UK–Turkey Relations and Turkey's Regional Role
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House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee UK–Turkey relations and Turkey's regional role Twelfth Report of Session 2010–12 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 20 March 2012 HC 1567 Published on 4 April 2012 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £23.00 The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated agencies. Current membership Richard Ottaway (Conservative, Croydon South) (Chair) Rt Hon Bob Ainsworth (Labour, Coventry North East) Mr John Baron (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Rt Hon Sir Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat, North East Fife) Rt Hon Ann Clwyd (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes (Labour, Ilford South) Andrew Rosindell (Conservative, Romford) Mr Frank Roy (Labour, Motherwell and Wishaw) Rt Hon Sir John Stanley (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) Rory Stewart (Conservative, Penrith and The Border) Mr Dave Watts (Labour, St Helens North) The following Member was also a member of the Committee during the parliament: Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wolverhampton North East) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the Internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including news items) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/facom. A list of Reports of the Committee in the present Parliament is at the front of this volume. The Reports of the Committee, the formal minutes relating to that report, oral evidence taken and some or all written evidence are available in a printed volume. Additional written evidence may be published on the internet only. Committee staff The current staff of the Committee are Mr Kenneth Fox (Clerk), Mr Eliot Barrass (Second Clerk), Dr Brigid Fowler (Committee Specialist), Ms Zoe Oliver-Watts (Committee Specialist), Mr Richard Dawson (Senior Committee Assistant), Jacqueline Cooksey (Committee Assistant), Vanessa Hallinan (Committee Assistant), and Mr Alex Paterson (Media Officer). Contacts All correspondence should be addressed to the Clerk of the Foreign Affairs Committee, House of Commons, London SW1A 0AA. The telephone number for general enquiries is 020 7219 6394; the Committee’s email address is [email protected] UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s regional role 1 Contents Report Page Summary 3 Conclusions and recommendations 5 1 Introduction 13 PART 1: TURKEY AS A UK “STRATEGIC PARTNER” 16 2 Strengthening the bilateral relationship 16 UK-Turkey “Strategic Partnership” 16 FCO resources 19 UK visa regime 21 People-to-people contacts and public opinion 24 British Council in Turkey 27 3 Turkey’s domestic political development and human rights 30 The nature of AKP rule 30 Legal cases and justice system 32 Human rights 37 Kurdish situation 40 New constitution 42 4 Turkey as a foreign policy partner 45 Turkey’s international position and policy 45 Non-Western turn? 48 Turkey and the ‘Arab Spring’ 50 NATO, the US and missile defence 53 Turkey and Iran 53 Exaggerated influence? 55 Turkey and Israel 56 Turkey as ‘model’? 57 Energy security 59 5 Economic and commercial relations 63 Turkish economy 63 UK-Turkey trade and commercial relations 65 Defence sector 70 EU-Turkey Customs Union 70 PART 2: TURKEY’S EU ACCESSION 73 6 Membership goal 73 UK support for Turkey’s EU membership 73 Free movement 76 What kind of EU? 78 2 UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s regional role Will Turkey still want to join? 79 7 Blocked accession process 81 Blocked negotiations 81 Stalemate costs 83 Cyprus breakthrough? 84 8 EU-Turkey partnership? 86 Annex 87 Committee visit to Turkey, 30 October–3 November 2011 87 Map: Turkey and the EU in the wider region 89 Formal Minutes 90 Witnesses 91 List of written evidence 91 List of additional written evidence 92 UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s regional role 3 Summary The Government is right to continue to support Turkey’s accession to the EU, subject to Turkey meeting the accession criteria, and subject to the imposition of restrictions on the right to free movement from Turkey to the UK after any accession by Turkey to the Union. Turkey’s accession would be likely to boost the EU’s economic growth and international weight. However, Turkey’s EU accession process is stuck, effectively hostage to the Cyprus dispute. Neither Turkey nor the EU is likely formally to suspend or abandon the accession process in the foreseeable future. However, by undermining the force of EU leverage, the stalemate in the accession talks is having consequences in Turkey that are detrimental to UK objectives there, as well as to Turkish citizens looking to the EU as an anchor