EDITOR I AL COMMENTS

JOHN GOLLAN WHICH ROAD!

W. H. EVANS TOWN PLANNING IN BRITA I N TODAY

DISCUSSION:

PATRICIA DAVIES AND DAVID CROOK PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE JAMES KLUGMANN

PETER- PINK ART AND SUPERSTRUCTURE

MICHAEL BARRATT PROBLEMS 0 F IMPERIALISM BROWN 198 Which Road? John Gollan

ITH the adoption of our programme, The This is the basis of our fundamental disagree­ British Road to Socialism, our Party, for ment with reformism and the position taken up W the first time, worked out a comprehen­ by the right wing of the Labour Party. The sub­ sive strategy for social revolution in terms of the stance of their position .is to aim to administer actual political conditions of Britain. capitalism more efficiently, to come to the rescue The Marxist case for social revolution was never of the ruling class when capitalism is in difficulties, just the glaring contradiction of poverty versus instead of organising the mass action of the riches, or the need to end capitalist exploitation. people to solve those difficulties through the social Marx put it in Capital in these words: revolution, the ending of capitalism and the "The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter building of socialism. upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with and under it. Two Paths-Violent and Non-Violent Centralisation of the means of production and socialisation of labour at last reach a point where One of the main issues ·Of controversy in the they become incompatible with their capitalist international Communist movement is about the integument. This integument is burst asunder. way to social revolution. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The two World Conferences of the International The expropriators are expropriated." Communist Movement (1957 and 1960), declared: In a number of capitalist countries the possibility Case for Social Revolution exists to win state power without civil war. There In the modern epoch of imperialism the case were two ways to state power, peaceful and non­ is even more overwhelming than it was in Marx's peaceful. The actual possibility in each country time. In capitalist society of the 1960's we see depends on the definite historical conditions. fulfilled Lenin's prophecy of the extreme concen­ There was no dispute in the meetings that there tration of power-economic, political and social are two ways. For many countries in view of the -in the hands of the monopolists. The develop- actual conditions the non-peaceful course is their . ment of science, technique and automation has only way. It was up to the Communist movement brought the contradiction between productive in each country to decide in the light of their power and the relations of production-the class circumstances. relations in production-to breaking point. This The working class, said the 1960 Statement, contradiction can only be resolved by a social "seeks to achieve the socialist revolution by peace­ revolution. Exploitation was never higher. In ful means", the forms and course of development Britain, some 7 to 8 million people are living of the socialist revolution "will depend on the "precariously close to the margins of poverty". specific balance of class forces in the co).mtry One-third of the families in Britain have to exist concerned, on the organisation and maturity of on a deficient ·diet. The final solution of all the the working class and its vanguard, and on the great social issues-housing, education, town extent of the resistance put up by the ruling class". planning-is bound up with the social revolution. At the time, the Chinese Communists supported So it is also with the final elimination of war. this position of the two World Conferences, and Politically, monopoly rule, a~ enin said, leads the 1957 Declaration and the 1960 Statement were to "reaction all along the line, whatever the poli­ adopted unanimously (in both, the paragraphs on tical system": it threatens bourgeois democracy the two paths are identical). But the Chinese with authoritarian rule and fascism, or makes it comrades are now saying "it is necessary to more and more only a facade for the rule of the amend the formulation of the question in the monopolists. The further development of Declaration and the Statement . . .." Even before democracy is incompatible with monopoly rule. they had made that admission and released private Today the fight to defend and extend democracy documents showing that they had disagreed all brings one inevitably up against the issue of social along, this was already clear from their earlier revolution and the development of socialist writings. democracy. And the central issue of social revolu­ Now they are quite categorical. The only way tion is state power. to revolution is by violence : "Marxism has always MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 199 proclaimed the inevitability of violent revolution" capitalism with the aim of the emancipation of (The Proletarian Revolution and Khrushchov's the working class and the ending of all class rule Revisionism, p. 8).1 " • • • Violent revolution is a -made more precise in 1872 as the aim of social universal law of proletarian revolution" (p. 11), revolution and the conquest of political power. and Mao· Tse-tung is quoted: "The seizure of This was after the test had come with the Paris power by armed force, the settlement of the issue Commune of 1871, the first attempt in history to by war is the central task and the highest form carry out a working-class revolution. Marx and the of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle of International, irrespective of previous warnings revolution holds good universally, for China and that a rising would be premature, without hesita­ for all other countries." tion supported the Commune and its world-wide On this basis, of course, our Party should historical significance. Bloodily suppressed by abandon The British Road to Socialism. The counter-revolutionary force, the . Commune was armed struggle is to prevail from South-East Asia of decisive importance for the clarification of to Britain, irrespective of political conditions, Marx's ideas on state power. On April 12th, 1871, traditions or systems of government. he wrote to Kugelmann: We disagree. The World Communist movement "If you look at the last chapter of my has long since abandoned the practice of direc­ Eighteenth Brumaire you will find that I say that tion from a single centre or deciding on a single the next attempt of the French revolution will be strategy to be applied in every country irrespec­ no longer as before, to transfer the bureaucratic tive of conditions. Each Communist Party must military machine from one hand to another, but decide its own course, and the conditions under to smash it, and that is essential for every real which they work differ radically. But apart from people's revolution on the Continent." this, we deny that the armed struggle is a universal His second conclusion was that for a successful law of Marxism to be applied everywhere, revolution the working class needed its own in­ irrespective of conditions. dependent revolutionary party. In taking up this attitude the Chinese are At the same time Marx treated the whole matter challenging the position laid down by the World historically-he allowed for the peaceful transi­ Communist movement. It is understandable that tion to socialism as well as the violent transition. a Party of such authority which came to power In July 1871, a few months after the defeat of after decades of civil war, should have such views. the Commune, Marx gave an interview to a At the same time a Party with even greater correspondent of the American journal The World authority, revolutionary experience and achieve­ on the purpose and programme of the Inter­ ment, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, national. It had, he said, holds to the view of the Statement that there are "the aim of the economic emancipation of the two paths to revolution, violent and non-violent. working class by means of the conquest of poli­ tical power : the- aim of using this political Attitude of Marx power to achieve social tasks. Our aims must be It is totally wrong .to say that the universality broad enough to include all forms of activity of of violent revolution was or is the classical posi­ the working class. . . . In every part of the world our task presents itself in some particular tion of Marxism. On the contrary, Marxism con­ form . ... In England, for example, the path is firms the position of the 1957 Statement and 1960 open to the working class to display its political Declaration-namely, there are two ways depend­ strength. Insurrection would be madness where ing on conditions. It is equally wrong in the peaceful agitation would lead to the aim by complex conditions of today to put the strategy more rapid and certain means. In France the of social revolution in a dogmatic strait-jacket. multitude of repressive laws and the deadly Marx and Engels for most of t ~ r lives worked antagonism between classes make inevitable, in a revolutionary Europe. It was the age of apparently, a violent termination to the social bourgeois democratic revolutions and more than war. But it is the working · class itself of that country which has to choose by what means it once Engels fought on the barricades. But both seeks this termination." were also concerned with tl;le development of an international labour movement which crystallised The correspondent then pressed Marx, in view in the International Working Men's Association. of his statement on England, to be more categori­ The International combined the day-to-day cal and give .an absolute assurance of a peaceful struggle of the mass labour movement against path in Britain. But Marx refused to go any further than he had already gone, saying:

1 Note: All the quotations on the Chinese case are "On this point I am not as optimistic as you. from this pamphlet except where otherwise noted. The English bourgeoisie has always shown its 200 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964

