearing. ‘Oh you're not studying?, You're not listening?, [or] You're not reading right?’ But, it really started from the teachers because if the teacher asks you to get up and come to the board and read or write out loud, and they see you have an issue with that. What are they doing? This is what happens with a lot of youth in school right now, today. I was pushed through. They was pushing me through, because they knew who my [foster] family members were… affluent in the community. But, I was very inquisitive and loved information. No one realized that.
Mr. ETV’s love for information and inquisitive personality was lost, because no one challenged or helped him to explore his skills. Additionally, Blue (age 27) shared how the school could have worked to help him to stay on track,
It was just too easy to give up. It was way too easy to give up. Make me do something. Push me… I know that's what you got your parents for and all that, but I don't know… I know they had the truancy thing, but they didn't take that truancy stuff that seriously. You know how many truancy warrants I had, when I ended up getting caught and going to jail? I probably had 13 truancy warrants. How do you get 13 truancy warrants without going to jail? When y’all [teachers] could be doing something with me… Where are the consequences?
Similarly, Quanni (age 34) discussed the issues he encountered with some of the schools he attended. Ultimately, he blamed the school for his decision to dropout of school at 16,
I felt like school was important, but I felt like it's only so much that a teacher can teach you. If the teacher don't know as much as you know, then what else could the teacher teach you, if you basically know everything that the teacher know. Because sometimes we could ask [the] teacher the question, and the teacher wouldn't even know the question. I eventually dropped out of school. I got me a job, and I got the principal to sign my paper at [my high school]. It's called OWA, or something like that, where you get a job… [and] later on down the line get your GED… or if you want to come back and get your diploma. I dropped out of high school, at the age of 16, and I started working at Rally's full-time.
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Literature on academic achievement and delinquent behaviors suggests that unqualified and disengaging teachers are major contributing factors (Allen & White-Smith, 2014;
Development Services Group Inc, 2015; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). Accordingly, Quanni
(age 34) discussed on how disengaging teachers, at his schools, contributed to why he lost interest in learning,
Probably because of the teachers… I had some whack teachers. Excuse me, but the teachers that was teaching us, when I was in school back in the '90s, they really wasn't thrilled to be a teacher. I don't think they had that motivation to make me want to like school. I don't know. I just didn't connect with them, per se.
Chip (age 57) encountered many interruptions and setbacks, throughout his schooling, that not only affected his educational attainment but also his life outcomes as well. He obtained his GED, while incarcerated, but still struggled with fully integrating in the community because of his criminal record and meager educational attainment and employment skills. Additionally, he offered more details about his schooling and why he opted to obtain his GED,
[I] went to an all-black school… and [there] wasn't much education there. I got kicked out of elementary school, and I had to go to another school up the road. At that point, I started smoking weed and that was kind of a gateway to hard drugs. At 15, I was incarcerated. At 17, I was incarcerated [again]; therefore, I didn't get a high school diploma, but in the [prison] system, I was able to get a GED.
Other participants accepted responsibility for their educational failures and poor engagement in school. All of the participants discussed on how their education or lack thereof played a role in their life outcomes. For example, ‘T’ (age 50) agreed that obtaining an education would have assisted with future job opportunities and support.
More specifically, he stated: “Because I could have made something out of myself, I 159 could have picked up a trade, and got a good job”. Quanni (age 34) also described how an education could have helped him pursue his dream of playing professional sports, “You could say that. Because one, if I wasn't skipping school, I probably would've stayed in college more. Probably would've had a better opportunity to play sports, or get a scholarship, or something like that.” Blue (age 27) described how he realized an education would be important to becoming successful as an adult,
So, I had to go with a GED… I never really took it seriously… until I got grown... This is stuff I needed. This is stuff I needed to know… But, I wasn't thinking about that.
Robert (age 58) discussed his views on the difference between getting an education and going to school. For him, knowledge and information is the key, and the physical school setting is not what determines the information you receive,
You know… the most powerful thing that we can give is [an] education. Information… [is] all it is…information… [is] the most powerful thing that we can give. I felt my father was the greatest thing, since whatever is great. I thought he was because he was so intelligent, and it wasn't because of [him] having a formal education or none of that kind of stuff.
PJ (age 47) described the moment that he lost interest in school and how that affected other opportunities,
Yeah, up until the 7th grade [or] 6th grade, I was going to go to the Navy, but I had a heart murmur, so they wouldn't take me… It would have been a good thing, if I [had] went… My life wouldn't have been as bad as it was. Yeah, my mom was trying to push me to go to college, but, at that time, I was selling weed, and I was doing other things, so I wasn’t trying [to] go.
Not all of the participants had negative experiences with their schools. Some participants credited their teachers and school administrators for helping them. Leroy (age 57), in
160 particular, felt encouragement from his teachers and other school staff. He also believed his teachers tried to instill the importance of education and hard-work, at an early age,
Yes. I feel that the school played a part in my decision-making, career wise, because they [the teachers were] always telling us to chase our dreams, set a goal, and to go after it. They was always telling us you could be anything that you want to be. Just put your mind to it. You've got to work hard at it, the schools always told us. They even said no matter what kind of job it is ... I'm trying to think which teacher it was, but she or he said, even if you are a janitor be the best janitor there is. That meant something. I finally realized what that meant. No matter what I decided to do, I could do anything I want to do, if I put my mind to it. [Just] do my best [and] give my all…
Black (age 31) found refuge in one of his teachers, because she offered a positive educational experience and also filled an emotional and social void that he was missing from his home environment,
She [his teacher] was just cool. She used to bring me Subway [sandwiches]. She used to bring me food to school. She took me to her house... I met her husband. I used to do a lot with her. She kind of like kept me motivated [and] to keep rolling… When I did good in school or something, she would do what I wanted... She was like a mentor to me.
Tupac (age 62) enjoyed his classroom environment, because it provided solace in comparison to the hectic household he resided. Accordingly, Tupac felt respected and supported, when he was in his special education classroom,
I could tell people today that I was a different child than the rest of the people… just by me being in the special class[es]. I liked the special class. That teacher took her time with me. You know what I'm saying? I got time to draw… because we all got through together as a group, but it was [more] special than the regular school. They [former regular teachers] would send notes home to your mom and your dad, and I'm trying to say, ‘Oh, I'm gonna get a whupping with this one…’ I was getting a lot of F's, and, in the special class, I came up. I was [reaching] satisfaction. I was getting S's, would mean for satisfaction. I was getting O's, was outstanding, and you got an O.
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Peter (age 46) described the apparent differences that he noticed between the urban and suburban public schools he attended,
My other teachers, especially in elementary, all seemed like [they were] overworked. The kids were just way too much for them.... they had so many behavioral issues that the schooling part was secondary ... they're just trying to get everybody in their chairs. Middle school was like... there was more ... and this was not just about a racial thing. They were more hands on. They were more ... they would go around, and they would be reading a book, or we would be reading. They were just more hands on. They were actually educating it seemed.
The lack of educational opportunities, whether at the fault of the school or the student, decreased the chances of participants pursuing more than an incarceration sentence. Ten of the 15 participants obtained a GED, while incarcerated. Black was the only participant without a high school diploma or GED. Steel (age 71), who obtained his GED during his fourth prison term, also obtained an associate’s degree, while incarcerated. Cooper, ‘34’,
Tupac, Peter, and PJ all graduated with a high school diploma. Peter and ‘34’ were the only two to attend college, but both withdrew after their first semester. Thus, six other participants attempted to explore college, after incarceration. Peter eventually pursued a degree from a technical college, and Blue was enrolled in college, at the time of the study’s interview. Quanni and Storm attempted college but struggled to maintain focus.
PJ and Chip withdrew from college because of financial barriers.
The interview protocol addressed questions related to college goals, such as how participants were informed about college opportunities and the discussions they had with families about college. Most participants stated their families did not discuss or encourage them to go to college, while a few participants stated their families had plans for them to attend. In such cases, Robert (age 58) recounted his experiences with learning 162 about college. He admitted that there were individuals that talked to him about college but rarely did they elaborate on why he should go or even express the importance of attending,
…Our economic status was upgraded; he [his father] wanted to pay for me to go to college. He knew I had the abilities to do it, but like I said, what I had learned, thus far, from my environment… had detoured my focus on that... My environment had taught me something else totally and partly from ignorance that I could achieve a whole lot of the things that I had acquired and desired for.
As noted in the above excerpt, Robert’s father wanted him to attend college but he was too deep in the life of selling and using drugs,
Yeah, I heard it… Maybe one or two of [my] teachers told me about college. And, it came from that sports thing too. You know like how you can get the free ride… [that] sports scholarship... And, even them [teachers] providing that information, they was missing the most important thing… all the other things that I can achieve besides catching a football or putting a basketball [in] hoops or whatever...
Storm’s mother wanted him to attend college and even established a savings account to help with financial costs. However, Storm dropped out of high school at the age of 16, with his mother’s permission, and he convinced her to allow him to spend the savings on something else,
She had this insurance for college. She said, ‘What am I going to do with all this money I done put in the insurance?’ I said, ‘We're going to draw that out and go shopping.’ She said, ‘Boy.’ I said, ‘Mom, I'm not going to school anymore. I'm tired of it. I'm not going no more. You put me in a detention home… I'm through with that shit.’ She said, ‘If that's what you want to do then oh well,’ and signed me on the street.
Other participants described their family’s interest in wanting them to attend college. For example, Cooper’s (age 61) family discussed college with him, but he was more interested in what was happening in the neighborhood and making money, 163
Well, yeah, the conversation was in the family and stuff, but I frayed away from them, because I spent more time in the streets, when I got older and stuff than I did at home. You know, sitting around the family and stuff like this.
Quanni’s (age 34) uncle wanted him to attend college and play basketball, with the hope that he would make it in professional league,
My uncle… kind of wanted me to go college and play ball. He had that vision of me like playing ball and getting everybody out the hood. Making everybody stick together. Because one family member could ... be an influence on everybody in the family. If somebody in the family beefing or whatever, this one person can make an influence on everybody in the family, and make everybody come together that was having problems or whatever.
Not all participants received encouragement or assistance. Tupac’s family discouraged him from attempting to go to college. Accordingly, Tupac (age 62) wanted to explore the option but was taunted for even being interested,
No. You know why? …I feel that it was [because] it being so many of us; [therefore,] they had their pick. . I wanted to go there [college], but, then again, I had to look at myself because I was still dragging myself… I wasn't that smart. I know I can't take somebody [to] help me read, because I'm a slow learner. I can't spell this word because I got to sound it out, because that's what we learned in the special class... Then, I went to some of the family members to help show me the route. They said it'd be a waste of time. Then, my brother said, ‘While you up there saying 'duh, duh', they'll be saying man, we can't help you.’ He said that as a laughter, so I could laugh… I wanted to try to get in something bigger and better. I wanted to take my artwork. I wanted to even go to the art school. But, after things started going down and then with my criminal behavior, it set me back for a lot of things.
Tupac did not explore the college option any further. Additionally, other participants lost interest in pursuing school further, even while incarcerated. Some participants only pursued educational opportunities, while incarcerated, to impress parole boards for future hearings. At age 16,‘T’ (age 50) was incarcerated in an adult facility and was never 164 encouraged to obtain any type of degree. Other participants obtained their GEDs, during later prison terms. Leroy (age 57) shared his experience,
I finally did on my fourth number, which was in West Virginia, when I started going to school. I started taking educational classes. I took the GED classes. They found out which areas I was weak in, and I was doing that. That's when I take my GED.
Other participants described experiences in the K-12 setting that discouraged them from exploring college. Steel (age 71) recalls a statement his teacher said to him in elementary school,
…One teacher told me to ... ‘I wouldn't advise you to go to college… because you would probably end up working physical labor or something like that.’ I can't remember the exact [his exact words]. I always remember that because I used to talk to my cousins about it.
Storm’s (age 67) biological family had a negative reputation that continued, until he was in school. Teachers and staff would often judge him, based on his family’s history at the school, instead of getting to know him personally,
… A lot of teachers knew my biological mother and me and my sister, [and believed that] we act[ed] just like our mom. We must have acted like her because that's what they used to say. They [would] say, ‘You act just like Ann.’ My mom's name was Ann… and she was a badass. She was a badass. Me and my sister used to look at them ... and my sister quit taking a paddle too.
Storm suggested this discouraged him from liking school, as well as exploring postsecondary opportunities. Overall, the participants struggled in their educational settings, which frequently affected their educational attainment and achievement levels.
Lack of Parental/Family Involvement
Parental and family involvement is highly linked to the life success of Black males (Allen & White-Smith, 2018; Howard, Rose, & Barbarin, 2014; NEA, 2008; 165
Noguera, 2008; Owen et al., 2015; Park & Holloway, 2017; Vega et al., 2014). Several participants suggested that their parents busy work schedules as reasons they were not involved with their schools. Other participants perceived their parents lack of involvement as a lack of interest.
Participants suggested that the only time their parents went to their schools or talked with their teachers were related mostly to misbehavior and other disciplinary reasons. Accordingly, Robert (age 58) responded to the question, indicating when his father only went to his school, “No, the only thing was when I got in trouble.” A couple of other participants also noted that their parents attended their parent/teacher conferences, only once a year. However, ‘34’ (age 49) asserted that none of the parents in his neighborhood participated or became involved in their child’s school, “Didn’t no parent go to that stuff. Nobody in the hood.”
Further discussion on the importance of parental and family involvement and limitations presented in this study is highlighted in Chapter 5.
4.5 Drugs and Addictions
Twelve of the 15 participants were enrolled in some type of alcohol and drug rehabilitation program, with each being mandated by the state as a part of their previous sentences. Usage or distribution of drugs and other substances played a major role in increasing likelihood of incarceration, and, for most participants, it was a direct correlation. All 15 participants had a history of being charged with possession of some type of drug or substance. Those involved with rehabilitation program often began their narrative with descriptions that included their progress in the program and their past
166 addictions. For most, this was a major part of who they were and who they had become.
The following accounts describe how participants started their interview. T (age 50) began by discussing past addictions,
Currently, I am recovering from drugs, crack, and heroin. I'm in this program, which we're at today. I go to class two times a week, Tuesdays and Thursdays. Fridays, I get my medicine…Suboxone, [which] stops the cravings of heroin, and I'm unemployed [and] have no job. I do have an apartment, and my bills are paid.
On the day of our interview, Chip (age 57) was celebrating 30 days of sobriety. His addictions led to all of his incarcerations and problems in his home environment,
Just here in the last 30 days, I've been sober. Life's been good so far. Things have been looking up, so they say you got to go through something to get somewhere. I didn't intend on going through all this, but here I am. I'm blessed. I'm still here. God knows I don't know how that happened. I'm sure He knows, but here I am today. There's nothing more than I want to tell my story to some of these kids out here. This ain't the way to go, so… I started using heroin at the age of 17 and that ran its course for the next 30 years. Don't have much of a employment history at all, just in the streets hustling and doing what they do in the streets, using drugs, trying to keep some money in your pocket, trying to maintain a little household.
Leroy (57) struggled for years with his addictions. Drug and alcohol abuse contributed to his multiple incarcerations,
[I’ve] been in the struggle for a very long time. I am just finally really ready to make a change in my life today, due to the fact all the things that I have been through and other things that I have experienced because my self-esteem was so low. I was a[n] alcoholic. I was a drug addict...
Approximately 95 percent of incarcerated addicts is likely to return to substance abuse, after their release from prison, and sixty to 80 percent of them are prone to commit new crimes (Justice Policy Institute, 2018). Additionally, nearly 50 percent of jail and prison
167 inmates are clinically addicted (National Association of Drug Court Professionals, 2018).
Peter (age 46) suggested that his use of drugs heightened, while he was incarcerated,
Unfortunately, my job enabled me to... What's crazy is, while I was in prison… I developed my addictions… There's just as much dope and alcohol inside the prison walls than there is outside. So, I have the money in here now, and I ain't got nothing else to do. I'm like, let me try this, let me do this, let me do this. It becomes all you do… You know, if I hadn't had my job, then maybe I wouldn't.
