INFORMATION TO USERS

This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted.

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction.

1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity.

2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame.

3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete.

4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced.

5. PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as received.

Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 HUTSLAR, John Lee, 1939- SOCIAL FACTORS INFLUENCING SUPERIOR MALE BOWLING. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1975 Education, physical

!: |.

| Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48io6

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. SOCIAL FACTORS INFLUENCING SUPERIOR MALE BOWLING

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

by John Lee Hutslar, B.Sc. in Edu., M.S

*****

The Ohio State University 1975

Reading Committee: Approved By Dr. Seymour Kleinman, Chairman Dr. Russell Dynes Dr. Barbara Nelson

Adviser 'School of Physical Education ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to express his gratitude to

Drs. Seymour Kleinman, Russell Dynes, and Barbara Nelson for their assistance in the preparation of this manu­ script. VITA

July 27, 1939...... Bora - Springfield, Ohio 1963 ...... B.Sc. in Edu., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1963-1966...... Physical Education Teacher, Hubbard Ohio Board of Educa­ tion 1966-1967 ...... Graduate Assistant, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania 1970 ...... M.S., The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania

1967-197 3...... Instructor, Assistant Pro­ fessor of Physical Education, The McKeesport Campus of The Pennsylvania State Uni­ versity, McKeesport, Pennsyl­ vania 1973-1975...... Graduate Teaching Associate, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

PUBLICATIONS "The Relationship Between Selected Personality Traits and Bicycle Ergometer Endurance." Unpublished Master1s Thesis, The Pennsylvania State University, 1970. "Collegiate Athletic Non-Participation." Journal of Health. Physical Education and Recreation. XLIII (April, 1972), pp. 64-65. FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Physical Education

Studies in Sport Sociology Studies in Administration Minor Field: Sociology TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii

VITA ...... iii LIST OF T A BLES ...... viii LIST OF FIGURES...... ix

Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . 1

INTRODUCTION...... 1 Genesis of the Problem...... 1 THE PROBLEM ...... 3 Significance of the Problem ...... 3 Statement of the Problem...... 4 Delimitations— Scope of the Study . . . 6 Limitations— Weaknesses of the Study. . 6 Definition of T e r m s ...... 8 Format of the Presentation...... 10 II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE...... 11 BIRTH O R D E R ...... 11 Summary of the Birth Order Literature . 22 FAMILY...... 23 Summary of the Family Literature. . . . 30 SOCIALIZATION/LEARNING...... 32 Summary of the Socialization and Learning Literature ...... 37 COHESIVENESS...... 38 Summary of the Cohesiveness Literature. 40 SUMMARY ...... 4 1

V Chapter Page III. PROCEDURES OF THE INVESTIGATION...... 42

THE SEMI-STRUCTURES INTENSIVE INTERVIEW TECHNIQUE...... 42 SELECTION OF THE SUBJECTS ...... 46 THE INTERVIEW PROCESS ...... 48 The Interview Period...... 49 The Interview Setting ...... 50 The Interview ...... 5 0 ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL...... 53 RETROSPECTIVE COMMENTS...... 56 IV. DESCRIPTION OF TIE SCRATCH BOWLERS. . . . . 58 INTRODUCTION...... 58 The S c e n e ...... 59 THE SCRATCH BOWLERS...... 62 Change Your Game...... 74 The Pro Tour: "Out There"...... Let Go...... 80 O i l ...... 83 Spotty Conditions ...... 88 The OTBA...... 89 The P BA ...... 90 TYPOLOGY OF BOWLERS ...... 94 Marginal...... 95 Coming U p ...... 96 Peak...... 96 Slipping...... 97 Let Go...... 97 SUMMARY ...... 100 V. FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE BOWLING...... 104

INTRODUCTION...... 104 PARENTS ...... 104 SIBLINGS...... 109 ECOLOGY...... 117 PEERS ...... 120 SOCIALIZATION ...... 131 Really Concentrating...... 136 Tournaments ...... 142 SUMMARY ...... 152

vi Chapter Page VI. SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS .... 158

SUMMARY ...... 158 DISCUSSION...... 159 Problems...... 159 Marital Status...... 160 Work Problems ...... 162 Skill Problems...... 168 Age Problems...... 169 Interest Problems ...... 170 Solution and Hypothesis ...... 172 Concentration...... 180 Implementation...... 185 Educational Implications Drawn From This Study...... 189 CONCLUSIONS ...... 193 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY .... 194

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 196 APPENDIX A ...... 202 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page 1 Demographic Information of the Scratch Bowlers Interviewed ...... 64

2 Categorization of Subjects According to the Typology of Scratch Bowlers...... 101 3 Age and Impetus for Introduction to the S p o r t ...... 110 4 Birth Order and Type of League in Which Bowlers Began the Sport ...... 117 5 Johari Awareness Model...... 135

6 Scratch Bowlers’ Involvement in Bowling Occupations by Problems...... 167 7 Division of Scratch Bowlers According to Full-Time Bowling and Non-Bowling Occupations, Problems and Non-Problems. . 176