readiness to accept a majority decision so long be heard of a man whose whole theory is the as it disposed of a monopoly of votes. But be­ result of a life-long study of the economic history lieve me, at the moment when it finds itself and condition of England, and when that study in a minority on questions which it considers led to the conclusion that, at least in Europe, vitally important, we shall have a new slave­ England is the only country where the inevitable owners' war ...." 2 social revolution might be effected entirely by (Collected Works, Russian Edition peaceful and legal means, he certainly never Vol. 17, pp. 634-7.) forgot to add that he hardly expected the English In other words, in relation to England at least ruling class to submit without a 'pro-slavery Marx advanced the possibility of a peaceful rebellion' to this peaceful and legal revolution" transition and saiq that whether or not there (p. 32). would be violence depended on the ruling class. Five years later Engels published his Critique This was the consistent position of Marx and of the Erfurt Programme of 1891. He was of the Engels over the following 20 years. · opinion that in relation to political demands the A few months later, in a speech to the London main point was not in the Programme-whether Conference of the International Working Men's the then absolute power in Germany must not be Association in September 1871, Marx said: broken before the other political demands could "We must declare to the governments: we be met, and he remarked : know that you are the armed power which is "It is possible to conceive that the old society directed against the proletarians.: we will go could develop peacefully into the new in forward against you in a peaceful way so long countries where the parliament concentrates all as that is possible to us, and with arms, if it power within itself, where anything one pleases should be necessary." can be done constitutionally once the majority A year late,r at a public meeting in Amsterdam of the people is behind one; in democratic re­ following The Hague Congress of the Inter­ publics like France and America, in monarchies national in September 1872, Marx again returned like England where the impending buying out of the dynasty is spoken of every day in the press to the two possibilities of revolution. He said : and where this dynasty is powerless in face of "Some day, the workers must conquer political the will of the people." supremacy in order to establish the new organisa­ (Works of Marx and Engels, Volume tion of labour; they must overthrow the old 22, German edition, Dietz Verlag, political system whereby the old .institutions are Berlin, 1963, p. 234.) sustained. If they fail to do this they will suffer the fate of the early Christians, who neglected On March 6th, almost on the eve of his death to overthrow the old system and who, for that in 1895, Engels wrote his famous Preface to reason, never had a kingdom in this world. Of Marx's Class Struggles in France. He dealt with course, I must not be supposed to imply that the the future of the revolutionary struggle in the means to this end will be everywhere the same. condition of advanced capitalism, where the move­ We know that special regard must be paid to the ment has been building up working-class strength institutions, customs and traditions of various through legal forms. Again he analysed the two lands; and we do not deny that there are certain aspects of the revolutionary struggle, peaceful and countries, such as the United States and England, in which the workers may hope to secure their non-peaceful. He showed how the old style of ends by peaceful means. If I mistake not, 1848 barricade insurrection was out of date: Holland belongs to the same category. Even so, "The newly built quarters of the large cities, we have to recognise that in most continental erected since 1848, have been laid out in long, countries, force will have to be the lever of the straight, wide streets, as if made for the effective revolution. It is to force that in due time the use of cannons and rifles. The revolutionary workers will have to ~peal if the dominion of would be mad who would of himself select the labour is at long last to be established." new working-class districts of the north and east (History of the First International, of Berlin for barricade struggle." G. M. Stekloff, pp. 240-1.) Immediately after this, he added : Engels' View "Does this mean that in the future the street Engels, of course, was at one with Marx on all struggle has no role to play? Not at all. It only this. He prefaced the first English translation of means that the conditions since 1848 are far Capital in November 1886 with the words: more unfavourable for the insurrectionaries, far more favourable for the military. Accordingly, a "Surely at such a moment, the voice ought to street struggle can only be victorious if this unfavourable nature of the situation is com­ 2 In their pamphlet the Chinese quote this last part pensated for by other factors. Therefore, it will of the interview, but not the first part. more seldom come in the beginning of a great MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 201

revolution than in its later developments, and without militarism, and, to a considerable degree, must be undertaken with greater forces. These, without a bureaucracy. Hence, Marx excluded however, will then probably, as in the great England, where a revolution, even a people's French Revolution, on September 4th and on revolution, could be conceived of and was then October 3rd in Paris, prefer the method of open possible, without the condition of first destroy­ attack to the passive barricade tactics." ing the 'ready-made state machinery'. His prediction was brilliantly proved correct in "Today in 1917, in the epoch of the first great imperialist war, Marx's exception is no longer the actual conditions of the Bolshevik Revolution valid .... Today both in England and America, in 1917. the 'essential' thing for 'every real people's The German Social Democratic leadership, con­ revolution' is the smashing, the destruction of fronted with this Preface, carefully suppressed the the 'ready-made state machinery' (brought in key revolutionary passages in it, so that in the these countries between 1914 and 1917 to general published version the balanced picture of the 'European' imperialist perfection)." relationship of peaceful and non-peaceful forms (Selected Works, Vol. 7, p. 37.) of struggle was distorted into the preaching of Similarly, commenting on Engels' reflections on legality at all costs as the only future path. On the Erfurt Programme, Lenin wrote: April 3rd, 1895, Engels wrote in fury to Lafargue "Engels declares that precisely because there to express his anger that the extracts from his was no republic and no freedom in Germany, the Preface had been used to make him appear "in dreams of a 'peaceful' path were absolutely support of peaceful, anti-violent tactics at any absurd. Engels is sufficiently careful not to tie price" whereas "I preach those tactics only for his hands. He admits that in republican or very the Germany of today and even then, with many free countries 'one can conceive' (only 'con­ reservations. For France, Belgium, Italy, Austria, ceive'!) of a peaceful development towards such tactics could not be followed as a whole, and socialism .. . ." for Germany they could become inapplicable (ibid.) tomorrow." This, of course, is characteristic of Lenin. Work­ One can sum up, therefore, on the position of ing in conditions of Tsarist absolutism and Marx and Engels in the last century when the illegality (which only ended with the February working-class movement was still weak and when Revolution), writing at the height of the First no socialist countries existed. They did not say World War, one could understand if he had that armed struggle was a universal law to be brushed aside all these considerations of Marx and applied irrespective of conditions. There were two Engels as now irrelevant. But he did not. He possibilities, peaceful and non-peaceful, depending accepted that in the historical conditions Marx on the actual circumstances and relation of and Engels were dealing with, the possibility of forces in each country. Special regard had to be peaceful transition was there. paid to the political institutiop.s, the customs and Exceptionally interesting was Lenin's treatment traditions in each country, including the powers of this issue in the period of the argument with • or otherwise of parliament. The outcome largely the "Left" Communists in Russia in 1918 (see depended on whether the ruling class resorted to Selected Works, Vol. 7, pp. 368-70). Bukharin violence or whether the conditions could be de­ recalled that Marx thought it advantageous in veloped which could prevent violence on their certain circumstances for the working class to part. Theirs was a non-dogmatic position. "buy off" the capitalists. Lenin argued that what The Chinese comrades, of course, know all this. Marx wrote did not apply to the conditions of Their answer is to quote Lenin's conclusion that Soviet Russia in May 1918. But his comments are the exception allowed for by Marx in England and instructive. He said that at the time Marx wrote, elsewhere had become outdated by history. England was still a country where militarism and bureaucracy were less pronounced. Lenin on the Road to -Socialism "A country in which there was the greatest Lenin's treatment is important. Before he en­ possibility of a 'peaceful' victory for socialism gaged in his polemic with Kautsky, he dealt with by the workers 'buying off' the bourgeoisie. And the matter in State and Revolution, written in Marx says : under certain conditions the workers 1917. Commenting on the Letter to Kugelmann certainly will not refuse to buy off the bour­ which we have quoted above, Lenin remarks that geoisie. Marx did not commit himself-or tile future leaders of the socialist revolution--