Other participants noted using drugs and other substances, while they were incarcerated, and the ease of access to illegal substances inside of prisons. Ten participants mentioned selling drugs, at some point in life, and a few even selling while incarcerated. To this end,
Cooper (age 61) described how he and his friends devised a business plan to sell marijuana,
…First of all, I smoked a lot of weed, me and my friends… Then, when we seen that there was a clientele for it, we just clicked up and just started selling some. It wasn't like it was planned. We didn't plan it out. One day, we were just talking like, ‘Man, listen, we can go ahead and get us a piece, and you know, everybody we know.’ You know, because we were well- known and well-respected.
‘34’ (age 49) grew up in a home environment, where he witnessed drug use and drugs being sold. When he returned from college, it was easy for him to access drugs to sell because he already had access,
After college didn’t work out, that's when I went to drugs, and drugs was brand new. You would see it in the neighborhoods. Remember: It was in my household. It wasn't hard to get connected.
Both ‘34’ and Mr. ETV served prison sentences for major drug charges. Both were involved with large drug operations. Mr. ETV was also charged with murder and sent to
168 federal prison. ‘34’ was arrested by U.S. Federal Marshalls and served 20 years in federal prison.
Black, Tupac, and Quanni all mentioned encounters of being arrested, while in possession of drugs. Black (age 31) described the time he almost died, after swallowing drugs to hide them from the police,
I was on my death bed twice... I almost OD'd… I threw 25 X pills in my mouth. SWAT raid[ed]. I was scared [because] it was acid, [and] I was young. I didn't know nothing about it. I didn't know about acid [and how it reacts] in your stomach. So, it's like… it blew me up. I fell out.
Tupac (age 62) experienced a similar encounter,
I went to all the programs in the state of Ohio. But guess what? My life still wasn't catching on. My wife left me, got married again, that one died. …I was scared of heroin, but I did that and then now I relapsed. But, when I relapsed, I'm talking about in a coma. They left me for dead. Did I learn after that? No, I didn't. I figured my wife was gone now. I really know how much I really miss her, really love her, and how I treated her so bad on drugs and alcohol. I felt like I wasn't nobody. I wanted to die.
Quanni (age 34) lived in an apartment with four other friends. The apartment was raided, after the police were made aware of their involvement with selling drugs,
I started selling drugs and smoking marijuana… I moved out my mom's house, when I was 17. We started making a lot of money, and a lot of people was coming over… This is when I first really got in trouble with the law, because we was in a SWAT raid. SWAT hit our apartment, and I had some dope on me. I had some crack... A SWAT officer got it out my pocket, and they arrested me, and I end up going to juvie for six months.
At the time of the interview, Quanni (age 34) had only been released from prison 30 days.
Thus, he was required to attend the rehabilitation program, after he purposely attempted to overdose on drugs. Quanni explained his recent release,
…I came to this program because recently I started using drugs, and they said I died. I died, and I OD’d… I came to this program, so I could get 169
help and try to be a better man to myself, and my family, and to society. Stuff that I've been going through. Sometimes I just feel like I'm hopeless. I don't know what made me want to do it. I just did it, and made a mistake.
It is important to understand how and where youth learn and negotiate experiences. Some participants shared how they learned about alcohol, drugs, and other substances. PJ (age
47) described how he learned about marijuana, “I think a Cheech and Chong movie. My friend, He's like weed? That's freaking' great. Let's do it. [Also,] I was selling it. I was selling cocaine. And I was wanting to try it and I liked it”.
Robert (age 57) was attracted to smoking after seeing other males in his neighborhood. He associated smoking with being an adult and suggested it seemed
‘cool.”
Other people yeah, because it seemed like an adult thing and when you a kid you want to be an adult. Yeah, and sometime on the weekend, we used to go to bars and try to look in the bars. You know stuff like that and, when you [are] in a black neighborhood, the adults think because you want to hurry up and become an adult.
Similar to Chip, Storm suggested his exploration with drugs was inevitable, developed from the era in which he grew up. The media and individuals in his community heavily influenced his drug use. Storm (age 67) explained why he continued to use drugs and how he became dependent on various substances,
I grew up in the '60s, when the hippie era ... When drugs really hit us, you know, like really was there. I got introduced to all kind of drugs, marijuana, pills, acid, which was never my thing, heroin, cough syrup, they would drink enough methazine, codeine, we had a Robitussin AC. That's how I grew up. That led me into the wrong track and winding up getting addicted to being high. Not to one drug, but I felt that I didn't feel myself unless I was high. I couldn't go party ... I mean, I really couldn't party, unless I was high off of something. That's what kind of ruined my life, because I didn't have really a plan, really nobody I looked up to that was really ... like I said, we lived in the hood, so that's all I knew. 170
Other participants believed that alcohol and drugs added to their lives. Steel (age 71) realized that alcohol provided him the courage to communicate with women. He shared information about his experiences with alcohol,
I was in tenth grade, and I drank it, and I felt good. All my inhibitions was gone. I felt like I could communicate with all the women, and this, that, and the other. That's how that started. Yeah, that’s how it started… from then on in, I got curious, different stuff. I wanted to know what was that. What was that reefer stuff you all smoking?
Steel’s introduction to alcohol generated interests of other drugs. Participants were arrested and charged for possessing, selling, or using of drugs but more often for burglary to obtain money for drugs. For some, theft was the easiest way to obtain money to support their addictions. According to Steel (age 71), the only reason anyone would steal would be for money, “I mean, why I broke into the store. Everybody who steal? I'm assuming they steal for money. I can't imagine a person just stealing, breaking into stuff, and just for it to be breaking in.” Steel’s addictions eventually took a toll on his relationship with his wife. As a result, his wife requested that they separate, until he makes the decision to stop messing with drugs,
These streets, yeah. Basically, it depends on me. Leave the DOPE alone, bottom line, and just come on and be a normal person, then we'll get along better than we ever did. Talk, she ain't going for that one (laughs), no. Then, one day… when my wife [and I] started having problems, we finally decided to separate. I moved right back into the neighborhood, where all them drug addicts was at, and them was the only guys I knew. Next thing I know, I'd see them, and you know what happened.
Some participants admitted to stealing to support drug habits, even while being employed. Since their income typically went to household bills and necessities, there was no extra money for drug and alcohol purchases. Additionally, new environments 171 increased drug and alcohol use for some participants. Leroy’s (age 57) time in the military increased his alcohol use, because of the easy access of inexpensive liquor.
Leroy shared his encounters,
You know, at the age of eighteen, when I got out of school I went to the service. So, I got some more discipline and some more growing up to do. I done that six years, being in the service. For me, I really believed that the alcoholism in my family and in me is what caused me to begin after the age of 18, of livin' this double life, as you might say. 'Cause even in the service, at 18, when I joined the service, it was because I was gettin' off a hangover and it's the end of summer, schools starting back, goes to school, get in a fight that day. Then I became a adventurist type of person for, while in the service. I went to the National Guard. I began to meet other people. When I got to meet these other people, my curiosity light bulb went off and things, so there I was I tried to see what they was doing. ... I think [that] I was in my fourth year in the National Guard but remind you, my alcohol progressed through service. The liquor was cheaper back then for me to get than what I was paying in the State store. Me having a military ID I could go on base and buy it cheaper.
Participants’ environmental settings had a major influence on their use of or exposure to drugs. Robert (age 58) described an encounter that led to one of his arrests, an incident that happened during his teenage years before he started to sell drugs with his father,
He gave me this dope to hold, and, during that time, the detectives came through the bar, and I'm standing outside the bar because I was too young to get in... And, the detectives came and just so happen look like for some reason they focused on me and they wanted to search me and I got dope in my pocket, so I got arrested again. My stepmother had to come down to get me and it just happened.
For participants, there were multiple systems influencing their introduction to drugs, alcohol, and other substances. Drugs and other system factors ultimately led to each of their incarcerations.
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4.6 Recidivism: Establishing a Continual Cycle
Poor quality education programs and lack of effective rehabilitation services are documented as major factors for increasing recidivism of recently released offenders
(Agan & Starr, 2018; Muhlhausen, 2018; Sickmund & Puzzanchera, 2014). Effective vocational, educational, and rehabilitative programs have also shown to reduce recidivism, for previously incarcerated juveniles and adults. Thus, recidivism rates have increased, over the last few decades, particularly for Black male youths and adults
(Sawyer & Wagner, 2019), correlating with the spike in incarceration rates. Participants in this study cited encountering similar experiences, regarding rehabilitation and success re-entering society after release. Although in the study the researcher sought to examine and analyze factors and experiences at the family, community, and school level, the following subsections presents findings that addressed why 13 of the participants had experienced being incarcerated more than once. Additionally, information in these sections address the second research question of this study, what specific role does education play on both the incarceration and recidivism of Black males, addressing the connection and importance of education. The data presented is of importance to literature on mass incarceration and the effects of incarceration on Black males.
4.6.1 Lack of Effective Rehabilitation
The policies in place at correctional facilities often neglect to account for effective rehabilitation programs (Muhlhausen, 2018). Although some facilities document the number of programs they offer in their yearly reports, not all inmates are still afforded these programmatic opportunities. Participants expressed their experiences, or lack
173 thereof, with rehabilitation programs during their incarcerations. Mr. ETV (age 48) expressed frustration with the lack of rehabilitation opportunities for prisoners,
… They put you right back in the street. You ain't learned nothing, [and] they didn't teach you nothing. They didn't rehabilitate. They just housed you and used you for labor. When you doing that kinda time, you have to relinquish all this, not even think about it. This don't even exist. You [are] in a world totally different, so that's where your focus has to be. So, I didn't focus on what was going on outside, because what was going on outside didn't focus on us. Not knowing that effect that, what's going on in there, affects us out here, which is ironic because what goes on in federal prison affects people in society versus what goes on out here affecting people in there. It's crazy.
In place of gaining tools to help with transition back into society, a few participants mentioned how they became better criminals instead. Peter (age 46) discussed how prisoners would connect with other inmates, developing new contacts and learning how to manipulate the system,
In prison? There was a few, because in prison, cities can clique together, so all I did in prison was find better contacts, and I learned how to be a better criminal. That's all I did. You just learn the ins and outs of like, say, I actually had a burglary, but the only reason I did a burglary was because I needed some stuff to sell so I could get the drugs. Well, guess what? Joe Schmo from Chilicothe, or whatever, he used to run a whole burglary ring. He can tell you how to cut arms, and how to do this, and do that. You know? Then you learn how to forge. You just learn everybody's trade.
In addition to connecting with new associates, participants stated how common it was to see someone they knew while they were incarcerated. Hence, participants described the prison setting as confined communities, similar to their communities or neighborhoods.
Seeing familiar faces from their old neighborhoods added to the confined, “home” like experience. Comparably, for participants, the prison setting reminded them of a school setting, in that when you attended school, you were more than likely to be with others
174 from your own neighborhood. Participants encountered a number of people from their neighborhoods. Robert (age 58) described his experience,
It was just normal like outside ... In the outside world when you meet people, you impressed by their character or whatever you doing at the time or the people you associate with because I can be very anti-sociable at time. I mean, I speak and laugh and joke a whole lot of times, but I'm like a loner type person, but I did meet people that I considered friends or whatever throughout the course of time, and cell mates and different people like that. Some people I knew from the street, well, a whole lot of people I knew from the street.
Black (age 31) was surprised to see so many people he knew while incarcerated, “What?
Did I see people? Lord… sometimes you wonder where the people go. You go to jail and you be like, damn, they got everybody behind these bars.” The once unfamiliar setting became more comfortable for Black, increasing the behaviors he displayed and incidents that deterred him from receiving the proper rehabilitation he needed to re-enter society.
This was typical for some of the other participants that encountered familiar faces.
Instead of working towards rehabilitation, participants lost focus. Many participants stated that they would have benefited from a mandated program in prison to assist with rehabilitation. However, most indicated that they would not have had time, due to the pressure of having to work.
4.6.2 Priorities: The Need to Survive
Participants noted that prison facilities offer limited activities or free time for inmates out of fear of losing authoritative control. Accordingly, many prisons decreased leisure activities, limiting their participation in other activities, such as working a job, taking educational courses, or attending religious services. To that end, educational offerings are still limited or ineffective in prisons across the United States (Goldkind, 175
2011; Muhlhausen, 2018). Participants, in this study, faced similar challenges, particularly those interested in exploring educational opportunities. In the narratives, participants noted having to choose between an education and making a living to meet their needs. On average, the participants suggested that they and other prisoners in their facilities received less than $20 a month, if they chose not to work. Participants also shared the differences of obtaining a job over an education, particularly if they were not receiving outside financial support. Peter (age 46) stated,
When you don't have anybody helping you, and what they call state pay. They give you $12 to $18 a month to live on. This will get you your little toiletries and soap and stuff like that in the commissary.
Blue (age 27) offered an example of what some men were forced to do, when they were unable to afford clean undergarments,
The sad part too. There'll be people in there… [that] struggle on the outside. In there, if you don't got no money or nothing like that, you struggling. You don't got no whites or nothing. There be people in there borrowing people's whites and everything. You don't got nothing… like underclothes, like wife beaters, and underwear. You've got to send that stuff. People don't send you no whites or nothing. It's going to be a matter of days. Like, in the county, there's only a matter of days that they're going to let you wear your regular drawers. After that, its over for them. You've got to have your whites. And in the penitentiary, that's not even going. You're not even wearing nothing regular. You've got to have whites, period. You ain't wearing no striped drawers or nothing like that. You've got white boxer drawers, wife beaters, white socks, stuff like that. And if you don't, you've got to get it from other people. Or, they got a box of pissy hand-me-downs that people left, and you can get them. They wash them, but they still got pee stains. They're so old. Most people will put them on, but that's the lowest of the low. You don't want to do that. You don't want to put on no one's hand-me-down whites and stuff. And, then you be in a picture with your family, with your dingy whites on.
Many people in prison confronted with the realities of poverty, as they did in their neighborhoods outside prison. For example, Cooper (age 61) was assigned a position in 176 which he was in charge of payroll for a number of inmates. Once he assumed the role,
Cooper increased all of the workers’ pay,
So now, here I am, I'm over 150 men. I got to write the payroll for 150 men. So, when I got in there, I changed the amount of money them kids was making. They was robbing them. I took their pay from $40 to $120. You know what I'm saying? I [had] seen the budget. [The] captain let me see the budget.
In other words, Cooper saw a need and accepted a position that he could make a difference. For those participants who were interested in pursuing educational opportunities, they stated how education services were either nonexistent or denied to certain prisoners, leaving them with no options. Black (age 31) explained on why he was unable to obtain his GED, while he was incarcerated, even though it was something he wanted to obtain,
I was already too old, so they just put me on a list, when I was. If you're under 21, they made you... take a GED. It's mandatory. The whole 5 years I’m in there…. I never got called for my GED. They basically [tried] to get all the juveniles in before ... There's thousands of inmates there.
After being released, Black struggled with finding resources to help obtain his GED. In addition, most of his time was spent in a drug rehabilitation program, which limited his time to pursue educational opportunities. Conversely, the prison, where Cooper was incarcerated, did not offer any educational courses. Although prisoners are often interested in working, the lack of educational course offerings is a national issue that still needs to be addressed.
Other participants chose to work in to support drug habits. As mentioned previously, participants stated that the prison community closely resembled the communities that they were reared, meaning that they still had access to illegal drugs and 177 other controlled substances. Hence, Peter chose to work to support his drug habit. Finding a job was easy for Peter (age 46), in prison, because the position he acquired was not something most of the other prisoners were able to do,
I was very fortunate because they do have school. I just dropped school because I was 18 compared to [others]. You could still go to school, but you can't earn your living. They ran a business so that's what I ended up doing, like 10 hours a day for five years. What they did was increase my state pay. I was actually working for my money, so my state pay went from $12-$18 a month to more like $150-$200 a month. So, I supported myself that way, and I had something to do. I also got to teach my craft.
