How Mandela's Release Shaped MMC Ngobeni's Political Career
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
South Africa Office
Publication for political and socio-economic issues in South Africa FOCUS South Africa Effects of the global financial crisis South Africa in a balancing act between Focus South Africa Focus South the economic crisis and the election campaign After the lengthy growth phase of the South African economy, the country at the Cape now also finds itself afflicted by the turbulences of the global finan- cial and economic crisis. The economic growth has weakened exports, while business and domestic demand have decreased. The interim government of President Kgalema Motlanthe does not plan any hasty interventions during the period running up to the elections in April 2009. The collapsing econo- Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, mies and the election campaigns have forced the parties, however, to position themselves clearly. Notably the African National Congress (ANC) has found itself facing serious competition for the first time. The newly-created party, the Congress of the People (COPE) has already submitted its first concepts. Business federations, trade unions and the media have used the pre-election 2009-01-26 campaign in order to place demands. SOUTH AFRICA OFFICE “The biggest challenge we face is how to ensure greater equality, imroved human development and social justice in South Africa.” Kgalema Motlanthe, Edition 03/09 South African President Effects of the global financial crisis The current situation May platinum reached record prices in the international markets. The governing statistics body in South Africa, After more than nine years of uninterrupted growth Statistics South Africa (SSA) recorded a dissolution of and development a distinctly downward trend in South 32 000 jobs in the mining industry sector in the third Africa’s economic growth has become apparent. -
Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition. -
A New, Positive Yet Fractious, Era in SA Politics
Plexus Wealth Watch August 2016 PLEXUS WEALTH POST=ELECTION ANALYSIS prepared exclusively for Plexus Wealth clients by author and political commentator Justice Malala A New, Positive Yet Fractious, Era In SA Politics INTRODUCTION AND HEADLINE VIEW It’s not quite a clean sweep, but it’s the closest thing to one we have seen in the new South Africa. The Democratic Alliance now holds power in the administrative capital of SA, Tshwane; in the economic capital, Johannesburg; in the parliamentary capital, Cape Town, and in other key urban hubs such as Nelson Mandela Bay in the Eastern Cape and in Mogale City in Gauteng. The mighty ANC, after just 22 years in power, is now a rural party, led by a traditionalist chauvinist, while its support among the educated black and white elite ebbs away. Herman Mashaba = a black former salesman turned millionaire from Hammanskraal, one of the poorest places on earth = is now Mayor of Johannesburg, unseating the liberation movement, the ANC. It represents a major mindshift in SA politics. A real change has begun. The recent local government elections mark a significant turning point in South Africa’s history. For the first time since 1994, political and economic power has shifted in major metropolitan areas from the ANC to opposition coalitions. Real and necessary competition has entered SA politics. This is a powerful and positive development: the narrative of a liberation movement that stays in power too long without challenge, as happened in Zimbabwe for example, has been broken. The 2019 elections are likely to cement this trajectory, meaning that South Africa will become a normal, multi=party, noisy democracy where power is contested, won and lost within the next ten years. -
South Africa: the Next Republic
Briefing Note 0802 October 2008 South Africa: The Next Republic The resignation of former president Thabo Mbeki can be seen as the ending of a “First Republic” in democratic South Africa. The liberal left tradition of the governing African National Congress is fading, and the “Second Republic” will be shaped by more competition for political power both inside and outside the ANC. These notes consider Mbeki’s legacy, the challenges facing President Kgalema Motlanthe, and the prospects for a “Second Republic” under presidential aspirant Jacob Zuma. • ANC deeply divided as Mbeki loyalists contemplate breakaway party. • SA Communist Party and Trades Unions gain influence in ANC structures. • New leadership pledges to maintain market-friendly economic policies. • Cabinet re-shuffle recognises failures in health, education and crime. • Democratic institutions damaged by fall-out from controversial arms deal. • Zuma’s authority rooted in ANC security and intelligence network. The “Zuma Tsunami” On September 20th 2008, the national executive of the African political influence” in the prosecution of Zuma on charges of National Congress agreed to “recall” Mbeki from the national corruption and tax evasion, related to a R50 billion presidency. His resignation follows a turbulent shift in the (£4 billion) government defence contract sanctioned by balance of power within the party leadership – dubbed the Mbeki in the late 1990s. “Zuma Tsunami” by supporters of ANC president Jacob Zuma. Zuma is widely expected to assume the national presidency “The -
“They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Copyright © 2020 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2020 ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .......................................................................................................... -
Committed to Unity