for liberalising domestic reforms. This is especially regrettable at a time when Turkish democracy may be in a critical phase. By helping to create uncertainty over the timing, if not the fact, of Turkey’s EU accession, the stalemate is also discouraging both the EU and Turkey from starting to address some of the most difficult issues that would be involved in Turkey’s EU membership. The Government’s continuing support for Turkey’s EU membership provides a strong basis for the development of enhanced UK-Turkey bilateral relations. The Government is correct to be seeking to strengthen the UK’s relations with Turkey, as a “strategic partner” for the UK. Turkey possesses assets, characteristics and influence that potentially add value to UK foreign policy. It is also a rising regional economic power with which there is significant potential to expand the UK’s economic and commercial relations, although the competitiveness of the market should not be underestimated. However, shortcomings in the Turkish justice system are damaging Turkey’s international reputation and leading to human rights abuses, in ways that make it harder to advocate close UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s EU membership. The current climate in Turkey is limiting freedom of expression and the media. Turkey’s human rights record thus remains a problem for the “strategic partnership” with the UK, and for Turkey’s EU accession prospects. We have encountered no evidence that Turkey has made an overarching foreign policy re- alignment away from the West. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) should not underestimate the extent to which the increased independence and regional focus of Turkish foreign policy may generate differences between Turkish and UK perspectives and policies. However, as long as its foreign policy efforts are directed towards the same ultimate goals, Turkey may add value as a foreign policy partner precisely because it is distinct from the UK. The process of responding to the ‘Arab Spring’ has brought Turkey closer to its Western allies, including the UK, while also demonstrating the utility of Ankara’s strong relations with the Arab League. Turkey has welcome influence in the Middle East and North Africa as an example of a predominantly Muslim secular democracy, albeit one that remains ‘work in progress’. 4 UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s regional role The UK’s visa regime for Turkish nationals is one of the greatest obstacles to the development of closer UK-Turkey ties. The regime undermines the credibility of the Government’s wish for a “strategic partnership” with Turkey, as well as being a significant practical and psychological obstacle to intensified relations. The FCO should explore possibilities to make the acquisition of UK entry visas easier for Turkish nationals, especially frequent visitors. The low visibility of Turkey in the UK, especially among the business community, appears to be a further obstacle to the development of close UK-Turkey ties. The British Council should ensure that the promotion of awareness of the UK in Turkey and Turkey in the UK is a central part of its role. The British Council and the FCO should take advantage of Turkey’s embrace of ‘soft power’ and cultural diplomacy to welcome and assist efforts by their Turkish partners to improve understanding of contemporary Turkey in the UK. UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s regional role 5 Conclusions and recommendations PART 1: TURKEY AS A UK “STRATEGIC PARTNER” Strengthening the bilateral relationship UK-Turkey “Strategic Partnership” 1. We conclude that the Government is correct to have identified Turkey as a “strategic partner” for the UK and to be pursuing enhanced relations accordingly. We commend the Government for the concerted effort it has been making to this end, and we urge it to ensure that the effort is sustained and sustainable. (Paragraph 15) FCO resources 2. We welcome the fact that the FCO is expanding its diplomatic presence in Turkey. We believe that this will signal to Turkey and others the seriousness of the Government’s intent to develop the UK’s relationship with Turkey, as well as help to deliver enhanced co-operation in key policy areas. (Paragraph 21) 3. The effectiveness of UK diplomatic staff posted overseas is reduced if they cannot speak the language of their host country. We welcome the FCO’s decision to require Turkish language skills of those taking up the new UK-based staff positions in its Turkey network. Although we want to see country experts shaping FCO policy- making in London, we are perturbed that so many of the department’s Turkish speakers are deployed outside Turkey, and we regard this as symptomatic of the drawbacks of the FCO’s current system for filling staff positions.