A majority of the participants were forced to work in order to support their needs while incarcerated. The struggle to rely on family and friends to provide financially was a narrative most participants shared. Participants with multiple incarcerations found it difficult to obtain support, because families were not able to keep up with all the financial costs associated with being incarcerated. Although the job opportunities allowed the participants to purchase basic necessities, they still did not help provide effective rehabilitation and/or equip them with needed skills for life, after prison. Stated differently, if participants worked, they were not allotted time for rehabilitation and even if any opportunity was offered. Participants continued to encounter barriers as they attempted to transfer skills and credentials to community.
4.6.3 Nontransferable Skills
The Marshall Project (2017) reported a major lack of trained instructors, and a scarcity of classes offered in prisons across the United States. In the report, inmates often taught the courses offered in prison, without the necessary credentialing expected of professionals outside of prison (Marshall Project, 2017). Participants, in this current
178 study, expressed some of the same challenges, describing the lack of quality educational and occupational offerings while incarcerated. Because of these institutional shortcomings, several participants felt unprepared to re-enter the workplace or to pursue educational opportunities one released. Those facilities that did offer GED programs and courses through local higher education institutions also lacked highly qualified professionals. Similar to the Marshall Project report, participants stated that other prisoners taught many of the educational offerings in their facilities. For example, Mr.
ETV (age 48) described being kicked out of his GED class and stated that the teachers for his courses were not certified instructors but other prisoners,
I got kicked out of school in prison… Once you see it ain't in you, you can only do so many hours in there. They don't help you in prison. You teach yourself in prison. All of 'em do. But, guess who does it? Another prisoner. There's a teacher sitting there, but the teacher's not doing nothing with you. They getting paid, the student's teaching it. Well, the prisoners [are] teaching it.
After being kicked out of the course, he made no attempt to participate in any other educational courses. ‘34’ (age 49) expressed that the educational courses offered at his facility would not transfer to any college or career outside of the prison,
It's definitely the inmates be teaching that stuff. None of it carry no weight, when you come back home, because you still got the felon on you. They're like, ‘We don't recognize this program or this thing you did in prison.’ It just be a front.
He stopped attending classes and made no further attempt to continue his education. Peter
(age 46) also discussed the inconsistency of the outside institutions that offered courses in his prison,
Then we could actually earn a degree. You could actually get your degree in prison, but that turned out to be wiped all away. You could still go to 179
school, but you can't earn your living. But, you can't earn a college degree now in the penitentiary. You may, but, through correspondence, they don't have any programs like that.
Although the prisoners assigned to instruct courses may have been very capable teachers, participants described the lessons and assignments as substandard. Similarly, they expressed the same sentiments for the trained instructors. Quanni (age 34) took college classes while incarcerated but later discovered they would not transfer to the community college he planned to attend,
I went there, actually, when I got out of prison [in] 2010… I was going there [community college], while I was in prison. It was a dental program. Learning how to make dentures, crowns, and bridges... I did a whole year of that, and, when I got out, they told me that I had to do some more academic programs before I got into the dental lab there… I wanted to be a dental lab technician when I got out. They're telling me I had to do more classes, and I couldn't get into that program, because the spots [were] already filled up. I had to wait until the next semester… that kind of put me down a little bit, because they told me I could do that when I was locked up. They told me I could attend those classes and get right back into the dental lab. I wasn't able to do that.
Enlisting in educational or rehabilitation programs was particularly difficult for participants who served shorter terms. Regardless of the length of the sentence, the consistent in and out of jail or prison contributed to major disruptions to participants’ life outcomes. For example, Storm (age 67) felt helpless, when he re-entered society after being incarcerated for 17 years. As a result, he attempted to catch up on everything he missed, even old habits, “I feel like I had to catch up on 17 years of my life.” Similarly,
Robert (age 58) attempted to do the same, utilizing new skills learned from prison,
Basically, [I] tried to catch up from the time that I lost, which was impossible, but I made a gallant attempt to do that. I'm doing the same, attempting to come up with get rich schemes and to capture something that I couldn't recapture. And, it's hard to put into words, because I basically 180
fell into the same pattern, a pattern of thinking that I had when I was ... before I was incarcerated. And, I tried to relive those things but that was gone, and I couldn't get that back… especially that I didn't know I was institutionalized… [It] made it a little more difficult.
Further, the disruption caused by incarceration had a major effect on the few participants involved in the juvenile justice system. Blue (age 27) spent a number of his teenage years in and out of juvenile detention facilities. With this in mind, e explained how his time away caused him to miss educational opportunities. Blue (age 27) described his educational experiences while incarcerated as a youth,
Everybody in their jumpers and stuff. You've got orange jumpers. You're sitting at a little desk, and it really ain't work. It ain't going to get you to where you need to be. You know, the teacher would give you a lot of work. We would end up doing two papers and maybe we'd do a crossword puzzle or something. It wasn't real school, to me. I don't know whether it was real teachers or not, but I don't think they knew enough. I don't think they were on that teacher level, like at regular schools, because the work they were giving out, it was ... you want me to try to continue school when I get out of here. This is not the work that you're supposed to be giving me, because this ain't nothing.
Blue also believed that there was a major difference between the instruction he received in prison than what he received in a regular school setting. Further, the inconsistency of the courses offered decreased the opportunity to gain the skills he needed to reintegrate back into his home, community, and school. Because of the lack of proper instructions,
Blue fell behind academically.
Black (age 31) also spent time in juvenile correctional facilities and youth rehabilitation centers. His time in and out of these facilities had a significant impact on how he performed academically, his placement in special education courses, and his decision to drop out of school. Black conveyed the experiences he encountered at one
181 rehabilitation facility and how the actions of the staff affected his ability to learn skills he needed to return home,
It was a constant thing… I went to a group home… I was in and out of programs. The program was not beneficial: the staff… mentally, physically and all that. They would try to talk to you… You'd just be laying in bed… he's standing right there.
The program was not conducive to helping youth progress or be prepared to re-enter their community. Participants, over the age of 40, also experienced juvenile facilities but typically spent less than 24 hours in custody. Thus, Chip and Leroy were the exceptions.
Chip (age 57) spent six months at an industrial school for juvenile boys. He shared how he learned more about farming than the content in his academic courses,
It said Boys Industrial School, but I don't think their focus was on school. I think it was more on labor. [I] picked corn. They had us feeding cows. It was labor... that farm area up in there... Yeah, I went to school, but I don't think that was the main focus of the institution. I know it wasn't. It was to get that livestock and that feed.
Leroy (age 57) was incarcerated in a juvenile detention facility for three weeks. When asked if he received educational services, he stated the juveniles in his facility were provided opportunities to attend Bible study classes only,
No, none of that happened. It was like breakfast, lunch, and dinner and that was it. [I] came out of the room maybe for a couple hours, then right back in there... Oh, like I said, we went to Bible study.
Both agreed their short time in juvenile facilities had major effects on their academic growth. Regardless of the amount of time, loss of educational instruction can affect the academic development of any youth. Educational disadvantages coupled with other barriers magnify the likelihood of incarceration and recidivism, particularly for Black male youth (Agan & Starr, 2018; McVay, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg, 2004; Sickmund & 182
Puzzanchera, 2014). Interruptions in educational attainment often made it difficult to catch up, and, for some participants, it even discouraged them from wanting to pursue any future educational opportunities. Black (age 31) experienced this first hand, by receiving very little support from his family or other individuals, as he attempted to re- enter school, after being released from a juvenile detention center,
I was supposed to go to the eleventh grade… and finish my little credits up… I don't know how high school was then. They could have boosted me up to go to the next grade. So, I had to get some classes done or some credits or whatever. [It] didn't happen, and I'm going to prison, [and later] ended up going to jail.
Overall, the lack of transferable skills and effective rehabilitation became a major barrier for participants as they navigated re-entering society.
4.6.4 Reintegration
The difficulty previously incarcerated individuals encounter re-entering the community invoked other factors that increased probability of being incarcerated again.
Previously incarcerated males frequently experience complications re-entering school and readjusting to home and the community (Altschuler & Brash, 2004; Bullis et al., 2013).
Re-entering society, after incarceration, presents many problems as these individuals attempt to reconnect with family, friends, or even employers (Couloute, 2018; Couloute
& Kopf, 2018). Knowing this, researchers have recommended that previously incarcerated persons avoid re-entering the communities that contributed to their incarcerations (Anthony et al., 2010; Whitmore-Schanzenbach et al., 2016).
Many of the participants, in this current study, found it challenging to re-enter society and often felt that they had very few options to not return to the same
183 environment in which they left. For example, ‘34’ (age 49) stated, “When we coming out, almost 100% of the time we going back to same place that put us in there.” Storm (age
67) tried continuing his education after one incarceration. He found it difficult to concentrate on his studies and ignore the temptation of revisiting old habits,
Now, the reason why I didn't finish because I use[d] to live on 22nd and Long. I come out of school [and] I use to come down on Mt. Vernon. It was a lot of drug activities on Mt. Vernon… It's like New York… It used to take me away from my studies. I'd bump into guys [that] I was in prison with… Before you know it, I laid the book down.
Inevitably, the distractions in Storm’s environment were stronger than his desire to continue his college coursework. Similarly, Tupac and PJ described the challenges they confronted trying to navigate society upon re-entry,
Hard-head-ness, going back to the same place, where they told me not to go back: Old hangouts, people, places, and things. Figured I'd get out of here from doing all this time and if I see you outside, it was so good to see you. But, knowing the last time I seen you, me and you got into this: "Let's have a beer. Let's talk. Let me tell you the penitentiary story." I'm drinking now. It always created in the part where you thinking you going back to them old behaviors. Remember they said ... If I lived on Sinclair, don't go back to the place you came from. Find a new place. But, we addicts always go back to the same place, because we want to see some ... We know we gonna see somebody we know out there. And no. Trick no good. We got suckered in again by this disease. (Tupac, 62)
Yeah, I took that test. I was placed in some classes, and I went maybe for the first week, and I didn't sign up for the financial aid, bill came they were talking about I owed some money, whatever they talk about. I didn't have it, so I stopped going. (PJ, 47)
Other participants found comfort returning to the same environments and enjoyed reconnecting with old friends. For many, those environments were all they knew and for some, they were not ready to change their old ways. Additionally, participants suggested
184 it was not difficult to find other individuals to indulge in old behaviors with. Steel (age
71) stated, “As far as getting high and stuff, that wasn’t hard to find somebody else”.
Nine of the 15 participants checked unemployed on their biographical questionnaire. Thus, Peter and Steel were the only two with long-term work histories.
The challenge to find employment or stay employed often derived from multiple incarcerations, lack of rehabilitation, and substance abuse (Couloute & Kopf, 2018).
Participants also described challenges that they encountered, when looking for jobs, housing, and other services. For example, the admission criteria for some housing authority agencies prevents people with conviction histories from obtaining section eight housing (Bae, Finley, diZerega, & Kim, 2017; Muhlhausen, 2018). Denial of these opportunities commonly increased recidivism among the participants, because they felt forced to find other means to survive. For example, PJ and Chip shared their struggles,
Having a felony, multiple felonies, is a real big hindrance, when I'm trying to find a good job. I mean not having any college experience is a barrier. Child support is a barrier, because who wants to work 40 hours and bring home $50... especially if you're doing something manual labor, something hard, or construction, or anything of that nature ... That just deteriorates me from wanting to do it. I don't wanna work a full-time, hard job, and… they wanna take it all from you [for child support]. I have plenty of barriers. (PJ, 47)
If you had a felon… nobody want[s] to hire you or anything like that, so I started selling drugs, [and] ended up going back into the system at 30. At that time, the parole board was very, very hard on a brother. (Chip, 57).
As mentioned previously, selling drugs served as an alternative to work for participants and provided necessities, such as food, shelter, and clothing, for themselves and their families. Additional challenges previously incarcerated citizens encounter is homelessness (Couloute, 2018). Reports on recidivism and re-entry consistently reveal 185 that rates of homelessness are higher among individuals with particular demographic backgrounds, including those persons who had incarcerated more than once and those individuals recently released from prison (Couloute, 2018). To this end, Quanni (age 34) shared why he continuously returned to selling drugs,
I think I ended up getting caught with a pistol, and I got caught with seven grams of crack and a pistol, and I violated my probation. I end[ed] up doing three years in prison, when I was like 24 [to] all the way up to 27… I'm staying in the house. I ain't doing nothing. I ain't bothering nobody. I'm trying to work. But, I want to find a good job that fits for me, so I started doing what my uncles do. He got me a truck, and I started getting pallets. I end up doing pallets for a little while, and I get out. Out doing pallets, and I end up selling again, while I'm doing these pallets. I'm doing that for a little while. I get my first apartment. I'm doing good. I end up having a baby in 2012, like two years after I get out. The baby's mother… put[s] me on child support, so I really can't get no job, because if I do they would like take all the money, so that's why I ended up selling drugs again. This time, I end[ed] up selling to a confidential informant, and I end[ed] up doing another year in prison.
In contrast to Quanni, Leroy and Tupac were fortunate to have work opportunities with family and empathetic employers. Leroy (age 57) shared that his employer saved his job at a local family-operated Italian restaurant. The owners established a relationship with
Leroy and wanted to help him stay on track,
They [were] a family-oriented company that I work[ed]…from day one. I felt welcome[d] being there for two years, before I had another slip in my addiction.... They just made me feel welcome[d]. I'm even more welcome[d] today because… they saved my job for me for five months, while I had to go through another program.
The support from his employers encouraged Leroy to work on his addictions and make an effort to live drug-free. Tupac (age 62) was also able to obtain work with his father as a contractor. In the interview, Tupac shared his employment history and stated that his multiple incarcerations did not affect his ability to secure work, “Didn't stop my job, 186 because remember I had the trade my father taught me, and then my father was the contractor. [I] was always able to work for him.”
Other participants described the challenges that they faced pursuing educational opportunities, after incarceration. Although Blue (age 27) was enrolled in college at the time of the interview, he still had difficulty getting there, such as applying for financial aid and grasping the restrictions of enrolling in certain majors,
Basically, there's some majors you can't qualify in. Some of the stuff you can't major in. Say, if you want to be a doctor or something like that, you'll have to go through extra programs if you were incarcerated to major in that. But me, doing business management, there's a lot of stuff that you really don't need. That's why you can get a degree fast in business management. That's why I qualified for that. But there's a lot of stuff that I don't qualify for, that I can't major in.
Barriers to educational opportunities, after an incarceration, is common for a number of
Black males (Beachum & McCray, 2012; Couloute, 2018b; Development Services Group
Inc, 2015). Educational obstacles, such as applying and receiving financial aid and navigating the application process, were only a few challenges that deterred many participants in this study from trying to advance academically. Oftentimes, mandated laws and policies make it difficult for previously incarcerated citizens with drug, gun, and sexual offenses to obtain certain grants (Couloute, 2018b). Additionally, some are still questioned about their criminal history, even with the elimination of ban the box
(Couloute, 2018b). Limitations on college majors may leave previously incarcerated citizens entering fields they have no interest in and/or even discouraging them from college altogether.
187
Additionally, participants noted the need for mental health care after incarceration. For some, the experiences they encountered, during and after incarceration, affected their mental and physical state. From the time they entered the correctional facility until they exited, many of the participants experienced difficulty transitioning.
Hence, Peter was the only participant to speak on the issue, during the focus group interviews, but others shared similar needs, as they responded to specific focus group questions on their notecards.
4.7 Cross System Influence
Participant narratives highlighted major connections with the family, community, and school environments and they were examined throughout this study. Bioecological theory suggests that combined factors of various environments and experiences may significantly influence personal characteristics and, equally as important, change a person’s life trajectory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). The theory also posits that many factors and experiences, whether negative or positive, within one system, can influence how a developing person experiences another system (Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006; Harris et al., 2010). Thus, select social interactions and experiences may limit access to necessary life skills or tools that are critical to life development.