8 Division of Scratch Bowlers According to Integrated and Non-Integrated Bowling, Work, and/or Family; Problems and Non- Problems; and Marital Status...... 177

9 Typology of Bowlers by Life Style . . . . 181

viii LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page 1 Profile of the Oil Pattern on a " Blocked Lane" ...... 85

2 Typology of Scratch Bowlers ...... 99

ix CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

INTRODUCTION

Genesis of the Problem

While teaching physical education in grades one through eight, this writer observed that younger siblings in a given family were inclined to exhibit better physi­ cal performance in class than were their older siblings. That is, younger siblings tended to perform physical edu­ cation activities more capably among their age-mates than did their older siblings among their respective age-mates. There has been a great deal of sociological and psychological study of birth order and its influence on achievement and performance. However, little research has been conducted to examine how birth order influences skilled sport performance. Adams stated, in a review of birth order literature, ". . . one feels intuitively that this and other variables should make a difference in per­ sonality, behavior, or some aspect of social existence."^

■^Bert N. Adams, "Birth Order: A Critical Review," Sociometrv. XXXV (1972), 411. 1 2

Not only does one feel that siblings should in­ fluence this social existence, but one cannot avoid the assumption that family— mother and father— should also have an impact on social development. Beisser pointed out the negative influence of the family upon one of its members. Jack, an ex-football player suffered from emo­ tional paralysis which involved severe depression. As 2 a youngster his family held certain expectations of him.

His desire to emulate his older brothers was intense since he hoped in this way to win his father's interest. He tried to tag along with the brothers when he could. Although they were rough and teased him, on other occasions they did encourage him and taught him some fundamentals of the game.3

It was predestined that Jack would be a foot­ ball player and that he would be a blocking back. In this family this was as much a part of being a male member of the clan as wearing trousers. Noth­ ing was more important to the family than his learn­ ing football skills.^

This example was cited not to emphasize problems which occur in the family and/or among siblings, but to illustrate how associations among family members can shape the future of younger siblings.

2Arnold R.. Beisser, The Madness in Sports (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967), pp. 42-4,3. 4 ^Ibid., p. 44. Ibid., p. 70. 3

This writer has also taken an interest in a rela­ tively new sub-field of sociology called the sociology of learning- Little, if any, research has been conducted by physical educators in this area to determine ". . . how and under what conditions children learh, or fail to learn." 5 There has been much written on the psychologi­ cal and physiological aspects of skilled sport performance, but seldom does any one discipline totally explain the presence or absence of skilled performance. Other factors, perhaps sociological, may give some insight into how peo­ ple perform and learn. It has been claimed that, among many things, sport builds character, mental toughness, esprit de corps, and friendships on and off the field. Bowling would seem to be particularly suited to the development of cohesive­ ness, but there has been little research designed to test the validity of this belief.

THE PROBLEM

Significance of the Problem There has been much study of Superior performance in sport, but little research has been conducted from the

5Sarane Spence Boocock, An Introduction to the Sociology of Learning (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1972) , p. 4. 4

sociological perspective. A few researchers are begin­ ning to examine birth order in relation to sport but

learning or socialization in sport has been neglected.

Further, 'it would seem there are unexamined social fac­ tors which may lead to superior performance apart from the well-studied physiological and psychological factors. If certain children or adults are the benefactors of more favorable treatment, circumstance or environment by vir­ tue of birth position, family influences or other social factors, we should attempt to identify these factors to better understand learning. It appeared that superior sport performers have capitalized, willingly or unwittingly, on certain asso­ ciations or conditions in order to reach the higher levels of achievement. Success in bowling typically has not occurred in a school setting, but it may be possible to draw from this environment certain principles or propo­ sitions about learning which may be applicable to the school setting.

Statement of the Problem The purposes of this study were to (a) examine the influences of parents, siblings, peers, and neigh­ borhood or ecological factors on superior performance; (b) to determine if patterns of learning could be iden­ tified; (c) to study the function of bowling as a 5 cohesive force in society; and (d) to determine if other social factors are important in superior bowling per­ formance. More specifically, this study attempted to ex­ plore the parental associations that influenced per­ formance ; to examine the sibling influences such as sex of sibling, age, age space, ordinal position, and age siblings left home; to study the relationship of premier sport performers to their peer groups and others who contributed to their development; to determine if bowling can be considered a cohesive force among people in society; to explore learning or socialization in the informal setting; and to determine what social factors were most influential on superior performance. For the purposes of this study, superior sport performance was operationally defined as a bowling aver­ age of 200 or greater for three consecutive years or more by a male competing as a member of the Greater Columbus Men's Bowling Association. The 200 level was chosen to indicate premier performance because it repre­ sents a hallmark analogous to a .300 hitter in baseball or a 20 point per game man in basketball. Delimitations— Scope of the Study The subjects for this investigation were thirty- male bowlers, all but one of whom were members of the local 26,000 member bowling association. All men were, at one time, members of the local Association, an affil­ iate of the American Bowling Congress (ABC). The sample consisted of those male bowlers who had attained a 200 average or greater each of the last three seasons (1971-1974) in at least one league sanc­ tioned by the ABC. Bowlers who met these criteria were

selected from the Association's Average Book of final averages. 6 Thirty-one bowlers met these criteria and thirty consented to participate in the investigation.