202 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964

change in the process of the revolution, and that power by a minority" (p. 117). Three days later, the situation would change radically and often on April 25th, he was repeating, "While you, in the process of revolution." Messrs. Capitalists, who are in control of the Lenin's attitude, therefore, was clear. No prin­ army command, have not yet begun practising ciple was involved for Marxism on the issue of violence, we, the Pravdists, we of the Party, con­ peaceful or violent revolution, and indeed, no fine ourselves to the struggle for influence among revolutionary leader would tie the hands of future the proletarian masses, the struggle for influence revolutionary leaders. Marx had stressed the among the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' possibility of peaceful change as an exception, and Deputies.... " (p. 172) now the historical conditions which made Britain In May he was writing that in Russia there was an exception had changed, especially with the no·w such a degree of freedom "that enables us development of the state and the growth of to ascertain the will of the majority by the com­ militarism. position of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' It is not surprising that in the circumstances of Deputies. Therefore, the proletarian party, if it his times the great bulk of Lenin's writings teach seriously wishes to gain power (not Blanquist the necessity of violent revolution. fashion) must fight for influence within the Soviets." (p. 260) Russian Revolution-February to August On May 18th, 1917, as a result of the Pro­ But it is instructive to examine his treatment visional Government's Declaration of May 1st of the possibility of the peaceful development of that it would continue the imperialist war to a the Russian Revolution over the whole period decisive victory, and the growing opposition, a from February to November 1917. Even in the decided shift to the right took place. A second appalling conditions of the First World War, with Provisional Government was fo rmed-this time a a developing revolutionary situation over a great Coalition Gnvernment, including representatives part of Europe, Lenin allowed for this possibility, of the Soviet; Tseretelli and Skobelev of the slight though it was, and tried to bring it about. Mensheviks; Kerensky and Chernov of the The Chinese, in their argument, say it is Socialist-Revolutionists; and two of the People's sophistry tn refer to these thoughts of Lenin, that Socialists. That is, six from the Soviet out of 14, they have no validity for the modern situation. the others being Cadets or other bourgeois groups They agree that, for some time after February from the previous Provisional Government. An 1917, Lenin allowed for this as an exception be­ attack was launched on all the liberties won by the cause of the special circumstances existing then, revolution, the question was being asked, had but that "in July 1917 the counter-revolutionary dual power disappeared, and Lenin answered : bourgeois government suppressed the masses by "No, dual power is still here. The basic question force of arms. . . . After this incident Lenin de­ of state power is still in an indefinite, unstable clared that 'all hopes fnr a peaceful development and transitory state." In a speech on June 17th, of the Russian Revolution have vanished'." (p. 20) he said: Lenin was concerned to win over the masses, "It is one thing or the other: either we have to win a majority in the Soviets, to win over the an ordinary bourgeois government-then there is army, and if possible achieve a peaceful develop­ nn need for peasants', workers', soldiers', or any ment of the revolution. Putschism was alien to other kind of Soviets, then they will be dispersed him. by the generals . . . or we have a real govern­ The March Revolution was only the first stage, ment of the Soviets .... Friction, Party struggle was his theme. "Only when the largest possible for power within the All-Russian Soviets are masses of the population are enlightened, only inevitable." (Collected Works, Vol. XX, Part II, p. 196.) when they are organised, ~ n complete victory of the next stage of the revolution and the conquest The developments of June and July were of power by a workers' government be secured." critical. Having prohibited the Bolshevik demon­ (Collected Works, Part I, Vol. XX, p. 26.) The stration of June 23rd, the Soviet Congress was Soviets existing alongside the Provisional Govern­ itself compelled by pressure to· call a demonstra­ ment constituted a dual power although as yet tion for July 1st, when 400,000 soldiers and weak and embryonic. The task, he wrote on April workers came out, most of the banners bearing 22nd : "to become a power, the class-conscious the slogan "All Power to the Soviets" and other workers must win the majority over tn their side. Bolshevik slogans. So long as no violence is committed against the - On that same day the Provisional Government's masses, there is nn other road to power. We are long-planned offensive on the Western front not Blanquists, we are not for the seizure of began, which was completely defeated two days MARXISM TODAY, JULY J964 203 later. The defeat at the front, and sabotage by the ing all power; the contact between all the Soviet capitalists, increased the economic difficulties. On parties and all the masses could have followed July 15th, 1917, the Cadets in the Provisional this course had power in due time passed to Government resigned, and a few days later a the Soviets. It would have been most easy, most second Coalition Government was formed, headed advantageous for the people. Such a course would have been the most painless, and it was, by Kerensky, with seven other representatives of therefore, necessary to fight for it. . . . " the Soviets, and seven Cadets. (Collected Works, Vol. XXI, Part I, pp. 43-4.) On July 16th and 17th, spontaneous demonstra­ tions developed, the Bolsheviks calling for a September and October peaceful demonstration. The demonstrators were On September 8th, following a secret agreement fired on, and returned the fire. On July 18th, with the Provisional Government, Kornilov moved counter-revolutionary troops brought in by some Cossack detachments to the capital. Then he Kerensky and military cadets suppressed the demanded the creation of a new government able movement and made arrests. The Pravda build­ to smother the revolution, with himself as dicta­ ings were destroyed. tor. Kerensky was forced to declare him a traitor. It was then, July 23rd, that Lenin wrote his The Petrograd and Moscow Soviets joined in the article on The Political Situation, to which the defence, and the Bolsheviks sent agitators to meet Chinese refer. "The counter-revolution has be­ the Kornilov detachments and succeeded in dis­ come organised and consolidated, and has actually integrating them. Throughout September, Lenin taken state power into its hands .... All hopes for was continually stressing the need for a new a peaceful development of the Russian Revolution revolution. He suggested on September 14th-16th have definitely vanished." (Collected Works, Vol. that the Party should offer a voluntary com­ XXI, Part I, pp. 36-7.) promise to the Socialist Revolutionaries and the He explained the whole position in detail in Mensheviks : his article On Slogans: "The compromise on our part is our return t.o "During that period of our revolution, now the pre-July demand of All Power to the Soviets, past, there prevailed in the state the so-called a government of S.R.s and Mensheviks respon­ 'dual power' which both materially and formally sible to the Soviets. expressed the indefinite and transitory character "Now, and only now, perhaps only for a few of state power. ... At that time, power was in days, or for a week or two, such a government a state of flux. It was shared, under a voluntary could be created and established in a perfectly agreement, by the Provisional Government and peaceful way. In all probability it could secure a the Soviets. The Soviets represented delegations peaceful forward march of the whole Russian from the mass of free workers and soldiers, Revolution, and unusually good chances for big i.e. such as are not subject to any force from strides forward by the world movement towards without. The workers and soldiers were armed. peace and towards the victory of socialism. Arms in the hands of the people, and the absence "Only for the sake of this peaceful develop­ of an outside force over the people--this is what ment of the revolution-a possibility that is the situation was in essence. This is what opened extrem ely rare in history and extremely valuable, and guaranteed a peaceful road of development a possibility to be found only in exceptional cases for the whole revolution. The slogan 'All Power -can and must the Bolsheviks, partisans of a Passing to the Soviets' was the slogan of the world revolution, partisans. of revolutionary next step which could be immediately made along methods, agree to such a compromise, in my this peaceful road of development. . . . We say opinion.... peaceful, not only because nobody, no class, no " ... really full freedom of propaganda and the single force of importance, was then . .. able to immediate realisation of a new democracy in the resist or to prohibit the transfer of power to the composition of ·the Soviets (new elections to Soviets. This alone is not the '1itole story. Peace­ them) and in their functioning would in them­ ful development would then nave been possible selves secure a peaceful forward movement of even in the sense that the struggle of classes and the revolution, a peaceful outcome of the Party parties within the Soviets could-provided full strife within the Soviets. state power had passed to the latter in due time "Perhaps this is already impossible? But even -have taken the most peaceful and painless if there is one chance in a hundred, the attempt forms .... Had they had full power, then the at realising such a possibility would still be main short-comings of the petty-bourgeois worth while." (pp. 153-4) circles, their main fault, namely, their confidence The compromise was rejected. But on Septem­ in the capitalists, would have been overcome in ber 29th, Lenin again returned to the theme of the practice. . . . The classes and parties which had power could have succeeded each other peace­ possibility ·Of peaceful transition : fully inside the Soviets as the only body possess- "If there is an absolutely undisputed lesson of 204 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964

the revolution, one absolutely proven by facts, they will secure not only the support of nine­ it is that only a union of the Bolsheviks with tenths of the population of Russia.•. . the S.R.s and Mensheviks, only an immediate "There could be no question of any resistance passing. of all power to the Soviets would make to the Soviets if there were no vacillations on civil war in Russia impossible. For no civil war their part .... begun by the bourgeo-isie against such a union, "Having seized power, the Soviets could still against the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and at present-and this is probably their last chance Peasants' Deputies is thinkable; such a war -secure a peaceful development of the revolu­ would not even live to see one battle.... tion, peaceful elections of the deputies by the "The peaceful development of any revolution people, a peaceful struggle of parties inside the is, generally speaking, an extremely rare and Soviets, a testing of the programmes of various difficult thing, for the revolution is the maximum parties in practice, a peaceful passing of power sharpening of the sharpest class contradictions; from one party to another." (p. 263-4) but in a peasant country ... a peaceful develop­ With the successive rejection of Lenin's pro­ ment of the revolution is possible and probable posals by the Mensheviks and the S.R.s, the if all po-wer passes to the Soviets. . . . chance of a peaceful development ·of the revolu­ "Against Soviets that have given all the land to the peasants without compensation and offer tion was finally lost. a just peace to all the peoples, against such From then on all Lenin's writings, mainly in Soviets a union of the English and French with the form of letters, were insistently directed to the Russian bourgeoisie ... presents no dangers the preparation of insurrection. (See Collected at all: it is completely impo-tent." (pp. 237-8) Works, Vol. XXI, Part II.) On October 14th, in a letter to the Central Committee, the Moscow He added that if it was possible to get a union Committee, Petrograd Committee and the Bol­ of the city workers with the poorest peasantry by shevik members of the Soviet, he insisted power the passing of power to the Soviets, so much the must be taken immediately, to hesitate would be better. "The Bolsheviks will do to everything a crime. secure this course of the development of peaceful Yet even then he wrote: the revolution." "If po-wer cannot be obtained without in­ Almost on the eve of the seizure of power on surrection, we must resort to insurrection at once. October 9th-10th, in his article, The Tasks of the It may very well be that right now power can Revolution, be again returned to this theme: be obtained without an insurrection, for example, "The Kornilov affair is instructive. · The if the Moscow Soviet took power at once, Kornilov affair has proved very instructive. immediately, and proclaimed itself (together with "It is impossible to know whether the Soviets the Petrograd Soviet) the government." will be able to go further than the leaders of the (Lenin's Selected Works in 3 volumes, Vol. 2, S.R.s and Mensheviks, and thus secure a peace­ pp. 466-467, Lawrence and Wishart, 1964.) ful development of the revolution, or whether On October 23rd came the resolution of the they will continue to mark time, thus making a Central Committee on the uprising-That the proletarian revolution inevitable. C.C. ... "We cannot know this. "recognises that the international situation of the "Our business is to help to do everything Russian revolution (the mutiny in the navy in possible to secure the 'last' chance for a peaceful Germany as the extreme manifestation of the development of the revolution, to help this by growth in all of Europe of the world-wide presenting our programme, by making clear its socialist revolution; the threat of a peace be­ general, national character, its absolute harmony tween the imperialists with the aim of crushing with the interests and demands of an enormous the Revolution in Russia) as well as the military majority of the population... . " (p. 257) situation (the undoubted decision of the Russian "Before the democracy of Russia, before the bourgeoisie and Kerensky and Cn. to surrender Soviets, before the S.R. an~ Menshevik Parties, Petrograd to the Germans) and the fact that the there opens now a possibility very seldom to be proletarian parties have gained a majority in the met with in the history of revolutions, namely, a Soviets; all this, coupled with the peasant possibility of securing the convocation of the uprising and with a shift of the people's con­ Constituent Assembly at the appo-inted date with­ fidence towards our party (elections in Moscow); out new delays, a possibility . of securing the finally the obvious preparation for a second country against a military and eco11omic Kornilov affair (the withdrawal of troops from catastrophe, a possibility of securing a peaceful Petrogn;td; the bringing of Cossacks to Petrograd; development of the revolution. the surrounding of Minsk by Cossacks, etc.)­ "If the Soviets now take state power into their places the armed uprising on the. order of the hands, fully and exclusively, with the purpose of day." .. · .; ;ccarcyiiig out the programme s'et forth above, (CiOllected Works, Vol. XXI, Part Il, p. 107.) MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 205