In this present study, participants revealed how different social interactions and experiences, whether in the home, community, and/or school environment, contributed to their actions and behaviors in other environments and settings. The study’s findings revealed much evidence of more than one system contributing to the participants’ development, and, ultimately, their incarceration. For example, familial factors
188 influenced behaviors displayed and the experiences participants exhibited in their school and community systems. On several occasions, Black (age 31) recalled, when he was forced to go to school smelling like urine and how he was bullied and forced to defend himself by fighting,
I didn't feel like that family had that strong care. They look at us like we tried to do the best with y'all and all that. No, y'all beat us, punched us, did what you do, and then sent us to school. If we was kids and wet the bed or something, we got our butt[s] whooped and had to go to school… That sticks with you through life, especially when you got people that bullies you… You got kids come up to you and say, ‘Aw, you stink. You smell like ...’
Additionally, the behaviors observed in the community system had profound effects on their behaviors and experiences in the home and school settings. For example,
Chip (age 57) stated that he was introduced marijuana in junior high school, “I’d like to say I introduced weed to that school. I'm sorry. I wouldn't like to say that. I hope that I didn't, but… it was therem and I brought some more in there.” Several participants noted consequences for behaviors because of school discipline practices. Examination of the narratives illustrated the changes in discipline practices, over the years, in schools.
Participants, over the age of 40, recalled times of being paddled and sent home for one day suspensions. Whether being paddled, suspended, or dismissed from school, participants suggested the consequences were discouraging. PJ (age 47) described his experiences with being disciplined and how it affected his interest in school,
I would get in trouble. Back then, I would get paddle[d]. You know what I mean? They had paddles going on back them. I wasn't feeling that. Yeah, they did do it in middle school. I got tore up quite a bit... I was bad. Looking back, I was a little terrible kid. I don't know what I did wrong. I just was messing with people. One teacher had it out for me. She was mean, and she would always try to get me. I couldn’t do nothing in her 189
class. I'd look the wrong way, and “come on. Let's go outside. Let me get the paddle.” I'm like, what did I do?
Chip (age 57) also described the ineffectiveness of discipline consequences in his schools,
They found out that the paddle didn't hurt me, so I can recall them going a little higher, hitting me on the back with it [and] not the rear end...
In addition, most of the participants stated that their perception of school and the value they placed on education were all based on negative interactions and experiences from other environments. Although cross system influence was not a theme of this study, it is important to highlight; therefore, please see Chapter 5.
4.8 Summary
In this chapter, the researcher provided in-depth descriptions of major themes from the analysis of narratives. To recapture, the major themes that emerged in this study were: (a) Environmental Influence, (b) Valueless Education, (c) Drugs and Addictions, and (d) Establishing a Continual Cycle. Detailed insights on the different factors and experiences that contributed heavily to the incarceration of the Black males, in this study, were highlighted. In the next chapter, the researcher presents a summary of the study, offers detailed conclusions, and presents specific recommendation, based on the study’s findings.
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Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations
5.1 Overview of the Study
In this qualitative study, the researcher sought to pinpoint the factors and experiences that most likely increased the probability of incarceration for Black males. More specifically, the researcher examined familial, community, and school experiences that may have affected participants’ development and how any specific experiences may have advanced their trajectory towards incarceration. The researcher also analyzed Black male participants’ experiences while incarcerated and their challenges with re-entering society.
Life history narratives were collected through semi-structured individual and focus group interviews as well as biographical questionnaires to answer the following research questions
1. What are the factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males?
2. What specific role does education play on both the incarceration and recidivism of
Black males?
3. What are effective programs, policies, and strategies in disrupting the path to
incarceration for Black males?
The bioecological model of human development guided the conception and understanding of research questions and assisted in the data analysis plan. As outlined in
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Chapter 3, criterion and snowball sampling methods were used to identify and recruit the
15 participants for this study. All of participants self-identified as Black/African
American. Fourteen of the 15 participants identified as male with one identifying as transgender. However, because the study’s operational definition of male was inclusive of individuals who identified as another gender, only if the individual identified as a male during childhood and teenage years, the participant’s life history was added to the collective narrative.
Through in-depth analysis of narratives, four major themes emerged from the data: (a) Environmental Influence, (b) Valueless Education, (c) Drugs and Addictions, and (d) Establishing a Continual Cycle. The following sections outline the summary, conclusions, and recommendations for the study. First, each research question is reviewed, and findings are presented. Next, the researcher addresses implications of the study through a discussion on the findings, followed by recommendations. The third research question is addressed in the recommendations section. Lastly, the chapter concludes with limitations of the study and suggestions for future research.
5.1.1 Research Question 1
What are the factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration for Black males?
As stated previously, Bronfenbrenner’s (1995, 2005) bioecological theory was used to examine the research questions for this study. One concept of the theory suggests that the immediate environment of an individual exerts the greatest effect on her or his development, particularly during childhood and adolescence years (Bronfenbrenner,
2005; Hoare, 2008). Research examining the indicators and effects of incarceration, often
192 examine or suggest macro-level factors. For literature that examines micro-level factors, research typically highlights connections to delinquency (Shader, 2001) and has great utility for the current study. Given that the researcher sought to analyze micro-level systems (i.e., familial, community, and school) that increased the likelihood of incarceration for Black males, the researcher examined personal, lived experiences of previously incarcerated males to analyze salient factors and experiences that contributed to the trajectory of their incarceration. With this in mind, the participants provided specific details and personal perspectives (i.e., lived experiences) on social experiences and interactions within each microsystem (i.e., familial, community, and school).
After analyzing all of the data sources, the findings indicated that multiple factors contributed to and increased the likelihood of incarceration for Black males. Further, based on the data provided from the narratives, the presented factors in Table 5.1 were identified as contributing to the trajectory of incarceration for the Black males in this study.
Familial Community School Other/Individual Recidivism
Conflict and Observation of Low Substance Use, Lack of Disruption Substance Use Expectations Abuse, and Proper and Dependency Rehabilitation Distribution Absence of Crime Academic Lack of Interest Lack of Skills/ Parent(s) Observation Failure Educational and Credentials Involvement Relocation Low Dropping Out Biological Socioeconomic Characteristics Neighborhoods and Dispositions
Peer Influence Table 5. 1 Factors 193
The premise of bioecological theory suggests that human development takes place through proximal processes that, in order to be effective, must occur on a regular basis over extended periods of time (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). By obtaining life history narratives, the researcher was able to examine and gain a better understanding of participants’ experiences over their lifetime. Additionally, bioecological theory posits that the proximal processes are bidirectional, reciprocal influences (Bronfenbrenner,
1999). Although in this study, the researcher did not observe the persons and/or objects participants interacted, the researcher still was able to pinpoint that the developing person had influence on others but focused primarily on participants’ developmental perspectives.
Familial Influences. Three familial factors, conflict and disruption, absence of parent, and relocation, served as main contributing factors of incarceration for the participants. The familial unit and home environment have a long-history of being documented in the scientific literature as having the most critical influence on a developing person (Hoare, 2008). Family conflict and disruption frequently contribute to the family structure challenges, academic failures, and delinquent behaviors (McWhirter et al., 2017; Murray & Farrington, 2010; Shader, 2001). The participants that described instances of conflict and disruption repeatedly offered specifics on witnessing and experiencing abuse, fighting and other violence, substance use and distribution, and other individual horrific experiences specific to these things. For example, Black revealed countless examples of the mistreatment he endured living in his grandmother’s home.
Several siblings, aunts and uncles, and cousins frequented and resided in the same home
194 as he. Black also described multiple occasions of physical and emotional abuse, including being held down while his half-brother and cousin allowed the dogs charge at he and his younger brothers, allowing the dogs to get close enough to bite them but not cause life- threatening harm.
Another example is 34’s narrative on his home environment. He discussed witnessing fighting, violence, drug use and distribution, and other illegal activity in his home. Accordingly, he grew up believing these behaviors were normal and assumed that every household was like his. Other participants described experiences of disruption, such as Leroy’s experience with his grandparents. For example, his grandmother shot his grandfather over drugs. Although he lived with his mom and siblings, his paternal grandparents were a major part of his life, and they all lived in the same apartment complex. Leroy’s grandfather did not die from the incident, but he stated the experience caused friction. As a result, all of the family moved to a different side of town. Each interaction and experience with conflict and disruption accelerated the developmental process of each participant.
An additional disruption to the family structure - absence of a parent or parents - was also identified as a major factor, contributing to the trajectory of incarceration for the participants. For this study, absence of a parent consists of living in single-parent homes, with only a mother or father; losing a parent, due to incarceration or death; or having both parents absent and living with a family member or adoptive family. Hence, it also can include having a two-parent home but one of the biological parents is absent, either physically and a stepparent is in the home, or emotionally and the parent either has no
195 desire or does not have the skills to formulate a relationship with the child. In extant research, single-parent homes or youth in foster care often are contributing factors to delinquency and problem behaviors in school settings (Harris et al., 2010; McWhirter et al., 2017). The make-up of each participant’s home environment varied. Eleven participants noted living in a single-parent home, at some point, during their child or adolescent years. Three of the eight participants raised by single mothers suggested that their mothers eventually remarried, while their fathers raised the two participants and having stepmothers from the time they lived with their fathers.
Black was reared in a single-parent home, but, instead of his mother or father, it was his grandmother. Storm and Mr. ETV experienced living in two-parent homes, with adopted parents. They both described having adoptive fathers that were physically and emotionally abusive, as well as described feeling as they did not belong with the families.
Further, Blue and Quanni discussed the impact of having single mothers that dated frequently and disregarded the effects of having a revolving door of different men around their young sons.
Robert and 34 experienced having a parent in prison, while Peter, PJ, and Steel discussed having fathers that were in the home but emotionally unattached. Hence,
Chip’s parental structure was unique, because he lived in a single-parent home with his mother but explained that he saw his father every day. Chip’s father was later married, with a separate family. Although he made an effort to see Chip and his siblings each day,
Chip admitted that not having his father, living in the home, had a negative impact on his behavior and decision-making.
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Cooper lived with his mother and stepfather, until the age of eight. He then moved to live with his paternal grandparents. A few years later, his grandparents divorced, and his grandmother relocated with Cooper and his brothers. By the eleventh grade, Cooper moved again to live with his maternal aunt. Cooper not only experienced living in multiple family structures but also endured negative effects of the multiple relocations.
Cooper moved at least four times, within the span of his childhood and adolescent years.
Oftentimes, frequent relocation and shifting of families, during school-age, increase the probability of poor academic performance and delinquent behaviors (Mai, 2014; Sullivan,
Jones, & Mathiesen, 2009). When children consistently move and/or shifted from family to family, the functionality of their life is interrupted. For this study, relocation included when participants’ families moved or relocated to different housing, when participants relocated to a different family member’s homes, and/or when participants relocated to a foster home.
Tupac is one of the participants, who experienced multiple relocations. He started living with his mother in another state, before relocating to live with his paternal grandmother. His mother initially sent him to live with his father, but he was unable to care for him at the time. Further, Tupac lived with his paternal grandmother for six years, before relocating to a different side of town to live with his father. He not only experienced relocating to a different state, but different school systems which had different educational requirements and expectations. These moves had negative effects on his schooling, because he struggled to keep up academically. Tupac eventually qualified for special education services. Other participants experienced relocation and the effects of
197 inconsistency with family functionality. Numerous participants mentioned that they experienced anxiety, stress, and often identity crisis, because of having to meet new friends, adjust to new schools, and enter new school and community environments.
Community Influences. Participants were engrossed in their community systems, increasing opportunities of influence on development and decision-making. Participants were regularly exposed to drugs, prostitution, gang activity, and other deviant behaviors in their communities. Extant research has documented high drug use and distribution in economically disadvantaged, urban communities (Saxe et al., 2001). In this study, the majority of the participants described witnessing individuals in their community use or distribute drugs and other illegal substances. They also discussed the ease of access to substances, suggesting it was easy to obtain drugs and other substances and/or find others wanting to partake in the drug culture. For example, Steel described seeing individuals intoxicated from alcohol every day in his neighborhood. He also stated these experiences were influential towards his decision to see what drinking alcohol was like. For some participants, they were first exposed to drugs in their homes and the larger community.
Robert’s father began selling drugs and eventually allowed him to sell them with him.
Unfortunately, Robert began to do more than sell the product. He eventually became not only a user but also an addict.
Many participants frequently shared observing and becoming involved in criminal activities. Drug use and distribution, unless legal, is considered criminal activity.
However, participants discussed seeing prostitution and gambling on their neighborhood corners, as well as seeing ongoing theft and gun violence. For example, Black allowed a
198 friend to convince him to drive a stolen car, which he considered this type of behavior to be normal in his environment. Blue learned about guns and used them to threaten others, who he felt violated his neighborhood territory. For other participants, the community environment is where they participated and became involved in criminal activities. For example, Storm not only witnessed prostitution happening in his neighborhood but also eventually became involved in managing and running prostitutes. Another participant,
Leroy, revealed that the time he and his friends broke into someone’s home. Despite the reason participants became involved in criminal activity, the exposure was something they all experienced at some point of their lives.
This was particularly true for participants who grew up in low-income neighborhoods. All 15 participants indicated living in low-income neighborhoods at some point as a youth. During the time participants lived in these neighborhoods, they noted that the communities were predominantly Black. Being exposed to the substance use and distribution, as well as crime, was almost inevitable for participants. Current research suggests that these are typical characteristics of low-income neighborhoods
(Developmental Services Group, Inc., 2015; Hardaway et al., 2016; Howard &
Associates, 2017; Kaufman, 2005).
School Influences. Participants discussed not being held accountable, lack of interest and focus in the classroom, low grades, and dropping out as their experiences in school. Extant research (Beasley, Miller, & Cokley, 2014; Harper, 2012) suggests holding students to high standards of academic excellence may contribute to their advancement and willingness to participate in the classroom. Hence, many participants
199 believed that their teachers and administrators, at their schools, could have done better to hold them accountable and could held higher expectations of them. Although they agreed they might not have initially accepted that as a child, many of the participants still recognized that they needed structure and to be pushed a little more. These same participants also noted that their teachers liked them or that they got along well with them, but felt the teachers still let them slip through and become invisible in the classroom. Other participants described negative experiences with teachers that held low expectations for them. For example, Steel shared the time his teacher advised him not to attend college and suggested that he would be better off working as a physical laborer.
Storm also provided examples of encounters, when his teachers and administrators judged him, according to his biological family’s past history with the school.
Twelve of the 15 participants experienced receiving failing academic grades or failing a grade level. For example, Quanni was held back twice in middle school. 34 was the only participant that suggested he was passed along all his years in school and claimed he was never assigned homework. Unfortunately, he did not comprehend the material, yet he was passed along each grade level and was always eligible for sports in high school. For many of the participants that experienced academic failure, they eventually dropped out of school. Ten participants noted dropping out of school, before obtaining their H.S. diploma. Eight of the 10 went on to obtain their GED, while in prison. Additional factors played a role in participants dropping out of school.
Other/Individual Influences. Although the researcher specifically sought to learn about familial, community, and school factors that added to the trajectory of
200 incarceration, the researcher acknowledged the additional factors found, in the study, that were not associated with the three systems. An individual’s use of, abuse of, and dependency on drugs was a factor that contributed to the likelihood of incarceration for every participant. Many of the participants were still battling addictions at the time of the interview. Participants detailed their earliest experiences with alcohol, drugs, and other substances. Accordingly, Leroy’s family was intoxicated every night, until they were passed out sleep on the couch. He was responsible for cleaning up after them and decided to try alcohol one night. He enjoyed drinking, until his early twenties, when he experienced liver failure. Although he stopped drinking, he began using other drugs.
Quanni withdrew from high school and started to live with his friends, and they eventually began selling drugs from their home. On contrary, they were raided by the police.