The principle investigative phase of the study was conducted from September, 1974 to January, 1975.

Limitations— Weaknesses of the Study There was some disparity between the image of certain subjects as related to the investigator by their peers and the investigator's conception of these subjects as gained in interview. This may be attributed to a

6Average Book; 1971-1972. 1972-1973. 1973-1974 (Columbus, Ohio: Greater Columbus Men's Bowling Associa­ tion) , no dates. difference in setting— the more casual atmosphere of the bowling lane, bar, or pool room among peers compared to the more sedate interview setting with an unknown re­ searcher. The consequences of this disparity were only speculative at best.

It is perhaps an unwritten maxim or proposition in sport that when a person is on top of his game or per­ forming at his peak, "everything is OK." Several sub­ jects were interviewed when their game "was together," when they were "really strokin." As a consequence, the interview content may have been somewhat different had the subject been interviewed when his game was off a bit. The intent of the research was to describe the scratch bowling scene and explain the variation in per­ formance found among these premier bowlers. There was no attempt to compare these men to another selection of bowlers. The study was conducted from the perspective of bowling, generally in a bowling setting, and within the specific frame of reference of sociology. Had the inter­ views been conducted from another perspective, the find­ ings and results of this study may have been quite dif­ ferent. 8

Definition of Terms This section contains some of the commonly en­ countered terms used in this study.

Condition. The condition was commonly referred to as the state of the lanes with respect to cleanliness and oiliness of the surface. Conditions vary to produce

lanes known as: blocked, spotty, hookers, wet or tight,

and dry or loose.

Doubles League. This is a type of bowling league which has two persons per team. They bowl six games in two-three game blocks.

Full-roller. This specifies one of two common types of roll on the ball or techniques of releasing the ball. The ball rolls on the entire circumference of the ball and between the thumb and finger holes. This is the most common roll to use on loose or dry conditions.

Qualitative Analysis. It is a method of research which places emphasis on gathering a large amount of material or information from a limited number of sources. This form of research generates depth of information but

loses effectiveness in producing breadth of information, particularly when compared to quantitative analysis— its

counterpart. 9

Semi-roller. This describes the most common type of roll on a bowling ball among the superior bowlers. The delivery technique produces a path on the ball out­ side the finger and thumb holes. This is the most common roll to use on an oily, wet or tight condition.

Social Factors. The relationships, patterns and processes which operate among the identifiable clusters of peoples' organized and systematized groups (i.e.: the impact of the family upon the school or football upon the community). These forces exist independently of the individuals who comprise the social organizations, have mutual but not necessarily equal effects among groups, and cause individuals (the prime unit of the study of psychology) to acknowledge, react and adapt to their 7 influences.

Socialization. It has been defined as: ". . . the processes of learning cultural norms and rules, acquiring social-interaction skills, becoming familiar with various role expectations and techniques of role acting, developing collective social orientations, and

7 Marvin E. Olsen, The Process of Social Organiza­ tion (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968), pp. v-viii, 1-116. 8 related phenomena." More briefly, the same author stated

that it is . . the learning of those capabilities

necessary for participation in organized social life." 9

Track. This is a worn path on the bowling ball

caused by repeatedly delivering the ball with the same technique. It also refers to a path on the lane surface from the foul line to the pins caused by repeatedly rolling the ball over the same portion of the lane.

Trio League. This is a type of bowling league which has three persons per team. They bowl four games per match.

Format of the Presentation This introductory portion of the study will be followed by: a review of the literature; the research

methodology used to generate the material; a description

of the scene and the sample of superior male bowlers; an

analysis of the influence of parents, siblings, peers and

ecology on superior bowling, and the socialization pat­ terns exhibited in this setting; and the concluding re­ marks which included the presentation of an hypothesis

linking bowling, work and family.

9Ibid., p. 121. 9Ibid., p. 120. CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This chapter presents a survey of the literature germane to the study of premier bowling. Little, if any, research pertains directly to the topic of the investi­ gation. It was hypothesized the following factors would influence premier bowling and it justifies their inclu­ sion in this chapter: birth order, family, peer group, learning and socialization, and cohesiveness.

BIRTH ORDER

Adams stated that the birth order variable

. . « has been employed in studies examining edu­ cational attainment and eminence, aspirations, and motivations, juvenile delinquency, mental illness, alcoholism, anxiety, dependence, conformity, affil­ iation, various parent-child relationships, and general personality characteristics such as initia­ tive and authoritarianism.1

■*"Bert N. Adams, "Birth Order: A Critical Review," Sociometry, XXXV (1972), 412.