Finally, the famous letter to Members of the this corresponded with the actual situation. With Central Committee of November 6th-to delay German defeat and the abdication of the Kaiser, action is the same as death. power was put into the hands of the working class What is the conclusion of all this? The Feb­ in the Workers' and Soldiers'. Councils. Ebert, ruary Revolution won new conditions of liberty Scheideman and - Noske, the Social Democratic and organisation in Russia. The Soviets; demo­ leaders, forming the German Provisional Govern­ cratic representative bodies, had been thrown up ment, entered into active alliance with Hinde1,1- in the struggle (no democratic representative in­ berg and the General Staffs to use force to save stitutions existed) alongside the Provisional German capitalism and crush the working· class Government headed by Kerensky and the bour­ and the German Revolution of 1918. geois parties. The army was disorganised by It is against this historic background that Lenin defeats in the war, the desire for peace was over­ returned to Marx's references on the exceptional whelming, a revolutionary situation existed, condition of England. When Kautsky used Marx sections of the workers were armed, the question on the possibility of a democratic transition it was was which would prevail, the Provisional Govern­ to oppose the fact of the German revolution and ment or the Soviets. For eight months the struggle of revolution in Europe. In defending the so-called went on, a mass political struggle to win the parliamentary position, he was defending the masses, to win the army. At the first Congress of bourgeois. state machine. So Lenin concluded: Soviets in June 1917, the Bolsheviks accounted "Kautsky, the 'historian', so shamelessly for 13 per cent of the deputies; at the Second falsities history that he forgets the fundamental on November 1st, 51 per cent, and not until June fact that pre-monopoly capitalism, which reached 1918 had they won 61 per cent. Lenin continually its zenith in the seventies of the nineteenth cen­ stressed that with the balance of power the Soviets tury, was, by virtue of its fundamental economic could take over without bloodshed and the future traits (which were most typical in England and course of the revolution would be decided by the America) distinguished by its relative attachment political struggle of the parties within the Soviets to peace and freedom. Imperialism, i.e. monopoly capitalism, which finally matured only in the and among the masses. In the event the peaceful twentieth century, is by virtue of its fundamental transformation did not take place. Power was economic traits, distinguished by the least attach­ seized with arms on November 7th. But every­ ment to peace and freedom, and by the greatest thing possible was done to take advantage of the and universal development of militarism every­ possibility of a peaceful development. where. To 'fail to notice this' in discussing the extent to which a peaceful or violent revolution Lenin's Conclusions is typical .or probable, is to stoop to the position If this was the case in Tsarist Russia in the of a common or garden lackey of die hour~ conditions of 1917, surely the general line of geoisie." (Selected Works, Vol. VII, pp. 125-6.) Lenin's approach is significant for the conditions of 1964 in Britain. Here democratic institutions, So the general position of Lenin was that in that is assemblies elected by universal suffrage, the the circumstances of his time the non-peaceful product of a long struggle for liberty do exist. way was being forced on the working class by The_task is to win a majority in these institutions the development of imperialism and counter­ by mass political work, to isolate the monopolies revolution. Lenin was above all a creative Marxist. and their Party, to seek allies between the Com­ He insisted on studying every new development munists and all democratic forces, and to battle thoroughly. He refused to be shackled by what out in our democratic institutions, as well as in had previously been said about totally different mass struggle outside, the problems of power and circumstances. Lenin would have been the first, the advance to socialism. had he lived, to have looked at everything afresh In.1918, in the aftermath of t!te war, almost the in the light of the colossal world changes and the whole of defeated Europe was confronted with a changes in particular countr-ies. revolutionary situation. The idea of Soviets and social revolution was sweeping ·central· Europe. Historical Changes Social Democracy became .the agents of counter­ The question is-have furtherhistorica:t changes revolution, counterposing slogans of parliamen­ during these _40 years made ,the: road to peaceful tarianism to the actual realisation of the revolu­ change in some co.u11tries mor~- o_r les!l · pqssible? tion. It is in this setting that -Lenin waged his Ot:, i1,1 brief, are· the Chinese lya,ders correct tl;lat palemic with the renegade Kautsky. It 'is not anned struggl~ is now universal ~OJ:; ail -places an~ surprising. that Lenin stressed that the developing all time? · · .. · ···· . counter-revolution had to. be· met with force-for - Our-ca.se is>that in, the AO year~ sine~ Leni~ 206 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964

wrote, and particularly in the last 20 years, cir­ be producing twice as much as the whole capitalist cumstances have changed in such a way as to world put together. If the power of socialism can make a peaceful transition possible in some do so much to aid new governments and stop the countries. There is no argument that in other export of revolution now, how much more impor­ countries, perhaps the majority, the working class tant these powers will become with each succeed­ and national liberation movement have no alterna­ ing year. tive but to take the violent road. This has never been in dispute by any Communist. Perspective for Britain Our Party has always defended, and, to the best But, of course, social revolution does not come of our ability, has assisted any subject people from without whatev·er the power of the socialist in the British Empire in their struggles. We have world. Our case is that the basic social contradic­ exposed and fought against the intolerable im­ tions are growing in Britain and the working class perialist dictatorial rule, the reason for national and democratic forces are increasing. revolt. So today, for example, we fully support Internally the concentration of economic and the South African national liberation forces in political power more and more in the hands of their just revolt against the hated rule of apartheid. the monopolists,, the squeezing out of the small Our long record of principle in relation to the people, the fact that imperialism and monopoly struggles in Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanganyika, attack not only the working class but the petty­ India, Ceylon, Burma, Malaya, and in support of bourgeoisie, the different sections of the middle whatever forms the movements there have con­ cla·ss and even the small shopkeeper, opens up the sidered justified, is well known. possibility and the need to unite all sections of The question for us is the line of strategy, the the people-the vast majority-against the road to social revolution in advanced capitalist monopolists. This can only take place successfully countries like ours where we have won a large under the leadership of the working class degree of political liberty. As far as Britain is concerned, it is a country Put briefly, our general case is this: whose ·Working class in industry and agriculture The issue is not whether Communists would makes up the great majority of the population. We prefer the peaceful advance. We would all prefer agree there is a powerful military, bureaucratic it. Nor is the issue whether force used by the state machine. But we also see the working class bourgeoisie should be answered by force. We all as a highly organised working class with a long agree it should. tradition of struggle and civil liberties. In addition The issue is-are there more favourable pos­ considerable sections of people employed by the sibilities for the advance to socialism on which state machine are being drawn into the class we should base our strategy? struggle through their trade unions. As we have seen our position is not contrary to The problem is ·that the grip of the right-wing Marx, Engels and Lenin-it is a development of Social Democrats on the Labour movement to a their ideas in the light of historical changes since large extent paralyses it and prevents its power their time and applying their principles. to the from being used. analysis of these changes and the conclusions to Once that grip is broken the potential power of be drawn. the British working class will be overwhelming. Our opinion is that, because of the changes of As Engels said: "There is no power in the world the past 40 years, peaceful transition is, in a which could for a day resist the British working number of countries, now a real opportunity. class organised as a body." In view of the mono­ Both external and internal factors make pos­ poly attacks on all middle sections, with unity, sible a new approach. Externally, the strength of the working class could rally the vast majority of the socialist forces, the enormous attractive power the population. of socialist ideas, the superi"'rity of socialism in Of course, we are not Utopian Socialists. We the fight for victory in peaceful competition, the do not expect the capitalists to be converted to victories of the national liberation forces, the socialism because of the example of the socialist possibility of preventing imperialist attempts to countries. The aim must be to· confront the capi­ export counter-revolution, and the perspective of talists with such overwhelming strength that they preventing world war, are the factors which are compelled to accept the democratic verdict facilitate a peaceful transition. of the people. It goes without saying that the economic, poli­ At the same time we warn the people that the tical and moral superiority of the socialist sector capitalists may stake everything on a desperate of the world will grow. At present rates of econo­ resistance, and that the working-class forces must mic devel()pment, by 1980 the socialist world will be prepared to rebuff force with force. MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 207