Biological characteristics and dispositions were common factors among participants that increased the likelihood of incarceration. Two characteristics they all had in common were being Black and male. Research highlights the influence race and gender have on academic indicators, delinquency, and incarceration (Moore & Lewis,
2014; Shader, 2001). Participants described other characteristics they displayed, such as anger, aggression, curiosity, mischief, and many others. An additional characteristic that all the participants displayed, particularly as it related to learning and school, was a lack of interest. Participants admitted that, when they were not interested in something, they would not put an effort in trying to learn about it or incorporate it into their everyday life.
For example, T lost an interest in school early on. After thinking about making money
201 from drugs and prostitution from his brother, T put all his energy into those interests over learning in school.
Participants did have an interest in being with their friends and impressing other peers at school. Existing research suggests that negative peer influences can affect academic achievement for Black males (Robinson et al., 2014; Shader, 2001). Peer influence, within the school and classroom setting, is critical to cognitive development.
When participants asked what they liked about school, most responded noting that they enjoyed seeing their peers and showing off their latest outfit. Peers were influential in the school and community environments of participants in this study. For example, Quanni revealed his friend from middle school introduced him to smoking. Similarly, Tupac,
Black, and Blue suggested that their friends influenced their decisions to try smoking.
Additionally, Leroy admitted that he was a follower among his peers and would do anything they wanted to try, including stealing from neighborhood homes. Alternatively,
Chip and Cooper were considered the leaders among their group of friends and being the ones to initiate activities. However, they both still agreed that they learned just as much from their friends and older peers.
Additionally, participants discussed how they all had older peers or ‘big homies’ that they looked up to growing up, whether at school or in the community. Additionally, participants described peers that they admired and looked up to from a far. For example,
Storm described an individual he looked up to in the community. In his eyes, he became his role model without the two ever interacting. Still, Storm began to duplicate all of his
202 role model’s actions and behaviors. PJ described having older peers at his school that he looked up to and wanted to emulate their behaviors.
Recidivism. Comparably with incarceration rates, Black males are disproportionately represented in national data, with low recidivism (Sawyer & Wagner,
2019). Thirteen of the 15 participants noted being incarcerated more than one time.
Numerous participants also claimed that there was a lack of rehabilitation programs provided in their prison facilities, which was viewed as a contributing factor to incarceration for most and effecting the possibility of successful reentry. For example,
Mr. ETV recounted the times he would attend classes at his prison facility. He described the teachers as unqualified, suggesting they were other prisoners. Storm suggested the courses were not engaging and the teachers only provided worksheets for students to complete. Other participants shared the same sentiment. Without the effective educational courses, participants were not able to gain additional skills and educational credentials needed to obtain jobs or continue at local colleges. Additional information on education and recidivism will be discussed in the following sections.
5.1.2 Research Question 2
What specific role does education play in both the incarceration and recidivism of
Black males?
Effective vocational, educational, and rehabilitative programs have been shown to reduce recidivism, for previously incarcerated juveniles and adults (Agan & Starr, 2018;
Couloute, 2018; Muhlhausen, 2018; Sickmund & Puzzanchera, 2014). In addition to increasing the likelihood of incarceration, the factors and experiences discussed in the
203 previous section affected the educational attainment and outcomes of the participants in this study. The data also suggested that education, or the lack thereof, played a major role in both the incarceration and recidivism of the Black male participants.
Incarceration. A major finding in the narratives was the lack of interest participants had in obtaining an education. Further investigation determined that participants lacked the knowledge of understanding on why an education was important or seeing its value on life outcomes. The lack of education or credentialing played a major role in increasing likelihood of incarceration for participants, such as the limited opportunities for participants to seek advanced educational degrees and jobs paying more than minimal wage. When participants struggled to find employment opportunities, they pursued other avenues to make money and provide for their families, behaviors that often led to being arrested and ultimately incarceration. For example, Quanni withdrew from school, at 16, and worked part-time at a fast food restaurant. He soon realized that his paychecks were not enough to take care of rent and food. To that end, Quanni described the struggle that he endured, trying to convince employers to hire him without a H.S. diploma.
Five of the 15 participants graduated with a H.S. diploma. Cooper graduated with a H.S. diploma but had no desire to obtain a postsecondary degree. He was interested in making fast money but only graduated to please his grandmother. Contrastingly, Tupac graduated with a H.S. diploma and was interested in attending college. However, his family discouraged him because he received Special Education services. Tupac’s family
204 also told him they could not afford tuition for him and his siblings. As a result, they chose to support one of his brothers, who did not end up attending college.
Six participants experienced incarceration as a youth. Despite the amount of time some participants were incarcerated in juvenile facilities, the incarceration process was a major disruption to their educational attainment. For example, Black dropped out of school, due to the constant disruptions in his educational instruction. Because he was in and out of juvenile detention facilities and rehabilitation centers, he missed a lot of instruction and the opportunity to gain skills needed to advance to the next grade level.
Because Black had fallen behind so many times, he became discouraged and withdrew from school, leading to even more deviant behaviors that added to his trajectory of incarceration.
Many of the participants realized, later in life, that an education could have provided opportunities for advancement and/or an outlet to escape negative environments. They also noted the importance of communicating this value and sharing this information with youth in schools. Peter was the only participant that stated he enjoyed school, until he graduated high school. Although some of his motivation to do well in school was related to his effort to please his dad, he discussed his love for reading and knowledge, throughout all grade levels. He was also the only participant that attended a suburban school district, from the sixth to the twelfth grade. Peter mentioned noticing differences in instruction, resources, and opportunities for advancement in his suburban school district compared to his urban school district. Because of the resources and skills that he obtained in hi suburban school district, Peter felt that he was able to
205 obtain a higher-level job, focusing on computers, while he was incarcerated; skills other prisoners did not have.
Recidivism. Similarly, the findings in this study suggested that a lack of educational attainment significantly affected recidivism for participants. Further, findings gleaned from participants’ life histories pinpointed the lack of: (a) proper rehabilitation, while incarcerated, and once released; (b) educational offerings; (c) adequate and engaging teachers while incarcerated; (d) transferable skills and educational coursework; and (e) effective counseling and guidance. Rehabilitation is often believed to help restore and assist in acclimating offenders with re-entering into society, after prison confinement
(Agan & Starr, 2018; Muhlhausen, 2018; Sickmund & Puzzanchera, 2014). In this study, numerous participants believed that there were not many opportunities offered to assist with rehabilitation. Hence, many described the course offerings as substandard and suggested unqualified instructors were teaching them. For prison facilities that were unable to secure a licensed instructor, participants stated that other prisoners were asked to teach the courses. Whether a licensed instructor or another prisoner, several participants shared that the courses were not engaging and were of little value.
Similar to the barrier’s Black males encounter before incarceration, they contended with many of the same barriers, after incarceration without the proper educational skills and credentials. In such cases, these participants noted difficulty looking for employment after incarceration. Their criminal record was a major cause for this negative occurrence. In other words, having a criminal record increased the likelihood of rejection from employers, resulting in participants needing to find other
206 means for survival. Several participants lacked a HS diploma, prior to incarceration, and later extended the opportunity to obtain a GED, while incarcerated. Few took advantage of this opportunity, during their first or second incarceration, which decreased opportunities for employment, once released.
Additionally, having a criminal record limited the educational opportunities for some participants seeking a degree after prison. For example, Blue described the challenges applying for financial aid, because federal laws prohibit student loans for students convicted of drug or gun offenses. Until recently, most institutions of higher education required applicants to disclose, prior convictions, during the application process, which limited opportunities for applicants with convictions to gain admission.
Participants also found it challenging to transfer coursework taken, while incarcerated, to other institutions. For instance, Quanni discussed the challenges that he encountered as he attempted to transfer credits obtained, while incarcerated. He was told that the courses would transfer to the local community college; however, upon release, the college explained that he would need to start all the courses over again. Having a criminal record is already a major barrier for individuals re-entering society, so not having a degree further limits potential opportunities for previously incarcerated.
Numerous participants desired programs that would help prepare them for release and reentry into society. Thus, not all of the participants were ready and/or open to changing their deviant ways but suggested that they could have benefited from being provided and/or offered services to assist with re-entering the community. Participants also cited that they could have benefited from programs that assisted with applying to
207 college and/or other credentialing opportunities. Although there are other barriers that previously incarcerated citizens face upon re-entering society, education skills and credentials can help lighten some of the aforementioned barriers.
5.2 Discussion
5.2.1 Environmental Influence
Multiple familial and community factors contributed to the incarceration of the
Black males in this study. For many of the participants, family and community environmental influences were deemed as critical factors in their lives. Several participants noted how familial environments influenced their behavior, character, and development. The experiences of each participant varied, yet, collectively, presented a similar theme on the influence of family experiences and interactions. Conflict and disruption in the home either encouraged participants to emulate the deviant behaviors they witnessed or caused them to find other outlets to escape their situations. Regardless of the circumstances, the participants normalized deviance and exhibited such behaviors in their home environments. Stated differently, participants grew up accepting the environments in which they lived and deviant behaviors became their everyday norm. For some, the behaviors unintentionally became a norm. For example, Chip witnessed his father abuse his mother growing up. Chip attributed his abusive behaviors towards his first girlfriend to domestic abuse of his mother by his father.
Other participants felt that they were the products of their environments.
Bioecological theory emphasizes the influence context-interactions have on a developing person and how they emulate behaviors (Bronfenbrenner, 2006). Additionally, these
208 changes can disrupt normative transitions or offer opportunities to reverse previous disruption (Tudge et al., 2009). However, even if the participants had been exposed to more positive, salient interactions and experiences, on a regular basis (Bronfenbrenner &
Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), they still felt that they were products of their environment. Many of the participants were able to recall individuals that they believed were positive influences but admitted that other factors drastically impacted their lives. For example, Black described a teacher who served as a mentor for him. The teacher and her husband would take Black out to eat, exposed him to activities in the city, and served as positive role models. However, Black suggested that they were all great gestures and served as an outlet but noted that he still had to return home to the same dysfunctional family and the same neighborhood.
Having access to limited resources (i.e., positive social and cultural capital) limited their possibilities of experiencing situations outside of the conflict and disruption many participants were used to and lived. For many participants, parents and siblings served as their first set of role models, whether positive or negative. For example, T looked up to his brother growing up and modeled after his behaviors. When T realized his dream of being a model was unattainable, he became enamored with prostitution and prison because of his brother’s involvement with such deviance behaviors. For participants without a father in the home or father-like figures, the community was the place, where they looked to fill the void of an absent parent. For example, numerous participants described their role models, and each exemplified similar characteristics.
Generally speaking, the participants wanted to emulate the deviant behaviors they
209 witnessed and were very attracted to the lifestyle and materialistic objects their role models possessed, neglecting to realize the life outcomes of individuals who chose those pathways. As participants reflected, they admitted the role models that they admired as children and adolescents were not ideal and noted the lack of positive influences they encountered in their neighborhoods.
Relocation was an additional contributing factor to family disruption and functionality, as well as experiences that influenced development. For participants, relocation occurred for several different reasons. The loss of parental employment or other income, loss of housing and government assistance, evictions, and divorce, were a few reasons participants described. Additionally, participants that experienced moving from one family member to another discussed having parents that were unable to care for them and expressed feelings of abandonment. Adverse and traumatic experiences that are associated with relocation added to their emotional and psychological distresses.
Oftentimes, youth members feel the need to take on the burden of these experiences, causing additional distractions in school or taking on responsibility to help contribute financially. Related to the study’s participants, they described feelings of discouragement, abandonment, and frustration from consistently relocating or having to move to family member’s homes. For example, Tupac believed that his parents did not love him or wanted to take care of him, when he went to live with his grandmother.
Contrastingly, Robert felt anger and frustration, when his mom requested that he leave his father’s home to live with her. As a result, he displayed troublesome behaviors from the time he lived with her until he moved back with his father.
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Findings also indicated participants’ need and desire for attention. Some participants noted a desire for attention, because their homes were filled with conflict, while others indicated growing up in large households and feeling overlooked. Other participants admitted to seeking attention as only the only child or expressed feelings of boredom in their homes. Numerous participants sought attention at school, in the community, and from peers. For example, Tupac lived with his grandmother and multiple other people, during his youth. He was often teased at home, increasing his desire to find encouraging support from other ecological systems. Hence, Tupac was able to acquire the attention that he desired through his special education classroom teachers and his peers.
Storm grew up an only-child but only received constant attention from his mother.
Further, Storm would also visit his friend’s home that had multiple people living there, because he enjoyed the constant action and interactions.
The findings of this study also indicated that a family’s economic status influenced the experiences of participants, particularly where their families lived and resources available to them. Some participants described their neighborhoods as clean and being communal, meaning everyone in the neighborhood got along and knew one another. Many participants believed, although they lived in poorer neighborhoods, that the community maintained nice homes and neighbors supported one another. Other participants described a more tumultuous neighborhood experience. They even suggested that their communities were somewhat close-knit but described some of the neighborhoods they lived as dirty and crime ridden. When describing the demographic composition of other families in their communities, most participants described them as
211 single-parent households, with the parent often being the mother. Peter was the only participant whose family lived in a suburban area during his middle and high school years. Mr. ETV’s adopted family lived in an affluent, Black neighborhood that was within the city limits.
Being in the community allowed participants to have freedom away from family and school structures, although some family environments duplicated that of the community environment. Friends and other peers were found to be a significant influence in the lives of participants. For example, peers functioned as individuals’ participants interacted on a regular basis. Whether at school, in the neighborhood, or at home, participants were consistently exposed to and influenced by their peers. For most participants, their peers were influential in introducing them to drugs and other illegal substances.
5.2.2 Drugs and Addictions
The participants’ use and/or distribution of alcohol, drugs, and other substances was a major contributing factor to the trajectory of their incarceration. Each participant was incarcerated, at least once, for offenses related to illegal drugs and other substances.
Twelve of the 15 participants were enrolled in a drug and alcohol rehabilitation center at the time of their interview. The types of substances and length of time participants used, or distributed substances varied. Additionally, participants reported learning about and experiencing substance use at different stages of their adolescent years. Peter was the only participant that reported trying a drug for the first time after the age of 18.
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Each participant described his first experiences with trying substances and the things that influenced their decisions to experiment with them. For example, participants discussed learning about drugs and other substances by witnessing family members, individuals in the community, and seeing references in the media. In addition to witnessing others interact with and use illegal substances, participants acknowledged their curiosity to try new things also influenced their decisions. After participants tried drugs, they revealed that they continued to use the substances. Most of the participants noted that they continued using drugs because of the way the substances made them feel.
For example, Storm used drugs to boost his confidence. He enjoyed the feeling of being high so much that he did not feel normal, if he was not high on a substance. Similarly, other participants suggested that drugs provided them with a sense of confidence and courage. Other participants described using drugs to mask their pain or to avoid dealing with certain situations.
After Quanni was released from his last incarceration, he described feeling so low and worthless that he attempted to overdose with pills. Other participants utilized the only resources they had learned to deal with adverse and traumatic experiences. They were taught survival skills, but, in reality, they needed to be taught resiliency skills.
Participants in the study encountered and experienced so many interactions with drugs that it became a part of their identity. Bioecological theory notes that proximal processes are not limited to interactions with people but also with objects and symbols. For example, Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) stated, “objects and symbols in the immediate environment must be of a kind that invites attention, exploration,
213 manipulation, elaboration, and imagination” (p. 798). This was the case for each participant in this study.
As previously stated, Black males are more likely to be convicted and incarcerated for drug offenses than any other demographic group (Carson, 2018; Mauer
& King, 2007). Participants in this study were frequently arrested and convicted for selling and distributing drugs, being caught using drugs, or stealing to purchase and get high on drugs. Ease of access and infiltration of drugs and other substances in low- income communities is likely to be a contributing risk factor for Black males that live in low-income, urban spaces. Being incarcerated did not decrease use of interest in substances as participants had access to drugs and other substances while in prison facilities. Peter revealed that prison is where his addictions began. He described having access and money to purchase as much drugs as he desired. Other participants shared the same narrative, detailing how they were the individuals selling and distributing drugs while incarcerated.