11 12

Eileen Portz offered a paper at the Women and Sport symposium at The Pennsylvania State University in 1972. She explained four accounts of the relationships between siblings. She noted a (1) sibling-similarity hypothesis in which the second-born models his behavior after the first-born regardless of the sex of the first­ born. She cited studies that suggested:

. . . a sibling is affected by the sex of the other sibling, and that these effects are most obvious in the case of the younger sibling. It is the second born sibling who most faithfully seem to reproduce in their own behavior the responses which have been modeled for them by their older s i b l i n g s . ^

Another hypothesis called (2) sibling-opposites stems from a negative model or a sibling rivalry position which calls for the avoidance of siblings' traits and behaviors.

Another explanation for sibling relationships was re­ ferred to as a (3) structural balance hypothesis which suggested that siblings

. . . with an opposite-sex sibling can identify more with the like-sex parent; whereas, in the family with two children of the same sex a structural imbalance occurs and one child will tend to identify more with the opposite-sex parent. Thus, females with sisters and males with sisters can be expected to be more masculine and overrepresented in sport.3

2 Eileen Portz, "Influence of Birth Order, Sibling . Sex on Sports Participation," Women and Sport, ed. Dorothy V. Harris (University Park: The Pennsylvania State Univer­ sity, 1972), p. 229.

3Ibid., p. 230. 13

The last explanation Portz offered was a (4) conformity hypotheses which suggested that . . first-borns, regardless of the sex of the sibling conformed more so than second borns to their sex role."4

Her explanations of these hypotheses linked the influence siblings and parents have on the sibling under investigation to modeling, power and association processes. She called for more investigation of the family sex-role influences on one another with a specific note asking for in-depth interviewing to untangle the socialization processes operating.^ Richard E . Nisbett found, in a study of colleg­ iate athletes at Columbia, freshmen at Penn State and Yale, and professional athletes of New York's football Giants and baseball Mets, that "... the probability that an individual will play a dangerous sport increases with family size." 6 He found that first-borns in high school, college and professional athletics tended to avoid dangerous (high risk) sports but were equally likely

4Ibid. 5Ibid., pp. 225-34. 6 Richard E. Nisbett, "Birth Order and Participa­ tion in Dangerous Sports," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. VII (April, 1968), 105. 14

to play low risk sport as were later-borns. The author hypothesized that first-borns may avoid sports in general. Continued investigation revealed there was an equal rep­ resentation of first-borns among the collegians in both the non-dangerous sport group and the non-sport partici­ pant group. Sports designated as dangerous were foot­ ball, soccer, and rugby.

An explanation for an excess of later-borns in high risk sports might center about sibling and/or parent­ al enculturation of rough-and-tumble play among family members during childhood. The first-born, not exposed to this type of play at an early age as is the later-born sibling, may indeed respond to the prospect of physical h a m with certain feelings of anxiety as Nisbett men- 7 tioned. Robert Helmreich studied achievement and indepen­ dence in relation to birth order among underwater divers in the Project Sealab II, and noted two stable findings in the birth order literature. First-borns and only- borns had a higher desire to achieve in competitive situa­ tions than did later-borns, and secondly, first and only- borns were less independent and made more affiliative maneuvers toward adults than did later-boms. He also

7Ibid., pp. 351-53. 15

reported a less stable finding in the literature that

indicated first and only-borns were less confident in their own ability than were later-boms. In his experimental situation, Helmreich found that later-born divers spent more time underwater work­ ing and were less frightened than were first and only- borns. Paradoxically, however, he found that first and only-borns volunteered disproportionately more than did later borns in both stressful and non-stressful condi­ tions. This information was obtained from Mercury and Gemini astronauts, Sealab aquanauts and Army helicopter pilots. He attributed this unexpected volunteerism to the influence of the home environment, particularly par­ ents who instill high achievement standards in first and only-borns. He also explained that first and only-borns may lack peer or older siblings as models, may unsuc­ cessfully emulate parents, develop lower self-esteem through parental comparisons, and ultimately display lesser performances particularly in novel and stressful situations. He felt this would also account for the increased gregariousness of first and only-borns under stress— "more pressing needs for social comparisons." 8

^Robert Helmreich, "Birth Order Effects," Naval Research Reviews. XXI (February, 1968), 6. 16

He felt the greatest difference between first and only- borns and later-borns should occur where there is uncer­ tainty about proper feeling, thinking, behavior or per- formance. 9 Langson E. Longstreth found, in two child develop­ ment classes, that first-born students were significantly more conservative in their physical activities when aged twelve than were the later-borns at the same age period. He asked college students to rate themselves on a scale from one to seven on a seven item scale with polar con­ cepts described as "physically very conservative at age 12" versus "never turned down a physical challenge; always ready for rough and tumble, with plenty of bruises and cuts to show for it."^ He thought it interesting that 52 percent (n = 68) of his sample were first-borns considering the population estimate of first-borns ranges between 30 and 40 percent. / However, he noted this is not an unusual finding amohg college populations.

%bid., pp. 1-6.