It is obvious that we do not consider that only to cope with violent suppression by the domestic parliamentary methods should be used. That reactionary ruling classes, but must prepare would be a ludicrous misrepresentation of our themselves fully against armed intervention by position. We have fought reformists for years on imperialism, and especially U.S. imperialism." (p. 35) this issue, always stressing the necessity for mass struggle outside Parliament. With the exception of Greece, all these were The Chinese comrades, of course, subscribe to and are national liberation struggles. the changes in the world situation, which are The fact is, however, that despite the enormous patent and obvious-the enormous growth of the growth of militarism and intervention and socialist camp, the vast sweep• of national libera­ attempted intervention, the victories of the tion, which have changed the world balance of national liberation struggles have far outweighed power in favour of socialism, peace and progress. any defeats. One would think it is clear that in such circum­ Since the Second World War, over fifty coun­ stances more favourable conditions arise of the tries have won political freedom from imperialist possibilities of peaceful transition in countries rule. In all of them there was the most bitter l.ike Britain. The Chinese argue the opposite, struggle of the most varied kinds; in some of namely, what was considered a rare or exceptional them, long, bitter national liberation wars, in possibility in the time of Marx, Engels and Lenin, some partial armed struggle, in yet other·s no when there was no socialist world and imperialism armed struggle. was supreme, is now absolutely impossible despite The attempts at armed intervention by im­ the change in the balance of world forces. perialism have more often been prevented and Here the Chinese will claim that they are fol­ defeated than they have been successful. Why? lowing Lenin. That just as he pointed out that First of all because of the united national charac­ the growth of militarism and the state bureaucracy ter of the movements; second, because of the aid removed Marx's famous exception in the period and strength of the socialist world, and third, of the First World War, so the even greater because of the solidarity struggle of the working growth of militarism in the U.S. and Britain since class and democratic movement in the imperialist the Second World War rules out the exception countries. now. The matter was put very well by Castro in his They write: speech in Moscow on April 28th, 1963 : "Without the existence of the Soviet Union, "Two outstanding facts since World War II are the Socialist revolution in Cuba would not have that the imperialists and the reactionaries are been possible. This, however, does not at all everywhere reinforcing their apparatus of mean that the Cuban revolution was carried out violence for cruelly suppressing the masses and by the Soviet Union. Notwithstanding the whole that imperialism, headed by the United States, stream of slander and lies, the enemies of the is conducting counter-revolutionary armed inter­ Soviet Union have not gone to the length of vention in all parts of the world." (pp. 28-9) asserting that. It means that without the existence of the Soviet Union, the imperialists would have New Possibilities strangled any national liberation revolution in This, of course, is a powerful argument and the Latin America." Chinese leaders are right to stress it (so did the Or, as Ben Bella put it after the negotiations 1960 Statement). But, of course, it is the one side with the Soviet Union in May this year, the agree­ of the picture. The other side is the tremendous ment reached "makes it possible to protect Algeria growth of the socialist and progressive forces. The from the forces which are trying to throw it off issue is-who will beat whom? its chosen path". There is no doubt, too, that In answer to the statemen!,.that the changed despite all problems and difficulties the movement balance of power can stop imperialist intervention will triumph in South Vietnam, Korea, Laos and and lessen the possibility of the bourgeoisie un­ Cyprus. leashing civil war, they instance U.S. intervention In Greece, the Karamanlis Government has on the side of Chiang, in Greece, Korea, the been defeated by the electoral victory of the left Lebanon, Laos, U.N. intervention in the Congo, and centre forces. Tony Ambatielos and the Greek the attacks on Cuba, the war on South Vietnam, democratic leaders imprisoned for 17 years have Panama and Cyprus. And they draw the con­ been released. New possibilities of democratic clusion: advance are opening up in Greece. "Facts have demonstrated that nowadays in The question of the path of development to order to make revolutions and achieve liberation socialism after the anti-imperialist revolution is a all oppressed peoples and nations not only have complex one. What are the Chinese comrades 208 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 trying to argue? That these countries should resort tematic critique for years, what are the tasks of to self-defence if imperialism attacks them is Communists in such a situation-to remain in­ obvious. Here the socialist wodd has played the different? No, even the Chinese comrades are major role in providing· the means for such self­ agreed here. defence, and also in many cases of preventing In such conditions the task of the Communist attempts at intervention. But within these countries Parties is to develop the broadest mass movements -is it to be armed· struggle as the path to social­ and struggle to defeat the monopolists, for the ism? In some cases maybe. But is it not more fullest extension of democracy, for resistance to likely that there will be a non-violent path of unjust electoral laws, and for representative non-capitalist development as suggested in the parliaments. 1960 Statement? Are not Algeria and other But what is the conclusion to all this and the countries showing this? determining factor in our strategy? It is the ruling class which is out to destroy and limit democracy. The Fight for Democracy Our task is to defend and extend it and to show However, for us in our political conditions all that the full flowering of democracy is bound up this misses the issue. Our problem, as we have with the battle for socialism. In other words, we said, is the path of social revolution in the coun­ have to present a democratic advance to socialism. tries where a large field of democratic freedoms In this we are guided by two important has been won. thoughts of Lenin. Discussing the relationship How do the Chinese comrades put the issue of between socialism and democracy, Lenin wmte: the working-class struggle in such countries? They "It would be a fundamental mistake to suppose write: that the struggle for democracy can divert ·the "We have always held that the proletarian proletariat from the socialist revolution, or parties in the capitalist countries must actively obscure it, or overshadow it, etc. On the contrary, lead the working class and the working people in just as socialism cannot be victorious unless it struggle to oppose monopoly capital, to defend introduces complete democracy, so the proletariat democratic rights, to improve living conditions, will be unable to prepare for victory over the to oppose imperialist arms expenditure and war bourgeoisie unless it wages a many-sided, con­ preparations, to defend world peace and tn give sistent and revolutionary struggle for democracy." vigorous support to the revolutionary struggles (Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 268.) of the oppressed nations." (p. 40) Our approach, therefore, is a Leninist approach. But to the argument that the fight for socialism and the struggle for democracy in the capitalist Forms of Transition countries are intertwined, they say this is to sub­ But in addition Lenin asked us to focus our stitute immediate for long-range struggles and attention on "searching out forms of tramition reformism for proletarian revolution. And they or approach to the proletarian revolution". quote Lenin "every democratic demand . . . is For us, a country in which the tradition of for the class-conscious workers subordinated to struggle for democracy is strong and a dominant the higher interest·s of socialism". force in our history, the issue of our attitude to So it is. But for the Chinese to quote Lenin in Parliament arose. this way simply begs the question. Again Lenin's thoughts here are of the greatest Our political struggle takes place in the actual interest, for Lenin understood British conditions political conditions of Britain and Western Europe. well. What are they? The growth of monopoly capi­ In the famous discussion with the "left" in talism and the state threatens every democratic May 1918, when Bukharin referred to Marx's right. The monopolists seek to undermine all remark that under certain conditions, it would be parliamentary institutions, t ~ shackle the trade more expedient for the working class to "buy off unions and the right to strike, and oppose the this gang" (the capitalists), Lenin discussed the broad masses of the people. basic relationship of forces in Britain which made The November 1959 meeting of the Communist this possible. Parties of capitalist Europe pointed to the exis­ "(i) the absolute preponderance of workers, i.e. tence of fascist dictatorships in Spain and proletarians, owing to the absence of a Portugal, the de Gaulle regime in France, the peasantry . . . (ii) the excellent organisation of general movement of the .monopolists. to circum­ the proletariat in trade unions (England was at scribe and hamstring democratic life. While we that time the leading country in the world in expose all the limitations of bourgeois democracy this respect); (iii) the comparatively high level and our Party has carried on a basic and sys- of culture of the proletariat which had been MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 209