Substance use affects Black males’ health, contributing to deteriorating health and life-threatening diseases. Additionally, it affects their family unit. Losing a parent to addiction or incarceration, due to drug and substance use, impacts families financially, psychologically, and emotionally. The plight of the Black family continues to be challenging with the infiltration of drugs and substances made available to Black males.
5.2.3 Valueless Education
Martin Luther King Jr. (1967) declared, “education without direction is a one- sided social value. Direct action without education is a meaningless expression of pure
214 energy.” The findings from the study indicated that participants missed the connection between an education and the value it has. Low expectations, from both school and home, coupled with participants’ lack of interest, contributed immensely to academic failure, dropping out of school, and the struggle to find and maintain employment. Every participant noted enjoying school, until his late elementary or middle school years.
Participants also expressed being interested in subjects, such as math, science, and reading. However, as they grew older, their interests in school shifted to focus on girls/women and being around friends. Participants also cited that their struggle to focus in the classroom was due, in part, to their focus on things outside of the school. Many participants also expressed their lack of interest primarily emanated from the lack of understanding they had on the importance of obtaining an education.
Even when participants discussed liking school, they still did not comprehend or have an understanding of the purpose of an education and why obtaining an education was so critical. If the value of an education was instilled in participants early in life, they could have potentially increased their educational opportunities and decreased chances of involvement in the justice system (Couloute, 2018). When participants struggled or were no longer encouraged academically, they found other areas that they were satisfactory .
For example, Mr. ETV’s family stressed the importance of having an education but neglected to offer any support as he struggled in school. His family assumed that he was not completing work as a form of disobedience not really understanding that he needed help because of learning disability (e.g., dyslexia). Mr. ETV’s frustrations, with not being
215 understood, led him to find something else he could excel in, which he believed was selling drugs.
Parents and families contributed to the lack of awareness and interests’ participants had for education. Participants revealed that their families would encourage school attendance and homework; however, they still neglected to check and monitor grades, inquire with participants about what they were learning, or help them to comprehend the connection between an education and life outcomes. In addition, they were not involved with participants’ schools and neglected to discuss postsecondary options. Three of the 15 participants noted that their parents discussed college with them, but none of them was interested in attending. The two participants that did attend college, after high school, were encouraged to attend by individuals at their schools. For example,
Peter learned about college options through his career center and attended despite his religious beliefs. 34 attended college on a football scholarship, no one in his home ever talked about college. Both failed out of college their first semesters.
Participants also admitted their role and responsibility for not putting forth an effort in school. However, schools and family should take more responsibility for their contributing role in the missed value of education for participants. Further, schools should not only be responsible for fostering learning but also on producing a conducive environment to learn and understand the importance of learning. Only a few participants shared how their schools encouraged them as students to excel. Such participants further explained on how they believed an education could have improved their life, after high
216 school and beyond. The potential to expand their interests was missed, eliminating the viable education and career pathways that they could have pursued.
5.2.4 Establishing a Continual Cycle
After participants experienced incarceration for the first time, they were exposed to social and cultural barriers of being labeled an ex-felon. Participants were frequently confronted with challenges in finding adequate housing, employment, and support centers to help with reintegration. The lack of rehabilitation left most participants ill-prepared to successfully re-enter their communities. Ideal rehabilitation, within prison facilities, might include educational offerings, workforce development, and addiction and counseling services. Participants frequently struggled to find alternative paths that was different from the one that led to their incarceration. Although a few participants had supportive families to return to, most struggled to find support. Having a criminal record and inheriting the stigma that comes with being an ex-felon only added to their struggles.
Other factors played a role in the barriers participants encountered after incarceration, their personal desire to want to rehabilitate. Participants admitted they were not ready to participate in any life improvement programs or make changes. They discussed how they would leave prison a better criminal. For example, Tupac listened to stories of other prisoners and attempted to imitate their behaviors every time he was released, not thinking of the consequences of being caught. An individual’s willingness to rehabilitate should be taken into consideration, when establishing effective rehabilitation programs.
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5.2.5 Individual Responsibility
In this study, the researcher specifically examined how family, community, and school factors and experiences potentially contributed to the incarceration for Black males. However, the researcher acknowledges and is cognizant of individual factors and participants’ responsibility towards their incarceration. One of the four components of bioecological theory, person, suggests an individual’s characteristics and personality traits effects their development and behaviors (Bronfenbrenner, 2006). Although individual factors were not directly addressed in this study, participants discussed their role in serving multiple incarcerations and the choices made leading up to prison.
Participants did not place blame on any specific person or environment; however, participants did believe certain circumstances, experiences, and interactions affected their development and decisions. Personal characteristics of individuals can influence and change environments and can alternate experiences and interactions within the environment that may influence the development of individuals (Bronfenbrenner, 2006).
5.2.6 Cross System Influence
The findings in this study revealed additional information on how participants influenced other environments. Interactions that the participant experienced in one environment, impacted how they behaved, influenced, and experienced another environment. The participant had the ability to effect and influence each environment or setting they were exposed to. For example, Black experienced trauma in the home setting that effected his behaviors at school. When his peers at school would tease him for situations out of his control, he would restore to fighting. Fighting led to his removal
218 from school and his missing out on classroom instruction. Ultimately, these behaviors coupled with other factors, increased Black’s trajectory towards incarceration.
The findings indicate a critical need for systems, particularly the familial, community, and school systems, to collaborate in order to achieve Black male success.
Support from each system is essential for decreasing the likelihood of incarceration and recidivism for Black males. Additional factors beyond the participants immediate settings contribute to incarceration as well. Awareness of these factors increase the need and importance of micro-level support to provide a strong foundation, particularly in a society with daily encounters with blatant racism, implicit bias in school settings, and police brutality.
5.2.6 Impact on Families
Each year, more than 3 million youth experience having an incarcerated parent
(FWD, 2018). Having an incarcerated family member presents additional challenges that contribute to delinquent behaviors and incarceration (Harris et al., 2010; Wakefield &
Wildeman, 2014). Both interview protocols included questions that explored the impact of incarceration on participants’ and their families. Participants discussed the impact incarceration had on their families, parents, spouses, and children. A number of participants stated losing family members while incarcerated. The death of a parent or close family member had grave impact on how they handled being incarcerated and after their release. Twelve out of the 15 participants noted having children and the effects incarceration had on their children. Participants described the difficulty trying to mend relationships with their children after being incarcerated for long periods of time.
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Participants with multiple incarcerations discussed the challenge they experienced with having their children visit, due to distance of the prisons and restrictions on visitation hours. Participants also admitted that communication with some of their children decreased or stopped altogether. Extensive research has been conducted on the impact of incarceration has on children of incarcerated families (FWD, 2018; Harris et al., 2010); however, additional research should explore the impact on all members of the family. Research should continue to explore the impact of incarceration on families, specifically developing more effective pathways to connect and maintain communication among prisoners and their families.
5.3 Conclusion
In this study, the researcher sought to analyze factors and experiences that increased likelihood of incarceration for Black males. Based on the findings from this study, the researcher was able to address the following assumptions
1. Based on current theoretical and scientific literature, Black males will identify the
most salient factors that correlate with risks for increased likelihood of
incarceration (Harris, Graham, & Carpenter, 2010; McWhirter et al., 2017;
Shader, 2001; Wilson, 1996).
2. Of the multiple factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration, school
experiences will serve as a main contributing factor (Casella, 2003; Mallet, 2016;
Noguera, 2008; Wright, 2016).
3. Education will play a significant role in both the incarceration and recidivism of
Black males (Couloute, 2018; Prison Education, 2016). 220
Assumption 1. Based on current theoretical and scientific literature, Black males will identify the most salient factors that correlate with risks for increased likelihood of incarceration. This assumption was supported, in this study, through the findings.
Throughout the narrative, participants provided numerous accounts related to factors and experiences that contributed to behaviors that ultimately led to their incarceration. The findings even suggested the need for Black male youth’s family, community, and school supports to provide guidance and help youth build skills to comprehend environmental circumstances.
Assumption 2. Of the multiple factors that increase the likelihood of incarceration, school experiences will serve as a main contributing factor. This assumption made by the researcher was not substantiated. The study’s findings exposed that factors at the family and community level had more influence than the school environment on the participants. For participants that skipped school or dropped out, the school environment no longer provided opportunities for context-interactions for participants. After participants lost interest in obtaining an education, their focus shifted to concerns outside of the school building. Lacking educational skills led to other factors that increased likelihood or incarceration but was not the main contributing factor.
Assumption 3. Education will play a significant role in both the incarceration and recidivism of Black males. This assumption was supported, in the study, through the findings and was addressed through the second research question, what specific role does education play on both the incarceration and recidivism of Black males? Bioecological theory postulates that adverse experiences and relationships contribute an individual’s
221 development and limits his access to necessary life tools. In this study, certain factors impacted the development of participants and their obtainment of education skills and opportunities, effecting on how they navigated other systems throughout their life.
Generally speaking, participants regretted not taking advantage of educational opportunities and neglecting to obtain educational skills and credentials while they were younger. By not obtaining an education, many participants struggled to find employment and a stable income. The lack of an educational foundation affected the way participants approached educational opportunities in the future. By the time participants were ready to explore educational opportunities, they were incarcerated in facilities that offered subpar educational programs. After being released, participants confronted many challenges as they attempted to further their education and/or obtain employment.
5.4 Recommendations
The following recommendations are suggested, based on the findings and conclusions of this study. The recommendations address primarily the third research question, what are effective programs, policies, and strategies in disrupting the path to incarceration for Black males. Preventative recommendations are provided to decrease barriers Black males encounter that increase the probability of incarceration.
Additionally, recommendations are articulated to combat barriers Black males encounter, during and after incarceration, to reduce recidivism. Multiple protective factors are recommended, because the findings revealed multiple risk factors contributing to Black males’ trajectory to incarceration. The focus group interview protocol included questions pertaining to participants personal needs before, during, and after incarceration, as well as
222 thoughts on other recommendations. Their responses contributed to the recommendations presented in the following sections.
5.4.1 Preventative Strategies
Community Partnerships. It is important for family, school, and community systems to build effective and strong relationships with one another. This is imperative to strengthen Black male youth’s immediate environment and provide them with opportunities for success (Beachum & McCray, 2012; Howard & Associates, 2017;
Noguera, 2008). As community partnerships are created and implemented, continuous evaluation should occur to determine effectiveness. Establishing a strong support system among all three systems can aid in supporting Black male youths, throughout their many stages of development and growth.
Being that familial, community, and school environments are the foundation of their development, each system needs to provide support and guidance to encourage Black male youth. Community partnerships may include, but not limited to, having strong parental and familial involvement; building positive relationships with peers, schools communicating with families clearly and regularly; and establishing mentorship programs. The benefits of community partnerships also include social and cultural capital and impels each system within the partnership to take accountability, meaning that effective community partnerships can encourage one or more of the systems in the partnership to step up when another is lacking or demonstrating risk factors that contribute to trajectory of incarceration.
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Teaching resiliency skills. Resiliency skills are needed to navigate adverse situations and flourish in difficult circumstances. This is particularly important to build within
Black male youth, across all areas (i.e., academically, socially, mentally). In particular, building self-confidence and self-esteem is important for Black male youths’ success.
Generally speaking, participants discussed lacking confidence, particularly within the classroom setting. Resiliency skills can be beneficial in the classroom, boosting academic achievement and increasing educational opportunities, as well as outside of the classroom as Black males navigate other systems. To this end, Black males are very capable of achieving, despite what is often chronicle in the popular and scientific literature.
Teaching the value of education. Participants frequently noted that they did not understand on why attending school and obtaining an education was so important. They did not understand how having an education or a degree would benefit them or translate to adulthood. The family and other micro-systems in the lives of Black males need to instill the value and purpose of an education. Making youth aware of all the potential opportunities available to them can only increase their life outcomes as adults.
Individuals imparting information to Black male youth should provide positive examples of the benefits of an education, such as career exploration programs.
5.4.2 During Incarceration
Implementation of effective rehabilitation programs. It is critical for rehabilitation to begin as soon as an individual enters a correctional facility. From their arraignment to the time they are released, the entire incarceration process can be dehumanizing and mentally disruptive. Rehabilitation programs can and should include a host of different services,
224 from addiction and mental health counseling, to effective educational offerings and workforce development. Black males would immensely benefit from being taught skills that could be applied, after incarceration. Therefore, rehabilitation services should be mandated and added as a requirement for parole. Programs should also offer multiple tracks, personalized to individual needs of incarcerated individuals, where they decide whether they would like to continue education or learn a trade.
For educational programs, instructors should be qualified and equipped to offer an engaging curriculum. Educational offerings also should enhance and accelerate the educational abilities of Black males and be applicable to the societal needs. Further, correctional facilities should collaborate with colleges and universities to ensure educational attainment is possible for incarcerated Black males, during and after incarceration. Families and community organizations should also be included in the rehabilitation reintegration, particularly for juvenile offenders.
Support. Black males need support from outside of prison and jail facilities. This may seem like an extremely broad recommendation, but it is quite simple in nature. Many of the participants expressed wanting to serve their time, without communication to individuals on the outside, but only because they did not want to be reminded of what they were missing outside of the prison walls. At the same time, these same participants discussed times of feeling abandoned and the desire for telephone calls and letters from love ones, particularly if there was no time or resources for visits. Other individuals and groups, such as churches or organizations, that serve incarcerated populations could aid in supporting Black males described in this study.
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5.4.3 Post Incarceration
Re-entry programs and services. Continual rehabilitation support after incarceration is just as critical as rehabilitation while incarcerated. Research has shown that the first six months post-incarceration are the most vulnerable periods for previously incarcerated citizens. Services offered while incarcerated may be effective, but the confined setting should also be taken into consideration. Those who are incarcerated are only learning about skills and not having the opportunity to utilize them while incarcerated.
Implementing universal pre-release programs for previously incarcerated citizens would be beneficial in helping establish a smooth transition. Connecting restored citizens with community mentors (Chung & McFadden as cited in Harris et al. 2010) to serve as accountability partners would be beneficial. The main objective, to decrease the likelihood of Black males returning to prison.
Eliminate the revolving door. Many organizations that serve previously incarcerated citizens offer the same services. Creating councils to organize and establish how to provide services to the previously incarcerated population, would eliminate offering multiples of the same service and neglecting to offer other services that are critical for successful re-entry.
Reconsideration of educational restrictions. Previously incarcerated citizens with specific charges are still restricted from applying for financial aid and certain college majors. Black males are particularly impacted by financial aid restrictions due to the high rate in which they are charged and incarcerated for drug offenses. Participation in drug rehabilitation programs after release would provide opportunities for financial aid to be
226 released; however, there are still specific restrictions and timelines. A follow-up rehabilitation program would be beneficial if they offered opportunities to help Black males apply for educational programs, find employment, and navigate areas for a successful re-entry.
Support. Support from family and friends is critical, after Black males are released from prison. Participants, in this study, expressed that emotional and financial support were both helpful but that such support from family was most needed. Additionally, the community should be more supportive by helping to eliminate stigma of prisoners.
5.5 Limitations
This research study is not without limitations. With each limitation the researcher offers additional opportunities for potential research on Black males and incarceration.
First, there was a limitation relating to the sampling of participants. This limitation impacted the findings in this study, placing a major focus on drug and alcohol use. Both a theme and contributing factor, the use and/or distribution of substances, were largely a part of each participant’s narrative. Although extensive literature indicates Black males are incarcerated at higher rates for use of drugs and drug possession, this research study would have benefited from including a more diverse sample of previously incarcerated
Black males. In the future, researchers should attempt to study a similar population that includes participants that are not enrolled in drug and alcohol rehabilitation programs.