^°Langson E. Longstreth, "Birth Order and Avoid­ ance of Dangerous Activities," Developmental Psychology. II (1970), 154. 17

Longstreth attributed the "birth order-fear of danger" relationship to mothers who are more emotionally involved with their first-born children. This seemed to be more true of sons than daughters due to the "cross-sex « nature of the relationship." 11 Gerald S. Leventhal, in a more psychologically

oriented study, attempted to determine the influence of

a first-born brother or sister on the sex role behavior

of the second-born male sibling. In his introduction he cited studies which indicated that males with older sis­ ters tended to have more feminine preferences than did

males with brothers. This was in accord with an imita­ tion hypothesis. Interestingly enough, he found that second-borns with older sisters rather than older brothers were: (1) more interested in outdoor activities; (2) ob­ tained significantly higher motor fitness scores; (3) had greater interest in record and radio stations as extra­ curricular activities; (4) had greater interest in fra­ ternity membership; and (5) displayed more masculine behavior patterns. However, he did find that second-

borns with older sisters displayed greater anxiety and feminine emotional patterns than did second-borns with

older brothers.

1:LIbid., p. 154. 18

Leventhal's results were explained in terms of (1) Festinger's theory of social comparison in which a young boy will adopt different behaviors to avoid unfav­ orable comparisons (a comparison prevention strategy) with the older sibling; and a (2) contrast hypothesis based on a negative-modeling effect by an older sister on a younger brother. Similar modeling would eventually 12 lead to disapproval from parents and peers.

Daniel M. Landers examined the sibling-similarity and sibling-opposite hypothesis on two different age groups represented by junior high school athletes and non-athletes, and high school athletes. He found an over-representation of FM2's (males with older sisters) among high school baseball players and junior high school athletes which supported a sibling-opposite hypothesis. Negative modeling, counter-active response ("a reaction to a sense of sex-role inadequacy by compensatory height- ening of their own sex-role characteristics" 13 ), and

12Gerald S. Leventhal, "Influence of Brothers and Sisters on Sex-Role Behavior," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. XVI (November, 1970), 452-65.

"^Daniel M. Landers, "The Effects of Ordinal Pos­ ition and Sibling's Sex on Males' Sport Participation," Training: Scientific Basis and Application, ed. Albert W. Taylor (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, 1972), p. 240. 19

seeking sex-role balance in the family were explanations posed for this observation. Regarding the latter point he said:

The process underlying the sibling-opposite hypo­ thesis can also be interpreted in structural or normative terms as an attempt to reestablish a sex- role balance in a family whose structure might facil­ itate deviation towards one or the other sex-role polarity. ^

Adams, in a review of birth order literature, examined theories, findings, problems and research pos­ sibilities. The sibling influence theory and the economic theory explained variation in birth order through inter­ action and achievement-encouragement patterns, respec­ tively. The latter theory relies a bit more on parental input than does the former theory. Investigators have found little connection between personality and birth order but have been more consistent in showing associa­ tions between birth order and educational attainment, particularly among first-borns. Other reported studies have shown associations between first-borns and affilia­ tion, dependence, conformity and responsibility.

Ibid.; See also Robert F. Bales and Talcott Parsons, "Family Structure and the Socialization of the Child," Family. Socialization and Interaction Process (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 35-131. 20

Adams pointed out a number of problems asso­

ciated with studies of birth order including population changes which bias statistical studies. The weaknesses

of other studies included changes in the time period under investigation which may represent different views toward child rearing, and the failure to control adequately for certain variables such as age-space, sex ratio, and mul- tiple sibling units. 15 Generally, there appeared to be a number of fac­ tors that cause variation among siblings but few studies have systematically sampled and controlled methodologi­ cally for many of the more accessible variables. Carmi Schooler, in his investigation, reported:

The general conclusion reached is that for people living in the United States in the middle 1960s there is almost no evidence of any birth order effects among men, and that these effects increase only marginally when restrictions on time, place, and sex are removed.

The author cited trends in increasing or decreasing family size as indicative of changes in the proportion of first­ born or last-born in the population depending on the

"^Bert N. Adams, "Birth Order: A Critical Review," Sociometrv. XXXV (1972), 411-39.

Carmi Schooler, "Birth Order Effects: Not Here, Not Now," Psychological Bulletin. LXXVIII (September, 1972), 161. 21 direction of the trend. There would be more last-born in the population when family size were decreasing, and more first-born when more new families were on the in­ crease. Further, he showed and urged that the "social class of origin" be controlled for to safeguard against birth order findings which might be linked erroneously to other factors. 17 He attributed the mistaken report­ ing of intellectual attainment or occupational achieve- ' ment of first-borns to "differences among social class 18 trends in family size." Schooler called for tighter controls as did Adams but questioned the feasibility of research on this topic. Nevertheless he stated:

. . . I suspect that future investigators, includ­ ing myself, will not be able to resist the tempta­ tion of taking a cheap bet on a long shot by collecting birth order data on their subjects as they pursue studies more central to their inter­ ests.-^

Sutton-Smith and Rosenberg presented an extensive collection of birth order material and came to three gen­ eral conclusions. First, only children were more inde­ pendent and more achieving than other children. Mothers also tended to favor only boys more than only girls.