trained by centuries of political liberty; (iv) the sections of the people; that there must be a old habit of the well-organised English capitalists Party based on Marxism and the principles of of settling political and economic questions by democratic centralism, capable of giving leader­ compromise. . . . These were the circumstances ship in the struggle against capitalism and in the which at that time gave rise to the idea that the building ·of socialism. A Socialist Government, peaceful subjugation of the English capitalists backed up by the working class and the people, by the workers was possible." must take over the basic means of production, (Selected W arks, Vol. VII, p. 369.) carry through the measures necessary to end The absolute preponderance of the workers in exploitation, develop a planned socialist the population has not only risen since 1918, economy, raise living standards, prevent obstruc­ tion and sabotage by the capitalists and landlords, particularly since the war a community of in­ abolish national oppression, and consistently terests between the working class and the middle apply the principles of working-class inter­ sections of the population has grown as monopoly nationalism." capitalism has grown. All this creates important new political possibilities of alliance between the Pointing out that more than a third of the working class and the middle sections. Trade world's population had taken the socialist road union organisation, particularly in the workshops, and the vast advance of national liberation, is stronger, Communist influence higher and an countries that now took the socialist path would important new post-1945 phenomenon is the have powerful allies and would no longer have to growth of white-collar trade unionism, again face single-handed a hostile capitalist encircle­ creating rich new anti-monopoly possibilities. As ment, the Programme declared : for our centuries o.f political liberties the develop­ "On this background, and with the increasing ments since 1918, whatever the problems, have strength of the working class and progressive been to strengthen democratic institutions and movement throughout the world, a transition to particularly over recent years the criticism of the socialism without armed conflict is possible today "establishment" has grown. in many countries. "This is particularly true of our country, whose As for Lenin's fourth point, the English ruling powerful Labour movement embodies the British class, of course, will compromise only to the workers' fighting ability and experience of extent that they are forced to compromise, no struggle, and where there is a strong tradition more: our case rests not on compromise but on of democratic institutions. At a time of mounting strength. class struggle, when the entire working class is But, of course, on the other side, we are also brought into action and is supported by other clear .that the growth of militarism and the power sections of the population, a general election of the state bureaucracy are an outstanding de­ fought on the issue of a socialist solution to velopment in Britain since 1918. Britain's problems could bring decisive results. It could return to Parliament a Socialist Labour These thoughts plus the changes in the total and Communist majority and establish a Socialist world situation gave rise to our fundamental Government which, with the backing of the presentation in The British Road to Socialism. people, would begin to carry through a funda­ The main ideas are well known and can be sum­ mental social change. marised. "In this way, using our traditional institutions and rights, we can transform Parliament into the British Road to Socialism effective instrument of the people's will, through which the major legislative measures of the First, our · Programme clearly stated the issue change to socialism will be carried. Using the was that of political state power. "Political power rights already won in the Labour movement's must be taken from the hands of the capitalist historic struggle for democracy, we can change minority and firmly grasped by the majority of capitalist democracy, dominated by wealth and the people, led by the working""t:lass." privilege, into socialist democracy, where only The people of different countries had taken the interests of the people count." power into their hands in different ways according It is clear from all this that our argumentation to conditions in their countries and in the world wa·s following Marx, Engels and Lenin. Working as a whole. in ·Our circumstances we must present the struggle We then argued that whatever the different to defend and extend democracy. It is along these conditions, thel'e were certain essential require­ lines tliat our path to socialism lies. This is the ments for the advance to socialism• in every only realistic strategy which corresponds to our country including Britain : actual political circumstances. "These are : that power must be taken by the Either the bourgeoisie wins the battle and working class supported by other progressive destroys democracy, in which case violence will 210 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 prevail, or the people win the battle, in which Attitude to the Labour Party case it will transform the bourgeois democracy It is clear that the realisation of this aim de­ into socialist democracy by peaceful means, im­ pends on the progressive development of the posing its will on the ruling class. present political position in Britain and above all For the strategy of peaceful transition, for on the development of working-class uriity. A democratic advance to socialism, the question of key question here for the Communist Party is its alliances and the attitude to other parties, par­ attitude to the Labour Party. ticularly the Labour Party, is of the greatest im­ On this, the Chinese position is as follows: portance. Here arises, too, the connection between "The social democratic parties are not parties the present political situation in Britain and the of socialism. With the exception of certain left future advance to socialism. wings, they are parties serving the bourgeoisie and capitalism. They are a variety of bourgeois The characteristic of the present position in political parties. On the question of socialist Britain is that the movement against the Tory revolution, our position is fundamentally dif­ Government is on a very wide scale. The economic ferent from that of the social democratic parties. policy of the monopolies, wage restraint and so on This 9istinchon must not be obscured. To is directed not only against the working class, but obscure this distinction only helps the leaders of affects the professional and middle sections, the the social democratic parties. to deceive the small shopkeepers, the farmers and the pensioners. masses and hinders us from winning the masses There is growing concern about mergers and away from the influence of the social democratic monopoly concentration and the threat to demo­ parties. "However, it is unquestionably very important cratic rights. The imperialist foreign policy has to strengthen our work with respect to the social brought into being wide movements going far democratic parties and strive to establish a united beyond the working class, such as C.N.D. and front with their left and middle groups." the Anti-Apartheid Movement, wide cultural (On the Origin and Development of the movements, united action on educational advance, Differences, p. 61.) etc. Politically all this is expressed in the wide­ This quotation, however, really begs the ques­ spread swing to Labour, the (still modest) advance tion. The Labour Party, as at present led and con­ of the Communist Party, and the Liberal revival. stituted, is certainly not a party of socialism. It In the immediate situation as we have argued does serve the bourgeoisie and capitalism; for 40 at our 28th National Congress, the aim is a years we have been pointing this out. But this does Labour and Communist majority in Parliament. not make it just "a variety of bourgeois political We have pointed out .that the battle for a socialist parties". Why have the Labour Parties a left wing­ policy must be waged alongside the struggle to with which the aim of Communists should be to defeat the Tories. Our tactics now and the impor­ unite? There is no aim to unite with any section tant political developments which can flow from of the Tory or Liberal Parties. them have a great bearing in creating the neces­ Social democracy is essentially a product of the sary political conditions for the alliance of forces­ countries of Western capitalism. The imperialist required for an advance to socialism in Britain. conditions bred the conditions of social reformism On this what did our Programme say? which it expresses. It hardly exists in the countries It pointed out that the working class constituted of Asia, Africa and Latin America. But it is a fully two-thirds of the population. In addition, central problem for the advance of social revolu­ the professional sections, small businessmen and tion in the major capitalist countries. working farmers were hit by the monopolists and This matter, which has been of profound con­ had a community of interests with the working cern to us over

bloc vote. In its origin it was a federal union of But this perspective, too, also raises the question the working class, bringing together the trade of future long-term aims. To this our 27th Con­ unions, the co-operatives, and the socialist gress gave an equally clear answer: societies. The British Socialist Party, a founding "The Communist Party has always striven and organisation of the Communist Party, was always will strive for unity and agreement with affiliated to the Labour Party. The aim of the the Labour Party, not only in the day-to-day continued campaigns of the Communist Party be­ struggle, but for the achievement of political tween 1920 and 1946 was to have the organised power and socialism. The obstacle to this unity party ·Of socialism, the Communist Party, inside has always been the right wing and its policies. the broad Labour Party to transform its character Today it is becoming increasingly clear that the from reformist and capitalist policies to indepen­ struggle opened up by Scarborough must be dent working-class politics and socialism. Equally, carried forward to the final elimination of right­ wing capitalist influence and leadership in the right-wing strategy in refusing affiliation, imposing Labour Party. This could bring about the victory bans and prescriptions, discipline and expulsions, of a united Labour movement in which the was to· transform it into a rigid Social Democratic Communist Party, as the political class party of party on continental lines. the working-class struggle for power and social­ In 1946 the Labour Party Constitution was ism, will fulfil its role in comradeship, partner­ changed to rule out the affiliation of the Com­ ship and agreement with all >the advancing munist Party. Yet the trade unions remain the sections of the organised working class. For our main mass membership of the Labour Party. The part we look forward to a future when we shall trade unions are united class bodies of the workers be able to see the fulfilment of a united working­ class party based on Marxism." with different political views, whose elementary (Report of 27th National Congress, p. 21.) class interests conflict with the political aims of the right-wing Labour leaders. From this follows our proposals regarding the The whole history of the Labour Party has been nature of the Socialist Government put in The the history of the right-wing -left-wing struggle Bri(ish Road to Socialism, of returning to Parlia­ within it; the battle between the capitalist policies ment "a socialist Labour and Communist of the dominant right wing and the socialist majority and establish a Socialist Government strivings and anti-capitalist militancy of the left­ which, with the backing of the people, would wing forces. In all of this the Communist Party begin to carry •through a fundamental social has played a leading part. change". With a single mass trade union movement in This is not an easy path. It bristles with prob­ Britain (and in the majority of trade unions the lems, but it is .the only realist political line for Communists enjoy equal rights), it is perfectly Britain. The actual situation cannot be treated by possible to change the balance of forces within formulas. This is a policy which has grown out the unions, to· establish left progressive and Com­ of our political experience and the reality of the munist majorities. This can have a decisive position in the British Labour movement. Any influence on the future of the Labour Party and other position would be mere revolutionary on i·ts policies because of the decisive power of phrasemongering, the uttering of sectarian plati­ the trade union vote. tudes to cover up political bankruptcy, empty At the same time we see as an even more im­ words to hide real isolation. portant issue the development of a mass Com­ munist Party in Britain as the decisive socialist Communist Perspectives in Western Europe force in the Labour movement. We must not and Broadly speaking it is a position which has been cannot be satisfied with influencing the trade union taken up by all the Communist Parties in Western J movement only. We must win through to Parlia­ Europe in the light of their experience. It cor­ ment with Communist M.P.s, trld to the councils responds with the call in the 1960 Statement to with Communist Councillors becoming a mass overcome the split in the working-class movement influence in British political life. It was a great and establish some kind of working unity with achievement of our 27th National Congress that the Social Democratic forces. it ·ended all conceptions of a "ginger group" role In their attack on the possibility of a peaceful for the Communist Party and both charted the transition, the Chinese single out Khrushchov for course for a mass party and correctly stated the attack. It is denounced as "Khrushchov's revi­ relations between the Party and 1he left in the sionism". Labour Party and put as one of our main aims The fact that Khrushchov and the C.P.S.U. the development of unity in the Labour move­ boldly outlined these new possibilities at the 20th ment. Congress of the C.P.S.U. was a great service to 212 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964