Multiple individual interviews would have been beneficial to provide additional opportunities for participants to become more comfortable with the researcher. Although some participants were very open to sharing details about their personal life, some
227 participants were initially hesitant to share information with the researcher. This leads to the question, “Would participants have been more willing to share their stories if the researchers was a man versus a woman?” This is a potential limitation of the study.
Because this study solely explored the narratives of one single population (i.e., Black males), there are possible constraints on the transferability of the research presented.
Stated differently, the research in this study may not transfer over to other populations.
However, the researcher used “rich and thick” descriptions as a method to encourage readers to construct their own interpretations on the possibility of generalizing in another setting to another population (Creswell, 2013; Yin, 2016). This study provided detailed accounts of research procedures, with the hope to inspire future research on this topic.
Additionally, the narratives only tell one perspective, focusing exclusively on the
Black males in this study. A more detailed study may have included other individuals
(i.e., family members, teachers) that knew the previously incarcerated males as well as included other settings. Participants’ range of ages should be taken into consideration.
The older the participant, the greater the likelihood that family members, teachers, and older individuals may be deceased. This also adds to the limitation of the framework used in this study. The researcher was not able to examine specific context-individual interactions over time, while they were happening. In the future, researchers may conduct longitudinal life histories of Black males to observe real-time experiences of Black males over time.
5.6 Suggestions for Future Research
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A growing body of research continues to highlight the criminalization and increasing number of Black women being incarcerated. In future research, researchers should continue to examine incarceration factors for this population by exploring the lived experiences of previously incarcerated Black women, as well as compare narratives to factors and experiences of previously incarcerated Black males. Future studies, examining these two populations, would provide greater insights on gender similarities and differences, the plight of the Black family, and recommendations on strategies to strengthen and support. Additional research on Black males from similar backgrounds that did not experience incarceration needs to also be studied, focusing on resiliency skills and protective factors that decrease the likelihood of incarceration for this population.
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Appendix A: Institutional Review Board (IRB) Approval
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Appendix B: Recruitment Letter
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Recruitment Letter
Date:
Hello, my name is Natosha Willis and I am a doctoral student with The Ohio State University. Thank you for your interest in the research study entitled Disrupting Barriers: Exploring the Narratives of the Formerly Incarcerated. Under the leadership of Dr. James L. Moore III, Executive Director of the Todd Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male and lead on this project, we invite you to participate in our study on Black men and women who have experienced incarceration.
The purpose of this study is to examine the factors that lead to and increase the probability of incarceration. More specifically, this study seeks to collect personalized accounts of Black men and women who were previously incarcerated as youths and/or adults, in order to better understand their experiences before, during, and after incarceration. The research team is particularly interested in learning more about how family, education, and community play a role, if any, in the trajectory to jail or prison. Your perspective will add to our efforts in helping youth understand the barriers and discover ways in which to prevent them.
We would greatly appreciate your decision to participate in this study because your input on this topic is critical and essential to this research. If you decide to participate, you will complete a five-minute biographical questionnaire, a 90-minute individual interview, a 120-minute focus group interview, and 15-minute e-mail/telephone review of a summary of themes that emerge from the two interviews. In all, participants are expected to commit approximately 5-6 hours of their time over a 1.5 month period. Each interview will be recorded to facilitate our note-taking and accuracy. All information will be kept confidential and your responses will remain anonymous throughout the duration and conclusion of this study. Participants who complete all sections of the study will receive a $10 gift card to Subway or Kroger.
Please note that your participation in this research study is completely voluntary. If you would like to participate or have any questions about the study, please e-mail me at [email protected] or contact me at 614-383-9715. I look forward to hearing your story!
Respectfully,
James L. Moore, III, Ph.D. Natosha R. Willis, M.Ed. 248
Appendix C: Biographical Questionnaire
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Pseudonym: Date: Biographical Questionnaire
Please create a pseudonym for yourself to preserve your identity, and complete the information below to the best of your ability. Your responses to the items will be used for research purposes and will be kept strictly confidential. If additional space to respond is needed, please use the back of the form. Section A: Participant Information
What is your race? African American/Black American Indian or Alaskan Native Asian/Pacific Islander Caucasian Hispanic/Latino: Other:
Age: Gender:
What is your marital status?
Single (never married) Married Divorced Widowed Other:
How many children do you have?
None One Two Three Four or more (list number here):
Number of people living in your household (including yourself):
What is your current work status (check all that apply):
Student Full-time Part-time Self-Employed Unemployed
List positon, title, or type of work here:
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Your Annual Income (Check One): Less than $25,000 a year: Between $25,000 and $50,000: Between $50,000 and $75,000: Above $75,000: Section B: Education What is the highest level of education completed by you and your biological parents? Please check the boxes that apply.
If applicable, record education level of any childhood guardians (e.g., grandparents, adoptive or foster parents, stepparents, other guardian) and of your spouse. If you are listing legal guardians’ education, please describe how they are related to you in the “Notes” section.
Study Study Participant Biological Mother Biological Father 1 Guardian 2 Guardian Spouse
No school completed Nursery school/preschool to 4th grade 5th or 6th Grade 7th or 8th Grade 9th Grade 10th Grade 11th Grade 12th Grade, No Diploma High School Graduate (i.e., Diploma or GED) Technical Training (e.g., mechanic or plumber) Some College Credit (Less than 1 year) More Than 1 Year of College Associate’s Degree (i.e., AA or AS) Bachelor’s Degree (i.e., BA, AB, or BS) Some Graduate School, No Degree Master’s degree (i.e., MA or MS) Professional Degree (i.e., MD, DDS, DVM, JD, or PsyD) Doctoral Degree (i.e., PhD, EdD) Other: 251
Unknown Not Applicable Notes:
Section C: Additional Questions Check the category that best describes your upbringing: Single-Parent Home ______Two-Parent Home______
If you grew-up in a single-parent home, whom did you stay with: ______Mother, ______Father, ______Grandmother, ______Grandfather, or Other ______(please specify).
How old were you the first time you were arrested? How old were you the first time you were incarcerated? Please indicate the number of times you have been arrested. Please indicate the number of times you have been incarcerated. Please list the ages for the other periods of incarceration.
Have either of your parents been incarcerated? (Circle One) Yes No Unknown If yes, please indicate which parent (if both list): How old were you when parent(s) was/were incarcerated? Do you have any brothers or sisters? (Circle One) Yes No If yes, were/are any of your siblings ever incarcerated? (Circle One) Yes No
What was the racial/ethnic make-up of the schools you attended while growing up (estimate)? (Use ‘E’ for elementary school, ‘M’ for middle school, and ‘H’ for high school.) ______Predominately African American ______Predominately White ______Predominately Other (please specify)______Evenly Distributed with African American and White ______Evenly Distributed with Other (please specify)______Other (please specify)______
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What was the community make-up where you grew up (or where you spent a majority of your childhood)? (Check One) ______Predominately African American ______Predominately White ______Predominately Other (please specify)______Evenly Distributed with African American and White ______Evenly Distributed with Other (please specify)______Other (please specify)______
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Appendix D: Individual Interview Protocol
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Individual Interview Protocol
Date: Time: Location: Interviewer: Participant: Pseudonym: Age: Race: Gender: Other Relevant Details:
Welcome and thank you for agreeing to participate in our study, focused on the experiences of Black men and women before, during, and after incarceration. Today is your first individual interview, which should last about 90 to 120 minutes. To facilitate our note-taking, we would like to audiotape our conversation today. For your information, only the research team assigned to this project will have access to your audiotape, which will be destroyed five years after the project is completed. As a reminder, if at any time during the interview you feel uncomfortable with any of the questions or need me to repeat a question, please let me know. Additionally, if at any time during the interview you wish to discontinue the use of the recorder and/or the interview itself, please feel free to let me know. Further, you may also withdraw your participation at any time without consequence. At this point, do you have any questions or need any further clarifications on anything that I have shared, thus far? If not, I ask that you read, and sign the consent form. Essentially, this document states that: (a) all information collected from you will be kept confidential; (b) your participation is voluntary, and you may stop at any time; and (c) there are no foreseeable dangers from your participation in this study. If you would like anything from the document explained, please ask.
Allow time for participant to read and sign the document.
Do you have any questions and/or comments about the research project? If yes, please share them. If no, we will now proceed to the next step. You will receive one copy of the informed consent, and we will keep the signed copy, separate from your reported responses. Additionally, there is a biographical questionnaire that we would like for you to complete. The biographic questionnaire entails you responding to numerous background questions pertinent to the overall research project. Again, please do not hesitate to ask any questions as you complete the document.
Allow time for participant to read and complete the biographical questionnaire.
Begin questions after reading statement below: You have been selected to interview with us today because you indicated being previously incarcerated. Our research project, as a whole, focuses on the lived experiences of Black men and women who have endured incarceration. To this end, we are interested in hearing your life story and perspectives on the influences that led to you 255 being formerly incarcerated. Essentially, we want to learn from those who have experienced incarceration to develop strategies that prevent youth from being incarcerated, who may be vulnerable and trajectory down the same path you once experienced. Remember, this is your story, and there is no right or wrong answer. Please do not respond with answers to our questions that you think we would want to hear. Instead, we hope you will be candid and honest with us. This is your experience.
So let us begin, Initial Questions (Getting to know you questions) 1. Tell me about yourself. 2. Tell me about what you are currently doing with your life (i.e., job/career/school).
Family (Childhood) Questions So let’s reflect and revisit your childhood… 1. Tell me about your family a) Who raised you? Who lived in the household? b) Do you have any siblings? If so, how many? Where you are in the birth order (e.g., first born, middle, etc)? c) How would you characterize your upbringing? d) What is the most exciting/best memory of your family? Worst memory? e) What did you and your family typically do on the weekends? 2. Tell me about your childhood. a) Who were your close friends as a child? b) How did you meet these friends? Neighborhood? Church? School? Other places? c) What did you and your friends do for fun? d) How would you describe these friends? Did they have a positive and/or negative influence on your life? Please explain. e) Were there any friends that your parents (family) liked and/or any they did not like? Please explain. 3. Thinking back to your childhood and teenage years, who did you most admire and why? Who do you most admire now and why? a) How do you think your life mirrors or does not mirror the person or people’s lives that you mentioned?
4. As a child, what did you want to be when you grew up? Did it change as you got older? Why or why not?
5. Growing up, were there any events that occurred that may have caused major change in your family dynamics and/or home environment (e.g., parental divorce, incarceration, foster care, death of family member, etc.)? How did these events affect you personally?
6. What kind of programs and resources were available to you as a youth? 256
a) Did you participate/take advantage of any of them? Why or why not? b) When did you stop participating? Why you stopped participating?
7. Did your family attend church or other religious services growing up? Tell me about those experiences. a) Did you find them helpful? Why or why not? b) How did they shape your mindset towards life and experiences you may have encountered?
8. How would you characterize your family dynamics now (e.g. nuclear family, extended family)? a) Are you married or dating someone seriously? If so, for how long? b) Do you have any children? If so, how many? Do they all share the same mother/father? If they do not, who has primary custody of the children? c) Thinking of your family dynamics as a child, does that resemble your family dynamics now? Why or why not?
Community 1. Tell me about where you grew up as a child/teenager. a) Describe the type of homes you lived in. b) Describe the homes and the neighborhood where they were situated. c) Describe the people who lived in this area. d) How would you describe the police presence? e) How would you characterize the relationships and interactions you had with the police in your former neighborhoods? f) Did you have access to after-school programs or recreation centers in your community? Please explain. g) What do you remember most about the stores and other resources in your community? Why do these things stand out most for you? h) How would you describe your family’s financial situation as a child (e.g., special assistance with housing, etc.)? How do you think it impacted the areas in which you had to live and ultimately where you are now in your life?
2. How would you describe the other families in your former neighborhoods? Did you feel safe and supported? How do you think that others would describe the communities (i.e., those from these communities and those not from these communities)? 3. How would you describe these neighborhoods now? How are they the same or how do they differ? 4. Describe a typical day in the neighborhoods you grew up in as a child.
School/School Environment Questions: Still reflecting on your childhood, let’s continue with talking about school… 257
1. What do you remember most about your experiences in school? a) Did you like school? Why or why not? 2. Did you live in the same household throughout your K-12 schooling? Please explain. 3. How did you get to school every day (e.g., bus, walking, or riding with someone)? a) What were those experiences like? b) Tell me about a memorable experience getting to school. What about a least memorable experience? c) If you rode the bus, were there ever any negative occurrences? d) If you walked or someone dropped you off, where you ever late? 4. Describe your elementary, middle, and high school environments. What do you remember most about these settings? a) What elementary, middle, and high school did you attend? b) What specific academic track were you on in middle or high school (e.g., accelerated, special education, general education, etc.)? c) What specialized services did you receive? If any, please explain. d) Were you ever labeled gifted? Please explain. e) In these school settings, what type of sports or extracurricular activities did you participate in?
5. Thinking about the schools you attended, tell me about your classroom environments. a) Any in particular that stand out? b) What kind of student were you in the classroom? c) What kind of grades did you get in school? d) Did you ever get held back in a grade? If so, which grade and why? e) How would others characterize you as a student (e.g., teachers, administrators, school counselors, family, peers, others)?
6. What do you remember most about your teachers? a) Which educators did you most connect with? How would you describe these connections? What was it about these teachers that were different from the others? b) Which educators did you least like or connect with? Why do you think that you did not mesh well with these individuals?
7. What do you remember most about your school counselors? a) Which school counselors you connected mostly with? How would you describe these connections?
8. What do you remember about the administrators at your schools?
a) Tell me about the most memorable positive experiences. b) Tell me about the most memorable negative experiences. 258
9. How important was an education to you growing up? What made you feel this way?
10. Who encouraged you the most as a student? What did this person or these people do to encourage you?
11. How important was an education to your parents (family)? What gave you this impression that they felt this way? a) How would you describe your family’s involvement in your education? b) Did your parents (family) participate in school functions? Why or why not? c) Did your parents (family) connect or get along with any of the teachers at your schools? How would you describe the relationships between your parents (family) and your teachers? d) Did they go to conferences or develop relationships with school staff? Why or why not? e) Did they ask about assignments/grades? Why or why not? f) Did anyone every assist you with your homework and other school assignments? Why or why not? g) Did your family emphasize going to college? Why or why not?
12. What type of disciplinary procedures did your school have (e.g., in and/or out of school suspensions, expulsions, detentions, etc.)? a) How did the teachers handle discipline? b) How did the administrators handle discipline? c) Was there anyone else that played a part in disciplining students? If so, who were they?
13. Did any of your schooling environments have police officers or security personnel? a) If yes, what were they like? Did you have any encounters with them? Please explain. b) If no, did you feel as if any of your school settings needed an officer present? Why or why not? 14. Did you attend college? a) If so, what school did you attend and did you graduate? b) If you didn’t graduate, what stopped you from graduating? c) If you did not attend college, please explain why. d) Did you feel prepared to attend college? Why or why not?
15. Do you feel that the school played a part in some of your life’s outcomes or decisions? Why or why not? 259
Behavioral/Incarceration Questions 1. Tell me about the first time you got in trouble (i.e., child/teen/at home or at school). a) Is this a memorable experience? Why or why not? 2. Were you ever suspended or expelled from school? a) How old were you and what school were you attending? (If more than once, how old were you during each of the occurrences?) b) What was that like? c) How many times and what were the suspensions/expulsions for? d) What were your thoughts or feelings after being suspended/expelled? e) Were you ever arrested at school? What was that experience like?
3. Do you feel like the suspension/expulsion motivated you to work harder in school or did it make you become more frustrated? If you were never suspended or expelled, how were you able to keep out of trouble? a) What did you do during that time? b) Were you given any school assignments?