Second, middle born were less achievement conscious and

17Ibid., p. 166. 18Ibid., p. 172.

19Ibid., p. 174. 22 were not in a power position in the family. Third, last born were found to be similar to only children particu­ larly when there was a large age-space to the next oldest sibling. They also presented a sibling identification sys­ tem in which the letters "M" and "F" were used to indi­ cate the gender of the sibling with an ensuing number to indicate the birth position of that child in the family. When the notation M1M is read from left to right, oldest to youngest, it indicates there were two male children and Ml, the first born and oldest, was under study. An F3 alone would indicate the third child, a daughter in 21 the family, was under study. This notation system was adopted for use in this study.

Summary of the Birth Order Literature There is some controversy over the suitability of birth order as a research problem. The difficulties center about (1) the control of extraneous variables, (2) population changes which alter the proportion of first, only, and later-born siblings in the population

20 Brian Sutton-Smith and B. G. Rosenberg, The Sibling (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970), pp. 152-54.

21Ibid., pp. 16-17. 23

at a given time, (3) the many theories which seek to ex­ plain birth order variation; and (4) the lack of in-depth information concerning sibling interactions and atti­ tudes.

FAMILY

Snyder and Spreitzer, in a questionnaire study of the family influences on sports involvement, reasoned that people are socialized into sports in much the same fashion that people are socialized into religion Or poli­

tics— their families. They operationalized sports in­ volvement into three levels of participation— behavioral, affective, and cognitive. They found a consistent posi­

tive association between parental involvement in sport and all three measures of subject's sport involvement,

and that it was present for both sexes. However, like-

sex parent had more influence than the opposite-sex par­ ent. There was also a link between parental encourage­ ment and sport involvement for the respondents. They also found a mutuality of sport interest among spouses. This, they attributed to mutual reinforcement of each others interests, the transmission of interests to the 24

spouse, and the selection of spouses based on similar 22 interests.

Yoesting and Burkhead used a questionnaire to determine the participation histories of a sample of people active in outdoor recreation— state park camping. The authors stated that personal, social, economic and environmental factors had been unsuccessfully used to predict recreation experiences and opportunities that needed to be planned for and created. Through regression analysis, the authors found support for their hypotheses

that (1) the level of participation in childhood affected adult participation; and (2) the number of activities engaged in as a child affected adult participation. In

summary they stated: "... individuals active in out­

door recreation activities as children continue to be active as adults and that inactivity during childhood 23 creates inactivity as adults." Thus it would appear

that active adult participation can be linked strongly 24 with childhood socialization.

22Eldon E. Snyder and Elmer A. Spreitzer, "Family Influence and Involvement in Sports," Research Quarterly of the American Association for Health. Physical Education and Recreation (hereafter referred to as Research Quar­ terly) , XXXXIV (October, 1973), 249-55. 23 Dean R.. Yoesting and Dan L. Burkhead, "Signifi­ cance of Childhood Recreation Experience on Adult Leisure Behavior: An Exploratory Analysis," Journal of Leisure Research. V (Winter, 1973),33. * 24Ibid., pp. 25-36. 25

Gregory P. Stone interviewed a group of adults from three socioeconomic strata of Minneapolis in order

to clarify the impact of sport on their lives. He re­ ported that sport was a bond among men more so than among

women and that sport conversation was quite prevalent at work. These findings were not unusual. However, he also found there was greater sport conversation among females , in the family context or setting, particularly among the higher socioeconomic levels. He stated that sport, for women in the upper socioeconomic strata, involved the entire family more than occurred in the lower strata. This, he attributed, to the link between sport and formal associations and clubs in the upper strata not present in the lower strata. Regarding sport and socioeconomic status, Stone said: ■

. . . the higher the socioeconomic stratum of the participant sportsman, the more frequently is the participant sport carried on in the company of family members. In the lower stratum, both husband and wife look for sport companions primarily outside their immediate households; in the upper stratum, women look to the home for sport companions somewhat more frequently than do the men (but half the men do men­ tion the family as a source); but, in the middle stratum, significantly more women confine their sport participation to the family than do men. Over eighty percent of the middle-stratum women participating in sport mentioned the family as a source of sport com­ panionship, compared to only forty-five percent of the middle-stratum participant sportsmen. Again, a kind of desperate situation is suggested, where the middle-class husband is pulled away from home by 26

sport, while the middle-class housewife strains mightily to pull him back into the home. The data suggest that the woman widowed by sport in America are middle-class and that sport merely underscores existing family differences between men and women in the lower stratum of the society where men and women live in different worlds anyway. Sport is more of a family affair in the upper stratum.25

Gerry E. Hendershot examined fertility values as they were transmitted from family of procreation (birth). He found that women who were first-born and close to their

family of orientation (marriage) indeed had been influenced

by the size of their family of procreation. Hendershot, in establishing his hypotheses, used the recapitulation theory which posits:

. . . children acquire norms in their families of orientation which later influence their own family planning decisions in such a way as to cause them to recapitulate, insofar as possible, the demo­ graphic structure of their families of orientation.26

The author believed the patterns of human rela­ tionships in a family depend upon size. Norms of family behavior are internalized from these interactions or rela­ tionships plus peers, teachers and the media. Furthermore,

25 Gregory P. Stone, "Some Meanings . of American Sport," Sport and American Society, ed. George H. Sage (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Com­ pany, 1970), p. 415.

