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The Rise of Islamism in Egypt Alaa Al-Din Arafat The Rise of Islamism in Egypt Alaa Al-Din Arafat National Defence and Security Sultan Qaboos University Muscat Oman ISBN 978-3-319-53711-5 ISBN 978-3-319-53712-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53712-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017938149 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affliations. Cover image: © Mikael Damkier/Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland In memory of my father (1944–2016). The most humble and kind person I have ever known. PREFACE The idea for this book, “The Rise of Islamism in Egypt,” crystalized after the publication of my book “The Mubarak Leadership and the Future of Democracy in Egypt” (Palgrave, New York & London, 2009). Upon its publication, the key political actors in the Mubarak regime were the National Democratic Party (NDP), the neoliberal elite, the military, and political Islam in the form of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). As I had already studied the NDP and neoliberal elites in the aforementioned book, I began learning more about the other two political forces that shaped the key actors of Mubarak regime: MB and the military. But while conducting feldwork, the 2011 uprising erupted. At the time, I was senior political analyst in the Centre d’Etudes et de Documentation Economiques, Juridiques et Sociales (CEDEJ) (“Centre for Economic, Judicial, and Social Study and Documentation), and I quickly became caught up in the furor. The CEDEJ is just a fve-minute walk from Tahrir Square and so I became an eyewitness to many of the incidents shap- ing the 2011 uprising. The uprising forced me to redraft a new struc- ture for my book as new actors gained relevance, and others, including the National Democratic Party (NDP), ceased to exist. Besides, the MB, represented by its political arm, the Freedom and Development Party (FJP), and the military, represented by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the three types of political actors, emerged after the downfall of Mubarak. The frst is the radical groups and parties represented by the Salafst Call and its political arm, Al-Nour Party, and vii viii PREFACE the Jihadist Salafsm groups and parties. The second is the revolutionary forces and secular forces and parties, and the third is hizb al-kanba, or the “couch party,” unaffliated mainstream Egyptians who helped oust Mubarak. While the power struggle that ensued was between the frst three actors, the Islamist camp, the SCAF, and the revolutionary and secular forces, the fourth group, hizb al-kanba, determined the result (in both the 2011 and 2013 uprisings). Once hizb al-kanba took to the street in great numbers, the army intervened, under the guise of protect- ing Egypt’s national security, toppling the president in order to bring sta- bility and maintain the status quo. This book explores the three key political actors and the rise of Islamism in post-Mubarak Egypt. The three players, each with their own political cards and resources, were nowhere near equal in power. The Salafst Call dominated mosques and Salafst satellite television stations, while the revolutionary forces dominated Tahrir Square. Hizb al-kanba had the majority of the vote, while the military had the majority of the guns. Structurally, the book is divided into two interconnected parts: Part I, “Key Actors in Egypt’s Political System” (the MB; Salafst groups; and the military), explores in four chapters the ideological development of political Islam in Egypt and Mubarak’s civil–military relations; Part II, “The Rise of the Islamists,” explores, in three chapters, how the MB and other radical and extremist groups, through their cooperation with the SCAF, dominated the Egyptian political system, including the parlia- ment, drafting a new Islamist constitution, and winning the presidency. The rise of Islamism in Egyptian politics took just one and half years (from February 11, 2011 to June 30, 2012), while they lasted in power for just one year (from June 30, 2012 to June 30, 2013). Their fall from power required just 3 days of constant demonstrations (from June 30, 2013 to July 3, 2013) and several of one million people demonstrating, while Mubarak took 18 days to fall. The system of transliteration follows generally the format used by the International Journal of Middle East Studies which is adopted here. The well-known proper names are presented as they appear in the English lit- erature or as they have been transliterated by individuals themselves. I also follow the system of transliteration used by local English newspa- pers, especially al-Ahram Weekly, particularly for names of local areas and local politicians. PREFACE ix The crucial period of writing occurred during 2010–2015, when I was senior political analyst in CEDEJ and Professor of Middle East Studies at Université Française d’Égypte (UFE), the French University in Egypt (FUE). I am most grateful to my colleagues in CEDEJ and UFE with whom I discussed my work, especially Marc Lavergne, the respected former director of CEDEJ, Stephen Lacroix, and Patrick Hanenni. I wish also to thank my former dean and distinguished professor Stephen Chan, at SOAS, London University, for the support and help he provided, and still provides, regarding this work. I wish also to thank my close friend Peter Harling, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria program director for the International Crisis Group (ICG). I am also most grateful to the distinguished Professor Robert Springborg, visiting professor in the Department of War Studies, King’s College London, and non-resident Research Fellow of the Italian Institute of International Affairs. My deepest thanks also go to Professor Bassma Kodmani—the former spokesperson of the Syrian National Council, Executive Director of the independent research network ‘the Arab Reform Initiative,’ and Associate Professor of International Relations at Paris University—for her constant help and support. Finally, I wish also to thank my wife, my two daughters, Sara and Logina, and my son Adham for allowing me the time to write this book. Needless to say, none of the persons named above bear any responsi- bility for the ideas and opinions expressed in this book or for its short- comings. For these, I alone am responsible. Muscat, Oman Alaa Al-Din Arafat CONTENTS 1 The Downfall of Mubarak and the New Actors Reshaping Egypt 1 Part I Key Actors in Egypt’s Political System 2 Egypt Civil–Military Relations 1952–2011 33 3 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Ideological and Organizational Development 65 4 Salafst Schools, Groups, and Movements 95 5 Salafst Parties 133 Part II The Rise of Islamists 6 The Islamists and the Parliamentary Elections 165 7 Muslim Brotherhood and the Presidential Elections 195 8 The Constitution of the Ikhwan 217 xi xii CONTENTS 9 Conclusion: The Game Is not Over 237 Glossary of Arabic Terms 261 Bibliography 265 Index 287 ACRONYMS CEDEJ Centre d’Etudes et de Documentation Economiques, Juridiques et Sociales CMR Civil–Military Relations CSF The Central Security Force EC Electoral College ESG Egypt Soldiers Group FEP The Free Egyptians Party FJP Freedom and Justice Party GID General Intelligence Directorate GIS The General Intelligence Service HEC High Election Committee IFES International Foundation for Electoral Systems ILBRR Islamic Legitimate Body of Rights and Reformation IRC The Islamic Research Centre LP Liberation Party MB The Muslim Brotherhood MID The Military Intelligence Directorate MoI Ministry of Interior NDC National Defense Council NDP National Democratic Party NP Al-Nour Party NSC National Security Council NYC National Youth Council PA People’s Assembly (lower house of the parliament) PVPVA The Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice Authority RC The Islamic Research Centre xiii xiv ACRONYMS RCA Revolution Continues Alliance RYC Revolution’s Youth Coalition SAC The Supreme Administrative Court SCAF Supreme Council of the Armed Forces SDP The Social Democratic Party SEC Supreme Electoral Commission SIF Salafst Initiative for Reform SIS Security Investigations Services SLORR Sharia Law Organization for Rights and Reform SPEC The Supreme Presidential Election Committee SSI State Security Intelligence SSIS State Security Investigations Services TAF Turkish Armed Forces TPP True Path Party UFP Unity and Freedom Party UNDP United Nations Development Program WP Welfare Party LIST OF TABLES Table 6.1 Distribution of seats in the Shura Council 182 xv.

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