Committed to Unity: South Africa’s Adherence to Its 1994 Political Settlement Paul Graham IPS Paper 6 Abstract This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa. © Berghof Foundation Operations GmbH – CINEP/PPP 2014. All rights reserved. About the Publication This paper is one of four case study reports on South Africa produced in the course of the collaborative research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, running from February 2013 to February 2015. This project aims to examine the conditions for inclusive political settlements following protracted armed conflicts, with a specific focus on former armed power contenders turned state actors. It also aims to inform national and international practitioners and policy-makers on effective practices for enhancing participation, representation, and responsiveness in post-war state-building and governance. It is carried out in cooperation with the partner institutions CINEP/PPP (Colombia, Project Coordinators), Berghof Foundation (Germany, Project Research Coordinators), FLACSO (El Salvador), In Transformation Initiative (South Africa), Sudd Institute (South Sudan), Aceh Policy Institute (Aceh/Indonesia), and Friends for Peace (Nepal). -
Africa's Soft Power : Philosophies, Political Values, Foreign Policies and Cultural Exports / Oluwaseun Tella
“This seven-chapter book is a powerful testimonial to consummate African scholarship. Its analysis is rigorous, insightful, lucid and authoritative, providing fresh perspectives on selected uniquely African philosophies, and the potential ities, deployment and limitations of soft power in Africa’s international relations. The author rigorously Africanises the concept, broadening its analytic scope from its biased Western methodology, thus brilliantly fulfilling that great African pro verb made famous by the inimitable Chinua Achebe: ‘that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’. This is truly an intellectual tour de force.” W. Alade Fawole, Professor of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. “This book addresses an important tool in the arsenal of foreign policy from an African perspective. African states have significant soft power capacities, although soft power is not always appreciated as a lever of influence, or fully integrated into countries’ foreign policy strategies. Tella takes Nye’s original concept and Africanises it, discussing Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa via their respective philosophies of Pharaonism, Harambee, Omolúwàbí and Ubuntu. This study is a critical contribution to the literature on African foreign policies and how to use soft power to greater effect in building African agency on the global stage.” Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, Chief Executive, South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, South Africa. “Soft power is seldom associated with African states, given decades bedevilled by coup d’états, brazen dictatorships and misrule. This ground-breaking book is certainly a tour de force in conceptualising soft power in the African context. -
Political Report to the Tenth Cosatu National Congress
Political Report to the Tenth Cosatu National Congress Theme: Consolidating Working Class Power in Defense of Decent Work and for Socialism Table of Contents I. Preamble II. Introduction Part 1: Reflection on the Domestic and Global Balance of Forces 1. Sharpening our Ideology and Theory of Revolution 1.1 Building Marxism for Contemporary Challenges 1.2 Debates on the Nature and Trajectory of the National Democratic Revolution 1.3 The Ndr and the Struggle for Socialism 2. The Global Situation 2.1 Impact on GDP and Jobs 2.2 Impact of the Economic Crisis on the Budget 3. Progress in the National Democratic Revolution 4. The Road to Polokwane and its Outcomes 4.1 The Road to Polokwane 4.2 Strategic Considerations Informing the Federation's Approach to Polokwane 4.4 The Meaning of Polokwane: Assessing the Outcomes of the Conference 5. The Elections and the Outcomes 5.1 The Political Environment under which Elections were held: 5.2 The Media, Conservative Academics and Commentators 5.3 The Jacob Zuma Factor 5.4 The Emergence of Cope 5.5 Understanding the reasons behind the Split 5.6 What is Cope offering the working class? 5.7 The Mythical Investors 5.8 Subjective and Objective weaknesses of the ANC and Alliance 5.8.1 Western Cape 5.8.2 Eastern Cape 5.8.3 Northern Cape 5.8.4 North West 5.8.5 Free State 5.9 Mobilisation 5.10 ANC Elections Manifesto 5.11 Transition to the New Cabinet 5.12 The Green Paper on Strategic Planning: A Big Step Back towards Pre-Polokwane Shenanigans 5.13 The Impact on Cosatu 5.14 The Impact on the Anc 5.15 Impact on SACP 5.16 The Programme of Action of Government 5.17 Summary of the Mandate 6. -
Herman Mashaba
Delivering Diphetogo End of Term Report Executive Mayor Herman Mashaba Foreword by the Executive Mayor On the 3rd of August 2016, the residents of Johannesburg rejected the status quo of the previous two decades, and voted for change. With a clear mandate from the electorate, the Democratic Alliance (DA), with the support of six formal coalition partners – including the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), Al Jama‐ah (AJ), Congress of the People (COPE), Freedom Front Plus (FF+) and the United Democratic Movement (UDM) – and backed by the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) on an ‘issue by issue’ basis, formed the first multi‐party government in the City’s history. It was through this highly complex arrangement that I was elected as the Executive Mayor of the City on the 22nd of August 2016, and undertook a journey to deliver the change the residents had demanded. The past three years have seen the multi‐party government come to grips with challenges far beyond what we expected to find in the City. As a businessman, I thought I was familiar with many of the challenges facing not only Johannesburg, but South Africa at large, including rising unemployment, growing inequality and endemic corruption. It was not until I was charged with tackling these issues on behalf of the City’s 5 million residents, that I was fully able to appreciate their impact on the lived experience of our people. Indeed, in the private sector one has the luxury of being academic about both the challenges we face, as well as the solutions required to fix them. -