26Gerry E. Hendershot, "Familial Satisfaction, Birth Order, and Fertility Values," Journal of Marriage and the Family. XXXI (February, 1969), 28. 27

the children are more likely to accept and retain these norms if the child is satisfied with the performance of the family. Birth order literature and findings of this study indicate first-borns are more conforming. 27 Bernard C. Rosen conducted 122 separate mother- son interviews to assess independence training and the transmission of achievement-related values from mother to son. He stated that family structure is influenced by patterns of affection and authority, degrees of parental

involvement, and expectations the parents have of the child. He hypothesized, from his review of the litera­ ture, that achievement values of boys would be similar to their mothers' values where the family was small, middle class, the child was early-born, and the mother was younger.

He found that independence training and love- oriented discipline techniques were related to value transmission. Oldest and only children were more likely to have values similar to their mothers except at the lower SES levels. Mother-son value congruity was found to be more prevalent among older mothers particularly in lower class cases. While social class did not seem to affect value similarity, small and medium size of family

27Ibid., pp. 27-33. 28 did relate to greater value similarity than did large 28 family size. Rolf, Sells and Golden found several relation­ ships between family characteristics and the peer group affiliations of children. Their study was based on over 30,000 respondents from Texas and Minnesota. What the authors describe as comfortable, enlightened, and ego- satisfying backgrounds tended to produce more healthy, bright and outgoing children with high self-esteem, more accepting and more accepted by their peer groups. This description seemed to be more prevalent at the upper 29 socioeconomic levels. Family factors which were found to differentiate degrees of peer acceptance among subjects included: (1) family harmony or stability and cohesiveness, posi­ tive interest in children or warmth, and cooperation with school; (2) unstable, tense, and unhappy families with low peer ratings, independent of SES; (3) parental lack of interest, indifference and neglect with low-peer status, 30 and (4) economic deprivation.

28Bernard C. Rosen, "Family Structure and Value Transmission," Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. X (January, 1964), 59-76. 29 Merrill Rolf, S. B. Sells, and Mary M. Golden, Social Adjustment and Personality Development in Children (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1972), pp. 8-9.

30Ibid., p. 116. 29

Edgar Z. Friedenberg, in commenting on peer

groups, said they assist the individual in two important functions regarding self-definition during adolescence. The first was developing a capacity for tenderness toward Others and the second was developing respect for compe­ tence. Regarding the latter point he said ". . . a young­ ster who does not know what he is good at will not be sure

what he is good for; he must know what he can do in order 31 to know who he is."

Just as Adams felt that birth order makes a dif­

ference in the state of the individual, one also feels intuitively that most people seldom elect to remain un­ affiliated or isolated from others. If values or models are not gained from the family or peer groups, there must certainly be some group to which the people regard as important. One such group might be a reference group. Merton said that reference groups are numerous and a person may take as his reference group, either a group of which he is a member and/or a group of which he is not a member. These groups are important as guide posts for shaping attitudes, evaluations and behaviors. 32

■^^Edgar Z. Friedenberg, The Vanishing Adolescent (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), p. 17.

32Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (1968 enlarged ed.; New York: The Free Press, 1968), p. 287. 30

I .

A person may conform to the norms and expectations of either the group to which he belongs or to the group to which he aspires membership. His behavior is conforming so long as he does not deviate from the group's expecta­ tions when the behavior is relevant. If he adopts the norms of his non-membership group, he has undertaken what 33 is called "anticipatory socialization." In doing this, he helps himself attain membership by approximating the

desired attitudes, values, norms, behaviors and actions of the group while he also assists himself in making the transition from "out" to "in" upon actual access to the group. 34

Summary of the Family Literature

Several authors have stated how children learn

from their parents and are socialized into sport partici­

pation through parental interests. However, it was shown that this value transmission included not only sport interests but extended^ to fertility and achievement as well. Furthermore, the environment of the home was shown to have an influence on peer relationships. Whether these findings would be maintained today is problematic. James S. Coleman stated the situation alluded to when he said;

33Ibid., p. 319. 34Ibid., pp. 318-19. 31

. . . the 'natural processes' of education in the family are no longer adequate. They have been re­ placed by a more formalized institution [the school] . . .35 which produces a person who is

. . . 'cut off' from the rest of society, forced inward toward his own age group, made to carry out his whole social life with others his own age. . . . and maintain only a few threads of connection with the outside adult society.3®

What he did not say, and perhaps should have said, is that other institutions (church, sport, work) engage in value transmission and produce their effects as well. Never­ theless, one cannot negate the importance of the family in child rearing and value transmission, particularly during the pre-teenage period. It is also during this time period that children involved with sport have so much close personal contact with adult leadership models.