Marxism. It was part and parcel of the great the Communist Party to the level of a social historic role of the 20th Congress in removing democratic party. They have ceased to give active the bane of the cult of the individual, rooting support to the revolutionary aspirations of the out the evils which had obtruded into our socialist people and rolled up the· national bauner of system and opening ·out a great new period of opposition to U.S. imperialism. The result of their pursuit of this revisionist line is that the creative development for our international move­ Communist Party, which -once had great influence ment. among the people, has become increasingly But we are sure that the Soviet comrades will isolated from the masses and has deteriorated not take it amiss if we point out that many Com­ more and more." (p. 50) munist Parties in Western Europe were already For anyone to claim that the French Com­ arriving at this position on the basis of· their own munist Party is becoming increasingly isolated is political experience. And they were doing this, not either to display incredible ignorance or equally because they were afraid of armed struggle. The incredible spite. French and Italian Communist Parties have an The Italian Par.ty likewise has won important heroic record of armed struggle in the war against gains for a similar line. And both French and fascism in which they gained national stature Italian Parties make clear that they want to estab­ among their peoples. So have the Yugoslavs and lish a united front with the Socialist parties, not the Greeks. Even small parties like the Danish only for immediate demands, but also for the and the Norwegian in the most difficult circum­ advance to socialism. The issue is to defeat and stances, have an heroic record. break the right-wing domination in the Labour Our own Party first adopted The British Road movement, and win the battle for the left Social­ to Socialism in 1951, two years before Stalin died ist and Communist forces. and five years before the 20th Congress of the C.P.S.U. A number of Communist Parties at the Attitude to Bourgeois Parties time, including the C.P.S.U., showed considerable This strategy also raises the question of the interest in what we were thinking when we were attitude of the Communist Party to the bourgeois drafting The British Road. The main ideas ad­ parties. We are the inveterate opponents of Tory vanced in the Programme, particularly that of the and Liberal Parties. But we are out to defeat possibility of peaceful transition in Britain, were them by mass political means and not as our discussed in detail in conversations Harry Pollitt opponents allege by administrative means. had with Stalin at the time, who· approved fully Even in the height of the controver-sy with of our approach. Kautsky, Lenin wrote regarding the question of Following the adoption of the Programme by the restriction of the franchise to the bourgeoisie: our Executive Committee in January 1951 , it was published in full in Pravda, again with Stalin's "One must study the question of restricting the approval. The Soviet Communists have always franchise in the light of the specific conditions of the Russian Revolution and the specific path given it general support since then. If Khrushchov of its development . . . . It would be a mistake, is a "revisionist" on this maHer, then so, too, was however, to guarantee in advance that the im­ Stalin. pending proletarian revolutions in Europe will Above all, this line is being applied with in­ all, or for the most part, be necessarily accom­ creasing success by the Communist Party of panied by the restrictions of the franchise for France. The establishment of a wide alliance to the bourgeoisie." defeat de Gaulle and re-establish a democratic (Selected Works, Vol. VII, p. 143.) regime in France is a task · of the greatest im­ A socialist government will deprive the mono­ portance, not only for France but for the whole polists of their economic and social power, but of Europe. All the efforts to isolate and destroy will not deprive them of their votes. As we say the French Communist -ea.rty have failed. Com­ in our Programme, "the right of other political munist-Socialist unity has already scored impor­ parties to maintain their organisations, party tant successes. New perspectives are opening up. publications and propaganda, and to take part But the Chinese comrades simply dismiss this in elections will be maintained providing that political reality with the cheap and ignorant these parties will conform to the law". As we sneer . .. deprive the monopolists of their power, the "Certain leaders of the Communist Party of economic and social mass basis of the Tory and France of whom Thorez is representative, have Liberal Parties will disappear. The battle to long been pursuing a revisionist line, have destroy the mass political influence of the capi­ publicised the 'parliamentary road' in response to talist parties will be long and fierce. The more Khrushchov's baton, and have actually reduced resolutely a Socialist government acts against MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 213

capitaHsm, the fiercer it will resist. But the point force. Usually peaceful, in times of acute crisis, is, we will fight and defeat them politically and particularly strikes, the whole apparatus of not by administrative action. It is not we who Emergency Powers comes into u~e. Far from threaten democratic rights, it is the Tory Party softening our critique since 1951 when we adopted and the monopolists. The British Road, we have deepened and ex­ tended it because of the need to create the under­ Parliament standing of the nature of the problems involved All this raises as a central issue our attitude to in the strategy of The British Road. Parliament. It was a major development of our But again, of course, this is only one side of the Party position in 1951 that we clarified our ideas picture. Parliament in Britain is the product of a of Parliament. The development of Soviets was centuries' old struggle for liberty. That struggle an indigenous Russian development arising out was increasingly fought over the issue of the of Russian conditions. Between the wars, the sovereign power -of Parliament. Today the con­ Communist International put the issue of Soviets stitutional position is that Parliament is sovereign, as the expression of the aim of working-class it has po·wer to pass what laws it likes. As we power to the forefront. But already at the famous explain, it is the monopolies and the Tories who 7th World Congress of the Communist Inter­ are attacking and seeking to· limit parliamentary national, fascist dictatorships gave rise in life to power. Of course, these powers of Parliament are the · task of the defence and extension of bour­ at the moment, dominated by the bourgeoisie and geois democracy, of united front governments the fact that economic and social power is in the which, in Dimitrov's words, would be "govern­ hands of the monopolies. ments of struggle against fascism and reaction". But is it not correct for us to defend and up­ After the Second World War with the extension bold the sovereign power of Parliament and make of socialism in Eastern Europe and in China, our declared aim the democratic use of that power these countries in the event developed their own to legislate for the people and not for the mono­ governmental form, and not the Soviet form. polists? With the working class and its allies The Chinese comrades dismiss Parliament con­ comprising 90 per cent, the overwhelming bulk of temptuously in these words : the population, and with universal suffrage, it is a "Parliament is only an ornament and screen standing political challenge to· the working class fo·r bourgeois rule. To adopt or discard the and the Communist Party and the Labour Party parliamentary system, to grant parliament greater to win the overwhelming majority of the votes for or less power, to adopt one kind of electo-ral law a socialist majority, and isolate the Tories and or another-the choice between these alternatives the monopolists. This is the reality of the stage is always dictated by the needs and interests of of political development in Britain. The fact is bourgeois rule." (pp. 33-4) that even the Labour Party has never won the The point they make is that the chief com­ overwhelming majority of votes in Britain, such ponent of the state machine is armed force and is the grip and power of monopoly capitalism ' not Parliament. We will deal with this aspect over the organs of public opinion and the bour­ later, but first, let us deal with Parliament in geois politics ·of the Labour Party. Britain, which is our concern. We in Britain have no written Constitution. The Far be it from me to defend the present parlia­ Constitutional convention is the sovereignty of mentary and state set-up in Britain. Our Party has Parliament. Of course, these days it is almost consistently exposed bourgeois rule in Britain.3 considered political treason in some quarters to We have shown the actual domination of the refer to any constitutional position, that by doing monopolies in Parliament and exposed the role of so one automatically becomes a revisionist. Why the Lords and the Monarchy. We have shown that should we not refer to the sovereign constitutional every government, be it Torr or Labour, has position of Parliament? It was not the gift of a served the monopolies. We have shown the de­ ruling class, but the product of the battle for civil cline of Parliament vis-a-vis the Cabinet. We have rights in which the struggle of the people was the denounced the undemocratic weighting of the deciding factor. electoral system. ·We have shown the complete Now the issue is-will the monopolists s.trip capitalist class domination of the state machine Parliament of its powers or will the working class and the judiciary, and that bourgeois democracy; fight to extend democracy and transform its con­ like any other form of government, is based on tent. Therefore, The British Road makes clear our stand for the Commons to become the sole a See John Gollan British Political System, James national authority, the abolition of the Lords and Harvey and Katherine Hood The British State, etc. the monarchy, and the democratic transformation 214 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1904 of the electoral system, the abolition of the press The Mass Struggle monopoly, democratic control of broadcasting, The whole emphasis here, correctly, is on the television, etc. mass struggle. That struggle exists and is develop­ Equally clearly The British Road prefaces all ing on peace, wages, housing, pensions, social these measures by the need to break the economic issues and democratic rights. The point is that in power of the monopolies by the socialist nationali­ the main it is an extra-parliamentary ·mass struggle sation of large-scale industry, banks, insurance of demonstrations, sit-downs, strikes, agitation, companies, big distributive monopolies and the etc. This struggle has developed in spite of the land of the big landowners. right-wing grip. Once that grip is removed the The next stage in the Chinese argument is that democratic mass organisations and the popular as long as the bourgeoisie controLs the state struggle and initiative of the people will play an machine, the army and the police, the winning of ever increasing role in our political life. The next a "stable majority in Parliament by the proletariat stage in that mass movement is the defeat of the is impossible or this stable majority is un­ Tories and a Labour Government with Com­ dependable"; and further that with all the unfair munist M.P.s. It must and can express itself in restrictions of the bourgeois system and electoral mass pressure on Parliament for progressive laws "it is very difficult for them to win a policies. Its further development, especially with majority of votes under bourgeois rule. And even the deepening of the crisis of British imperialism, if they win a majority of the votes, the bour­ will result in further political differentiation within geoisie can prevent them from winning a majority the movement, the growth of the Communist Party of seats in Parliament by revising the electoral and the left in the Labour movement with the laws and by other means." The manipulation of aim of increasingly challenging and breaking the the electoral laws in France is given as an example right-wing grip on the movement, leading to the of this. stage of a Communist and Socialist majority in The Chinese comrades here are attempting to Parliament. Difficult? Yes. But impossible, No. get us all ways, but throughout their arguments The stability of the majority will depend on the there is this air of inevitable defeat-it is always power of t.he mass movement to break the right­ what the bourgeoisie will do. The mass move­ wing grip. There is no magic short cut, only ment and the mass struggle is never mentioned. patient, systematic mass political work and But it is the mass struggle and the mass movement struggle. It is legitimate to ask-if this cannot be which is the essence of the question. done where is the perspective ·of an armed It is appropriate to recall here the way the struggle, which is not empty words or putchism? 1960 Statement puts the issue: We have to start from where the people are. Developing the mass struggle is a question of con­ "Today in a number of capitalist countries the vincing people, of changing their ideas. It is play­ working class, headed by its vanguard, has the opportunity, given a united working class and ing into the hands ·of our enemies to be indifferent popular front or other workable forms of agree­ to democratic struggles and to the question of ment and political co-operation between the Parliament. In practice this would mean, under different parties and public organisations, to the cover of revolutionary phrases, to surrender unite a majo-rity of the people, win state power the initiative to the ruling class and the right-wing without civil war and ensure the transfer of the social democrats. basic means of production to the hands of the Of course, the bourgeoisie may try to force a people. Relying on the major.ity of the people change of the electoral laws through Parliament and resolutely rebuffing the o-pportunist elements incapable of relinquishing the policy of com­ or invoke emergency power. If they do it will be promise with the capitalists and landlords, the an expression of their political isolation which wnrking class can defeat "''T:te reactionary, anti­ the mass movement will face and, we believe, can popular forces, secure a firm majority in parlia­ defeat. The Chinese comrades quote France. They ment, transform parliament into an instrument do not quote Italy where the mass movement has serving the working people, launch an extra­ successfully defeated all attempts to change the parliamentary mass struggle, smash the resistance electoral laws. And in France the political pos­ of the reactionary forces and create the necessary sibilities based on a united mass movement are conditions for peaceful realisation of the socialist developing to defeat de Gaulle, end authoritarian revolution. All tl:iis will be possible only by broad and ceaseless development of the class rule and restore democratic life to France. struggle of the workers, peasant masses and the urban middle strata against big monopoly capital, Parliament and State Power against reaction, for profound social reforms, for The Chinese comrades then resort to a carica­ peace and socialism." ture of the position of the Parties adopting the MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964 215