Two Cheers? South African Democracy's First Decade
Review of African Political Economy No.100:193-202 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 2004 Two Cheers? South African Democracy’s First Decade Morris Szeftel The contributions in this issue mark the tenth anniversary of democracy and political liberation in South Africa. They are a selection of the papers originally presented to a Workshop organised in September 2003 in Johannesburg by the Democracy and Governance section of the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa. We are grateful to Roger Southall, its director, and to John Daniel for organising the conference, agreeing to a joint publication of papers with ROAPE and co-editing this issue. All the contributors are scholars and activists living and working in South Africa. It is fitting that an assessment of the first decade of democracy in South Africa should also be the 100th issue of The Review of African Political Economy. From its beginnings in 1974, ROAPE’s commitment to the liberation and development of Africa always had the struggle for a democratic South Africa as one of its central themes. Alongside many others, contributors to the journal consistently viewed the fight against racial capitalism in South Africa as critical for the future of Africa as a whole; indeed, as one which defined ideas of justice and decency for all humanity. Writing on the 75th anniversary of the founding of the ANC, the editors argued that ‘its principles, expressed through the Freedom Charter, have come to stand for a democratic alternative in South Africa. It is the white state which today represents barbarism; the principles of the Charter which represent decency and civilisation’ (Cobbett et al, 1987:3). -
World Class Transport in Service of the Nation: the Case of Gautrain Skills Development for Infrastructure
World Class transport in service of the nation: The case of Gautrain Skills development for Infrastructure 3/10/2015 Salim Akoojee 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 5 2. Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 6 2.1. Documenting the ‘Shilowa Express’ .............................................................................. 6 2.2 The Cidb Initiative ................................................................................................................ 7 3. Gautrain: an overview ........................................................................................................ 8 3.1. From inception to reality................................................................................................. 9 3.2. Gautrain and gauteng development ............................................................................ 10 3.3. Gautrain as a Spatial development Initiative .............................................................. 11 3.4. Operationalising Gautrain ............................................................................................ 13 3.5. Political buy-in (and opposition) ................................................................................. 16 3.6. Cost matters................................................................................................................... -
Cultural Anthropology
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY THE CITY OTHERWISE: The Deferred Emergency of Occupation in Inner-City Johannesburg MATTHEW WILHELM-SOLOMON University of the Witwatersrand https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9946-5817 In August 2017, the mayor of Johannesburg, Herman Mashaba, in the inter- national business publication Bloomberg, announced a campaign of “shock and awe” in inner-city Johannesburg, pronouncing the city a “battlefield” (Mkokeli 2017). The particular target of his rhetoric was the city’s so-called hijacked buildings— unlawful occupations also known as “bad buildings” or “dark buildings.” Mash- aba, a former cosmetics businessman, who had grown up in poverty (Mashaba and Morris 2017), had won Johannesburg for the pro-business opposition party the Democratic Alliance (DA), defeating, for the first time in the post-apartheid era, the African National Congress (ANC). Mashaba, who as a young man had experi- enced the continued violence and insecurity of police raids, adopted raids as a pri- mary strategy in his approach to issues of crime and housing in the inner city. He personally led a series of police raids on inner-city occupations and railed against both immigrants and human rights lawyers. He portrayed hijacked buildings as a blight on the city, full of criminals and undocumented migrants. But what were these buildings, and who occupied them? How is one to understand the character of this occupation? And what did closing them imply? Where were the occupants to go? CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Vol. 35, Issue 3, pp. 404–434, ISSN 0886-7356, online ISSN 1548-1360. © American Anthropological Association 2020. Cultural Anthropology journal content published since 2014 is freely available to download, save, reproduce, and transmit for noncommercial, scholarly, and educational purposes.