The Influence of Second World War Military Service on Prominent White South African Veterans in Opposition Politics, 1939–1961

The influence of Second World War military service on prominent White South African veterans in opposition politics, 1939–1961 By GRAEME WESLEY PLINT Thesis presented in fulfilment of the Degree Masters in Military Science (MMil) at the Faculty of Military Science of Stellenbosch University Faculty of Military Science Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Ms A Delport Co-Supervisor: Prof I.J. van der Waag March 2021 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ii DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. GRAEME WESLEY PLINT Date: March 2021 Copyright © 2021 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za iii ABSTRACT The nexus between military service and political activism is explored in this thesis. The lives of 153 politically-exposed Second World War veterans are examined. Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of ‘Capital’ and ‘Habitus’ are used to examine the ways in which the war shaped the political views of the servicemen as well as the ways in which the ex-servicemen could leverage their war service to further their post-war political careers. An examination of the fault lines of class and culture, in pre-war, White South Africa, provided crucial insight into the initial habitus and motivation of the volunteer soldier. War-time military service drew together volunteers from every part of South Africa and from each strata of the White community. This provided a common platform to develop shared notions of a common ‘South Africanism’. This shared comradery facilitated their later mobilisation against the National Party (NP) after 1948. The ex-servicemen, having fought German and Italian forces on several warfronts, had been exposed to the dangers of totalitarianism. As a result, some returned with an embedded intolerance of authoritarianism and, after the war, the Springbok Legion (SL) acted as a clarion call against rising racial intolerance in South Africa. The more affluent ex-servicemen, often in line with family tradition, joined the established United Party (UP). However, the widely unexpected defeat of the UP in 1948 by the NP triggered the ex-servicemen’s entry into politics. After the NP’s victory in 1948, a cohort of increasingly-politicised ex-servicemen used the NP’s wartime dalliance with fascism to mobilise ex-servicemen en masse as the Torch Commando (the Torch). The Torch Commando brought together ex-servicemen, active in parliamentary and extra- parliamentary politics, as a front against the NP in the 1953 elections. However, the UP’s defeat in the 1953 elections soon exposed the fault lines, particularly in terms of the ex-servicemen in parliamentary politics. The subsequent implosion of the Torch Commando led to the emergence of the Union Federal Party (UFP), and Liberal Party (LPSA) after the 1953 elections, which marked the end of the ex-serviceman identity as a coherent political identity and revealed an array of diverse political views amongst voting Second World War veterans. Tensions between the conservative and more progressive and liberal ex-servicemen in the UP led to the formation of the Progressive Party (PP) in 1959. Finally, increased government repression led to the detention of the more radical ex-servicemen in 1956 and 1960. Their subsequent involvement in the formation of armed formations in the form of the African Resistance Movement and Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) provides continuity between the war against fascism and the armed struggle against apartheid. Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za iv OPSOMMING Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die verband tussen militêre diens en politieke aktivisme. Die lewens van 153 politiek-blootgestelde veterane uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog word ondersoek. Die gebruik van Pierre Bourdieu se konsepte ‘Kapital’ en ‘Habitus’ bied ‘n manier aan om te onderskei tussen hoe die oorlog die politieke sieninge van die dienspligtige gevorm het en hoe die veterane hul oorlogdeelname gebruik het om hul politieke loopbane na die oorlog te bevorder. Die ondersoek van onderskeie lyne van klas en kultuur in die blanke Suid-Afrika voor die oorlog, bied insig in die aanvanklike habitat en motivering van die vrywilliger. Oorlogdeelname het vrywilligers van alle dele van Suid-Afrika en vlakke van die blanke samelewing bymekaar gebring. Dit het hulle ‘n gemeenskaplike gebied gegee om hulle tot ‘n gedeelde ‘Suid-Afrikanisme’ te bind. Hierdie kameraadskap het hul mobilisering teen die Nasionale Party (NP) na 1948 vergemaklik. Die voormalige soldate, wat teen die Duitsers en Italianers op verskeie fronte geveg het, was aan die gevare van totalitarisme blootgestel en ‘n onverdraagsaamheid van outoritarisme in die na- oorlogse Suid-Afrika het ontwikkel. Na die oorlog het die Springbok-legioen (SL) as ‘n oproep teen die toenemende rasse-onverdraagsaamheid in Suid-Afrika opgetree. Die meer gegoede veterane, dikwels in ooreenstemming met die familietradisie, het by die gevestigde Verenigde Party (UP) aangesluit. Die breë onverwagte nederlaag van die UP in 1948 deur die NP het die ou-soldate se massa toegang tot die politiek veroorsaak. Na die NP-oorwinning in 1948, het ‘n groepering van verpolitiseerde ou-soldate die NP se oorlogstyd-toenadering met fascisme gebruik, om die ou-soldate in die Fakkelkommando te mobiliseer. Die Fakkelkommando het ou-soldate in die parlementêre politiek en die buite- parlementêre politiek teen die NP in die 1953-verkiesing saamgevoeg. Die UP se nederlaag in die 1953-verkiesing het egter vinnig die onderskeie lyne onder die ou-soldate in die parlementêre politiek blootgelê. Die inploffing van die Fakkelkommando het tot die ontstaan van die Unie Federale Party en die Liberale Party na die 1953-verkiesing gelei. Die einde van die voormalige militêre identiteit, as ‘n samehangende politieke identiteit, het die verskeidenheid politieke sienings binne die ou- soldaat identiteit aan die lig gebring. Die spanning tussen die konserwatiewe en progressiewe oud- dienspligtiges in die UP het gelei tot die stigting van die Progressiewe Party in 1959. Laastens het die verhoogde regeringsonderdrukking van die radikale ou-soldate tot hul aanhouding in 1956 en 1960 gelei. Die daaropvolgende betrokkenheid van hierdie oud-dienspligtiges by die vorming van gewapende formasies, in die vorm van die African Resistance Movement (ARM) en Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), bied kontinuïteit tussen die oorlog teen fascisme en die gewapende stryd teen Apartheid. Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writing of this thesis began as the academic part of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) Security and Defence Studies Programme. I want to thank my fellow students who tolerated my historical ramblings during the course. From the Military Academy, Ms Anri Delport and Professor Ian van der Waag as academic supervisors, kept me focused and engaged with the subject matter, and for this I am indebted. The long hours at the Department of Defence (DOD) Archives were made easier by the professional support of Mr de Agreila and Mr Gerald Prinsloo. Furthermore, the support of the Librarian, Ms Zelda Green, at the SA Defence College and the staff at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) Cullen Library and the UNISA-UP Archives is also acknowledged. Finally, a word of thanks to my wife and children for supporting me during the writing of this thesis. Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za vi TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ii ABSTRACT iii OPSOMMING iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v LIST OF TABLES x ABBREVIATIONS AND DEFINITIONS xii INTRODUCTION xv 1. BACKGROUND xv 2. LITERATURE REVIEW xxii 2.1 Official and semi-official histories xxiv 2.2 Regimental histories xxv 2.3 General works xxvi 2.4 Academic journals, dissertations and theses xxvii 2.5 International literature xxxii 3. AIM AND RESEARCH OBJECTIVES xxxiii 4. AREAS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH xxxiv 5. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY xxxv 6. IMPACT OF COVID 19 xxxix 7. TERMINOLOGY xl 8. CHAPTER LAYOUT xli CHAPTER ONE: THE WAR AND ITS POLITICS 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.2 DIVIDED NATION 3 1.3 THE WAR YEARS 1939-1945 8 1.3.1 The gathering storm 8 1.3.2 Mobilisation 10 1.3.3 Military campaigns 15 1.3.4 End of war 19 1.4 POSTWAR YEARS 21 1.4.1 Post war expectations 21 1.4.2 Opposition to NP government 24 1.5 CONCLUSION 29 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za vii CHAPTER TWO: A BIOGRAPHICAL OVERVIEW OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN VOLUNTEERS UPON ENLISTMENT 30 2.1 INTRODUCTION 30 2.2 THE BIOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF POLITICALLY ACTIVE EX-SERVICEMEN 33 2.2.1 Ethnicity of volunteers 35 2.2.1.1 Afrikaner community 36 2.2.1.2 Jewish community 40 2.2.1.3 The English-speaking community 42 2.2.2 Schooling 46 2.2.3 Age of volunteers 53 2.3 OCCUPATION OF VOLUNTEERS 56 2.4 CONCLUSION 58 CHAPTER THREE: THE MILITARY SERVICE OF POLITICALLY ACTIVE EX-SERVICEMEN 60 3.1 INTRODUCTION 60 3.2 SERVICE AND RANK 62 3.2.1 Service 62 3.2.2 Rank 63 3.3 WAR EXPERIENCE 69 3.3.1 Common experience of service 70 3.3.2 Combat theatres 71 3.3.3 War in Africa 72 3.3.3.1 East Africa 72 3.3.3.2 North Africa 75 3.3.3.3 North African battles 77 3.3.4 War in Italy and Europe 78 3.3.5 Prisoners of war 82 3.4 POLITICISATION DURING THE WAR

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