line of the 1960 Statement. "Khrushchov main­ backed by a powerful mass movement outside tains," they write, "that if the proletariat can win Parliament, by the organised working class in the a majority in Parliament, this in itself will amount factories, railway depots, ports and airpo-rts, in to a seizure of state power and the smashing of the power stations, towns and villages. It would the bourgeois state machinery." And further: be a government which had won many of the "Even if in certain circumstances a Communist rank and file of the army, large sections of pro­ Party should win a majority of seats in parlia­ gressive civil servants and lawyers. It would be a ment or participate in the government as a result government which, in the words of The British of an electoral victory, it would not change the Road, would take steps to consolidate "the politi­ bourgeois nature of parliament or government cal power of the working people by ensuring that still less would it mean the smashing of the old those in commanding positions in the armed forces and the establishment of a new state machine. and police, the civil service and diplomatic It is absolutely impossible to bring about a services are loyal to the socialist government and fundamental social change by relying on bour­ geois parliaments or governments. With the state increasingly representative of the people". machine under its control the reactionary bour­ As for the final Chinese argument that the geoisie can nullify elections, dissolve parliament, bourgeoisie, outvoted by the people, would resort expel Communists from the government, outlaw to forcible suppression, again there is the note of the Communist Party and resort t·o brute force to finality and inevitability. suppress the masses and the progressive forces." Our strategy of peaceful transition cannot (p. 35) guarantee peaceful transition. Both the 1960 State­ Let us examine these arguments stage by stage. ment and our British Road follow M1l.rx and Neither Khrushchov nor any other Communists Lenin in this respect. in their right senses have ever equated a parlia­ The 1960 Statement declared: mentary majority with state power. Our Party, in "In the event of the exploiting classes resorting particular, year in and year out argued with the to violence against the people, the possibility of Labour masses just the opposite. We have shown non-peaceful transition to socialism should be that successive Labour majorities in Britain have borne in mind. Leninism teaches, and experience governed for the capitalist class and have left confirms, that the ruling classes never relinquish untouched the complete domination of the state power voluntarily. In this case the degree of apparatus by the capitalist class. This has been bitterness and the forms of the class struggle will our major criticism of reformism, our justification depend not so much on the proletariat as on the for our position of social revolution, and that resistance put up by the reactionary circles to the will of the overwhelming majority of the social revolution not only meant the ending ·of the people, on these circles using force at one or economic, but also the state power of the ruling other stage of the struggle for socialism." class. We do not require to· be reminded of Bernstein and Kautsky. We have had our own In the same way The British Road also made Bernsteins and Kautskys, from MacDonald on­ clear: 'wards, preaching the "non Class" character of "But the capitalist class cannot be expected ;to British state power. The Chinese comrades may surrender its wealth and power without a now think that we have succumbed to right-wing struggle. The big capitalists, whose interests are Labour ideology. That is their privilege. But they threatened by the advance to socialism, are likely can only do so by "overlooking" our 40 years of to strive by every means in their power, con­ teaching on the nature of the capitalist state which stitutional and unconstitutional, to hold back the movement. At all stages in the struggle for has earned us the inveterate hostility of the right­ progressive policies and for socialism, therefore, wing and the capitalist parties. the working class and progressive movement It is the same with the argument that a majority needs to be vigilant, and if necessary to use its would not change the nature of Parliament or the political and industrial strength to defeat any state machine, and that it is impossible to win attempts by the big capitalists to restrict demo­ fundamental social change by relying on bourgeois cratic rights or block the road to democratic Parliaments or governments. A Communist­ advance. Socialist majority in Parliament would be a "This will be of particular importance when product of mass struggle, would be supported by the Socialist Government is established and begins to carry through measures to break the powerful mass organisation and would act to economic and political power of the big capital­ change the whole bo-urgeois framework. It would ists. The extent to which the working class is be a government nf the working class and the alert and prepared to use its strength in support masses of the people determined tn legislate for of the Government's measures will determine social change. More, it would be a government whether the big capitalists accept the democratic 216 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1964

verdict of the people or attempt to resist by in the countries of Western Europe? We say No. force. Apart from the fact that such a war would be a "But headed by the working class, a I::abour nuclear war which in Britain would mean virtually and Progressive movement whiCh has been built a~ end to social existence, our whole strategy is up in struggle and inspired by the goal of socialism will have the strength and spirit to aimed to prevent a third world war. We are con­ overcome all obstacles and ensure that the vinced that the forces exist which can prevent Socialist Government carries through its pro­ world war. We aim to advance to socialism in gramme, opening up a new and glorious future conditions of peace. To· prevent war means for our country." politically to defeat the war plans of British If the capitalist class, defying the electoral will capitalism, to end conditions of the cold war, to of the people, resort to force, they can only be impose policies of peaceful coexistence and dis­ answered by force. But this is not the argument. armament, which in turn poiitically weakens the Our aim is to confront .the capitalists with such monopolists and reduces the militarisation of the overwhelming strength in all key factories, in state. This creates more favourable conditions for transport, in the towns, villages. and ports, and the peaceful transition. The conditions making for among the working-class forces comprising the a socialist revolution in Britain will arise out of bulk of the army, that they are compelled to the deepening of the social contradictions asso­ accept the democratic verdict of .the people. We ciated with capitalism and the crisis of British are confident that these conditions can develop. imperialism, the bankruptcy of bourgeois and right-wing politics, the growing contradictions of Create the Necessary Conditions automation, the need for fundamental solutions Lenin argued that a social revolution is impos­ to the social problems of our times. It is im­ sible without a revolutionary situation. He wrote: possible to be schematic or dogmatic; there is no "Only when the 'lower classes' do not want the exact historical parallel to the period opening old way, and when the 'upper classes' cannot before us. We will work with Lenin's advice in carry on in the old way-only then can revolution mind to seek fresh new forms of transition or triumph." (Lenin, Left-Wing Communism-An approach to social revolution. Infantile Disorder, Chap. IX.) In another passage But one thing is clear. We have to work to (Chap. X) Lenin develops this, stressing that the c;eate the new possibilities by mass action, agita­ conditions for successful revolution are that (1) tiOn and work for our socialist aims. The 1960 the hostile class forces have sufficiently weakened Statement did not put the issue as one of academic themselves in a struggle which is beyond their debate. It called upon us to· "create the necessary strength; (2) the vacillating intermediate elements conditions for the peaceful realisation of the have sufficiently shown their practical bankruptcy; socialist revolution". (3) there is a mass sentiment for revolutionary As we have said before, this is the line of our action among the proletariat. strategy and we should refuse to be deflected from What are the likely conditions for the develop­ it. To adopt any other would be wrong, would be ment of such a situation in Britain? In Lenin's to substitute revolutionary phrases for the real time such a situation coincided with the aftermath political mass struggle to build unity, win the of world war. This was the case, too, in the posi­ Labour movement and the masses and rout the tion in China and Eastern Europe. Because of this monopolists. our enemies argue that socialist revolution is bound up with world war and is the by-product of war. We utterly reject such an idea. Social revolution is the outcome of intolerable class The African Communist tension and contradictions""'in capitalist society. The fact that these contradictions finally found No. 17 their revolutionary solution in the aftermath of the war, was due to the fact that the war in these * Ghana's Seven-Year Plan (Jaek Woddis) countries deepened these contradictions to break­ * Central Africa Mter Federation ing point. The war did not create these conditions. Fascist Terror in South Africa Are we to await fatalistically for a third world * war to bring about a new revolutionary situation