4. Tell me about the first time you got in trouble with the law. a) What led to the encounter? b) Where were you when it first happened? c) How many times have you been arrested? Tell me about each incident. d) What type of support was offered to you each time? Would you say it was effective? 5. If you were ever incarcerated as a juvenile, tell me about the juvenile justice processing. a) What was going through your mind from the time you were arrested up to the time you were placed in your room/cell b) How many times were you placed in detention centers? Were you ever placed in a group home? 6. Tell me about your experiences while incarcerated. a) What happened to your relationships with family? Stronger? Weaker? Please explain. b) Did you develop new allies/associates? c) Who would you say supported you the most while you were incarcerated? Was that something you expected? Please explain. d) What about education? Were you taught the same way you were when you were out? e) What activities did you participate in? f) What did you miss most? g) Did you feel that your education was effected? Please explain. h) If you have children, were they aware of your incarceration? If so, how did you explain that to them? 260
i) Do you believe your incarceration impacted your family? Please explain. j) What would you say helped you stay focused while incarcerated?
7. Is there anyone in your family that has ever been incarcerated? If so, who are they? What are they incarcerated for? Final Questions 1. If you could write a letter to your younger self, what three things would you share with him/her? 2. Where do you see yourself in the next 5 years? 3. Is there anything else you would like to add or feel that I should know? If so, please share.
Thank you again for participating in our research study. Should you, after this interview, have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me at the contact information listed on the documents you have been provided today. As mentioned in the recruitment process, we are also conducting focus group interview sessions. These sessions will comprise of no more than five participants. During this time, we will ask a few additional questions related to the same topics discussed here today. Do you happen to know your availability for (time will depend on date of this interview)? If not, please look forward to me contacting you within the next few days to get your availability. Additional details will be provided during the follow up call/e-mail.
**If participant wishes to discontinue study, ask if they would be willing to share why**
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Appendix E: Focus Group Interview Protocol
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Focus Group Protocol
Investigator will read the following information:
Welcome and thank you for agreeing to participate in this focus group session! The purpose of this focus group is to provide an opportunity for deeper discussions on the topics covered in the individual interviews. Some of the questions will be similar to those previously discussed, while some will focus specifically on new topics. For this study, the research team and I are interested in learning more about your thoughts on how family, school, community, and society may contribute to incarceration. More specifically, we want to learn how you believe society can better serve youth who may be vulnerable or susceptible to incarceration. To protect the privacy of focus group members, we would like to remind you to use the pseudonyms you chose, during your initial interview, and ask that you do not discuss what is shared here today with anyone else, once you leave. It is also important to note that all focus group sessions will be digitally recorded and later transcribed in verbatim. Further, all the transcripts will be coded used pseudonyms. Your focus group session today should last between 2 to 2.5 hours. Only the researchers, assigned to this project, will have access to the digitally-recorded interview files, biographical questionnaires, interview transcripts, and other materials related to this project. If at any time during the focus group session, you feel uncomfortable and/or need the assigned researcher(s) to repeat a question, please let them know. Further, if at any time during the focus group session you wish to discontinue participation, please feel free to let the assigned researcher(s) know. Therefore, you may withdraw your participation at any time without consequence. At this point, do you have any questions and/or concerns? If not, let us begin.
• Reflecting back, what support and/or resources did you have available to you as a child/teenager? Do you think that these supports and resources were sufficient for your educational, personal/social, and career development? Why or why not? • What support and/or resources do you wish you had as a child/teenager to help you be successful? Why? • What are some possible ways school systems can help to assist youth who are educationally vulnerable (i.e.at-risk) or who are exhibiting major educational and social challenges? Families? Community-based organizations? Faith-based institutions? Other social institutions? • Which of these possibilities seem realistic given the current state of African Americans in the United States? Locally? Statewide? Nationally? • How would you characterize or describe your re-entry into society, after incarceration? • What or who helped you when you returned to the community after being incarcerated? How did they help you? What other help was needed?
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• What resources do you wish were available to you when you returned to the community? What do you believe would have been helpful? • How have you been able to stay away from returning to prison? • What role does education play in why men and women are incarcerated? And specifically, what role did it play in your life? • How does the larger society treat formerly incarcerated citizens? How do you believe the media portrays previously incarcerated citizens? Does it differ for people of color? What are some of the characteristics and differences? • What advice would you give others who may be going down the path leading to incarceration? If you had received this advice, do you think that you would have listened and changed the course of your actions? Why or why not? • Given your experience with incarceration, what are you, personally, going to do to help others decrease the chances they will be incarcerated (e.g. children, other family, friends, etc.)? • Based on what we talked about in this focus group session, does anyone have any final comments they would like to share?
Thank you again for participating in our research study. Should you after this focus group interview have any questions and/or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me. This will be our last face-to-face interview. However, we will contact you via telephone and/or e-mail to see if you have any additional information you would like to share. Further, we will share with you our analysis of your stories after we have transcribed and read over transcripts. This concludes the focus group interview.
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Appendix F: Participant Withdrawal Script
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Participant Withdrawal Script Date:
Hello . This is from The Ohio State University. (Participant’s Name) (Researcher’s Name) In previous communications, you indicated that you would like to withdraw from the study. I was wondering if we could discuss any reservations that you have about participating in the study. If you are not comfortable with this, I understand. (Based on response, read script below). If the participant is comfortable: What caused your reluctance to continue participating in the study? (Allow time for response and record). Thank you for sharing. The research team appreciates your participation. What is the best way to give your $5.00 gift card for your time? If the participant is not comfortable: The research team appreciates your participation. What is the best way to give your $5.00 gift card for your time? Record Response(s):
At this point, do you have any questions? If yes, please share your question. If no, I would like to thank you again for your time and assistance. Take care.
Investigator Notes and Records: Indicate below at what point the participant withdrew from the study.
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Appendix G: Participant Follow-Up Materials
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Reminder Notice for Individual Interviews (E-mail, Mail, Telephone)
Date:
Hello : This notice is to remind you that your individual interview is scheduled on (date) at (time). The interview will be held at (location). If you have any questions or concerns before this time, please contact Natosha R. Willis via email ([email protected]) and/or telephone 614-383- 9715. Thank you in advance for your participation. Respectfully, James L. Moore, III, Ph.D. Natosha R. Willis, M.Ed.
Reminder Notice for Focus Group Interviews (E-mail, Mail, Telephone)
Date:
Hello :
This notice is to remind you of your focus group interview that is scheduled on (date) at (time). The interview will be held at (location). If you have any questions or concerns before this time, please contact Natosha R. Willis via email ([email protected]) and/or telephone (614-383-9715).
Thank you in advance for your participation.
Respectfully,
James L. Moore, III, Ph.D. Natosha R. Willis, M.Ed.
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Follow-Up to Focus Group Interview
Date:
Hello . This is Natosha Willis from The Ohio State University. I am (Participant’s Name) (calling/e-mailing) to thank you again for participating in the focus group interview that was conducted on (date of focus group interview). Your participation was invaluable to our research. I am contacting you to check and see if you would like to share any additional information related to the focus group discussion. (If call, wait for response and record. E-mail responses can be recorded below). Record Response(s):
Again , your input has been very helpful. Would you like to receive a summary (Participant’s Name) of the findings after I complete my research? (Circle Yes or No). (If Yes) Would you like for me to send it by e-mail and/or mail? (record response). Do you have any questions? If not, thank you again for participating. 269
Follow-Up to Individual Interview
Date:
Hello . This is Natosha Willis from The Ohio State University. I am (Participant’s Name) (calling/e-mailing) to thank you again for participating in the interview that was conducted on (date of individual interview). Your participation was invaluable to our research. I am contacting you to check and see if you would like to share any additional information related to the discussion. (If call, wait for response and record. E-mail responses can be recorded below). Record Response(s):
Again , your input has been very helpful. Would you like to receive a (Participant’s Name) summary of the findings after I complete the research? (Circle Yes or No). (If Yes) Would you like for me to send it by e-mail and/or mail? (record response). Do you have any questions? If not, thank you again for participating. 270
Thank You Letter (E-mail/Mail)
Date:
Dear , Thank you for participating in our research study! Your participation was greatly appreciated and absolutely invaluable. The information gathered from this research project will improve life outcomes for future youth. In addition, the findings will be shared with The Ohio State University Todd Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male, Community for New Direction, Center of Hope Family Services Inc., and other organizations deemed appropriate. Our hope is this study will contribute to the advancement of research in the areas of educational policy and criminal justice policy. Furthermore, we hope the information from this study will provide insight on ways in which to decrease the likelihood of juvenile and adult incarceration for generations to come. Thank you again for your participation. If you have any further questions or concerns, feel free to reach Natosha R. Willis via email ([email protected]) and/or telephone (614-383-9715).
Thank you again for your participation.
Respectfully, James L. Moore, III, Ph.D. Natosha R. Willis, M.Ed.
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Member Checking Interview (E-mail)
Dear , (Participant’s Name) Thank you for sharing your story with us over the past few months. Your openness and honesty were truly appreciated. It has been an honor to learn about your experiences. Before we conclude our study, we would like to share with you some of the themes we have found thus far in the research. The themes are concepts we discovered from your story that align with our research focus. Additionally, we plan to highlight and discuss these themes in detail as we analysis and create research materials. This next step in the process is to ensure that our findings align with the narrative you provided. Below we have listed a summary of the interviews you completed, major themes and lessons we extracted, patterns we found across all participants in the study, and any remaining ideas and/or questions. Please review the documents and confirm that the concepts we have highlighted correspond with your thoughts and the narrative of your life. If you believe we accurately portrayed your thoughts, please respond by checking the ‘yes’ box below by (return date). If you believe we have not accurately portrayed your thoughts and narrative, please respond by checking one of the ‘no’ boxes below by (return date) and follow the directions. If we don’t hear back from you by (provide deadline), then we will assume you agree with the representation of themes we have provided. This will be the last and final step of the study for you as a participant.
Key concepts from your story: (Researchers will list and highlight key points that stand out from the participant’s story)
Lessons for your story: (Researchers will list the themes found from transcribed interviews that will be highlighted in analysis)
General lessons from all participants: (Researchers will list themes found amongst all the participants)
Closing thoughts: (Researchers will list any remaining thoughts and conclusion)
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Again, we are humbled by the opportunity to hear your story. We appreciate the time and effort you have invested in sharing your experiences. Please check one of the boxes below and follow the instructions. Yes, I believe that you have accurately portrayed the thoughts I wanted to convey. There are no areas of concern and I agree with you using the information listed above.
No, I do not believe that you have accurately portrayed my thoughts. There are areas I would like to explain further and I would like to schedule a time to talk about my concerns. Here are the dates and times I available over the next two weeks: (participant would provide list and times). No, I do not believe that you have accurately portrayed my thoughts. I have listed and explained, on the form provided, areas that I believe needed additional detail in order to capture what I wanted to convey. No appointment to discuss these details is necessary.
After you have checked the appropriate box above, please return this form by emailing it to Natosha Willis at [email protected]. If an alternate way of returning this form is needed, please call Natosha at 614-383-9715.
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Appendix H: Description of Research Partners
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Description of Research Team Members
Principal Researcher: Natosha R. Willis
The principal researcher of this study is an African American female doctoral student, pursuing a doctoral degree in Educational Studies. The researcher obtained both her Masters in Special Education and Bachelors of Education from The Ohio State University. Currently working as a Program Director for Upward Bound Math & Science program, she also contributes over 10 years of experience from classrooms and other educational settings. The principal researcher has taken qualitative and quantitative courses and gained hands-on experience with developing several qualitative studies within courses. Research Partner #1:
Research partner #1 is an African American female with over 20+ years’ experience in alcohol and drug rehabilitation as well as addressing health disparities in minority communities. She has extensive experience with previously incarcerated populations and understanding of factors that contribute to their incarcerations, particularly in relation to drug use. Through her training and current position, she has contributed to the research addressing these topics, incorporating both quantitative and qualitative methods. Research partner #1 obtained a Masters in rehabilitation and counseling, a second Masters in counseling and guidance, and a Bachelors in rehabilitation education.
Research Partner #2:
Research partner 2 is an African American female currently serving at a higher education institution. She recently graduated with her Ph.D. in Educational Studies with a focus on student engagement. Before returning to obtain her doctorate, she worked in corporate settings, after obtaining her Bachelors in Liberal Arts and M.Ed. in Human Resource Development. She has taken numerous research courses on qualitative and quantitative methods. 275
Appendix I: Emergent Code List
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Family Factors
Theme Description Code Abuse Discusses experiencing abuse from parents/guardians A and/or family. Discusses witnessing abuse of a parent/guardian/family. Broken Home Parents separated or divorced. If parents were not BH married, living in different homes or cities. Relocation Discusses moving around to multiple homes and REL locations. Discipline: Harsh References having overprotective parent(s) or DH experiencing harsh discipline practices. Discipline: Lax/Inconsistent Discusses experiencing lack of supervision or lack of DLI care about behaviors Low-Socioeconomic Status Discusses family’s economic position limited or LSES being poor. Family experienced receiving some type of assistance for food/housing. Multiple Siblings Discussed having two or more siblings MS Neglect References how parent(s)/Family failed to care for N child properly. Failed to look after or abandoned. Separation from Parents References being placed in Child Services, foster SFP care, adoption. References being placed in another family members care (other than parent) Single Parent Home Responds as living with just one parent/guardian. SPH
Community Factors
Theme Description Code Crime: Involvement Discusses participating in some activity that resulted CI in being punished by law. (ex. Robbery) Crime: Observation Discusses witnessing behaviors and activities that CO resulted in someone else being punished by law. Drugs Discusses witnessing others using or distributing D drugs Gang Involvement References participating in gang activity or gang GI affiliation Gang Observation Discusses witnessing or observing gang activity in GO home or community Environmental Influence EI
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School Factors Theme Description Code Academic Failure References to failing courses or difficulty following AF class instruction Discipline: Expulsions References being removed from one school and DE placed in another school due to behavior Discipline: Paddle References physical form of punishment student DP received from school staff. Discipline: Suspensions References being requested to spend time away from DS school, due to behavior, but is able to return with 10 days. Discipline: Other References receiving punishment as consequence for DO behavior deemed inappropriate by school staff (ex. Detention, PEAK, etc) other than suspension, expulsion, or paddling. Disruptive Behavior References engaging in behaviors that interfered with DB teacher instruction or student learning (for self or others) Lack of Interest References having no interest in school. This can be LOI at any point, even if there was a shift of interest Lack of Parental/Family Discusses Parent/family not participating or finding LPI Involvement ways to be involved with school, as a support for students. (Ex. Parent/teacher conferences, volunteering in school). Negative Conflict: Peers References an encounter with a peer that changed NCP dynamics in school setting or lead to change in mindset about school setting Negative Conflict: Teachers References an encounter with a teacher that changed NET dynamics in school setting or lead to change in mindset about school setting Negative Conflict: References an encounter with a principal or school NEA Administrators administrator that changed dynamics in school setting or lead to change in mindset about school setting Negative Conflict: Other References an encounter with a school staff member NEO that changed dynamics in school setting or lead to change in mindset about school setting. No Expectations Discusses the lack of teachers and administrators NE caring about their work. Retention References being held back or having to repeat a RET grade in school Special Education References being placed in or receiving services SE outside of the regular classroom. Unengaging Teachers Discusses teacher that did not interact with students UT or attempt to make instruction interactive.
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Other Factors
Theme Description Code Delinquent Behavior References participation in or behaviors that lead to DLB criminal activity or behavior. (fighting, lying) Law Enforcement Encounters References situations that involved security LEE personnel or police Peer Collaboration Discusses activities or behaviors done with peers PC Peer Influence Discusses participating in activities or behaviors PI that were encouraged/influenced by friend(s) or other peers. Recidivism References about Re-offending, returning to REC jail/prison Regret/Remorse Responses about disappointment over a lost/missed RR opportunity. Guilt for wrong committed. Self-Blame References behaviors and choices exemplified or SB made over time as being their fault Substance Use: Alcohol Discusses consuming alcohol SUA Substance Use: Drugs Discusses consuming drug substance (weed, SUD cocaine, heroin, etc). Substance Use: Others Discussing consuming any other substance (ex. SUO Cigarettes, black and milds, etc.)
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