It remains to be shown whether exclusive peer or adult affiliations would be harmful during adolescence.

oc James S . Coleman, The Adolescent Society (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 4.

■^Ibid., p. 3. 32

SOCIALIZATION/LEARNING

John A. Clausen stated:

. . . To a large degree, childhood socialization is the social orientation of the child and his en- culturation, first within the small social world of family and neighborhood and then in relation to the larger society and c u l t u r e . 37

He went on to state that socialization or social learning had a number of meanings, was not a "sharply definable 38 process," but took on a clearer meaning when the focus of socialization was narrowed to describe such specific events or practices as child rearing, education, role learning, occupation preparation, et cetera. Socializa­ tion was described as a subfield of the behavioral sciences that, . . . encompasses the learning of motives and feel­ ings as well as skills and cognitive sets. The concept of socialization embraces equally the efforts of society's formally designated socialization agents (parents, teachers, elders, preachers) to transmit and secure adherence to existing norms and the mutual efforts of participants in all sorts of relationships (peer group, courtship, marriage, work group) to establish stable expectations.39

37John A. Clausen (ed.). Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968), p. 4.

38Ibid., p. 5. 38Ibid., p. 6. 33

Clausen pointed out a number of features of the social structure that cause children to view their life experiences differently. These features included briefly, style and patterns of living, preferred asso­ ciations and activities, evaluations made and received, goals, identifications developed, values, personality attributes, and perception of opportunities for prized statuses. 40 These structural factors not only make a difference in a person's view of life, but in a person's location in that social system. As a result, these fac­ tors influence his or her opportunity, respect and power.

Clausen said:

Opportunity corresponds to hope and provides its warrant. Respect by others— more important in this regard than love or approval— provides the social ground for respect of self. And power is the kingpin of the system. Power receives respect and guarantees access to opportunity.41

Clausen noted the importance of an older sibling' role in early socialization as a model, companion, com­ petitor and ally while at the same time gaining.an iden­ tifiable social position himself. Older siblings can give their younger siblings a more stable value orienta­ tion than younger siblings, if not a model to be emulated

40Ibid., pp. 36-37. 41Ibid., p. 313. 34

This can also be said of peers. Then, when the person

advances into an adult social role, he will either select certain roles or society will assign him certain roles based on "age, sex, color, occupation and the like."42 In toto, society influences the socialization process through exposition (direct instruction or maxims), ex- 43 plicit training, sanctions, and retraining. George Sage, writing about the socialization of coaches, stated that it had two parts or phases. The

first was learning the knowledges and skills which were specific to the role performance and the second was

internalizing certain attitudes and values established for the role model. He noted that these two aims may have been accomplished in a number of ways, and the process may have begun before the person actually assumed 44 full membership m the occupation. Sarane Boocock stated that one of the purposes of her book was to explain what the conditions were under

42Ibid., p. 313. 43Ibid., pp. 93-102.

44George H. Sage, "Occupational Socialization and Value Orientation of Athletic Coaches," Research Quarterly. XXXXIV (October, 1973), 270. 35

which school performance is influenced by social fac- 45 . tors. She noted that in the school setting xt is diffi­

cult to identify and specify what learning is, but that success in school is a good predictor of future success

in school, which is, in turn, a good predictor of future social position. She said that learning, in her book, may be more appropriately called school success rather than learning.4^ Boocock stated, as Clausen had previously pointed out, each child brings to school a number of characteris­ tics which influence how the experiences in the environ­ ment will be interpreted or assimilated. These include

. . . the individual's abilities and interests, his values and his attitudes toward school and learning, and the knowledge and skills he possesses already.47

More specifically, the social factors that impinge on the learning environment include: sex differences related to

performance, abilities, et cetera; individual abilities;

classroom role structure and social system related to communication, goals, rewards, group standards, and

45Sarane Spence Boocock, An Introduction to the Sociology of Learning (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison- Wesley Publishing Company, 1970), p. 4.

46Ibid., p. 7. 47Ibid., p. 11. 36

composition and ultimately linked to achievement; and the

effectiveness of the school which is linked to teachers' verbal ability and pressure to achieve, and the school's

composition. 48 These factors, plus the ones noted by

Clausen represent the kinds of sociological variables that impinge upon the learning situation as a result, in part, of earlier socialization processes.

Merton wrote of the projection of parental ambi­ tions and goals on the child in connection with his writ­

ings on adaptation. The parent encourages the child to attain the heights the parent failed to attain, and the parent relives the experience vicariously through the child. He further stated the parents who were least able to provide their children with the opportunities to achieve these goals were those parents who exerted the greatest pressure on their children and thus caused the greatest frustration. Merton called this a pattern likely to cause deviant behavior— lofty goals and limited oppor­ tunities. He indicated the study of occupational goal- 49 formation should be undertaken.

48Ibid., pp. 56-207.

49Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (1968 enlarged ed.; New York: The Free Press, 1968), p. 213. 37

Summary of the Socialization and Learning Literature These two terms may be used interchangeably but it might be suitable to make distinctions based on some criteria. In the family or play group, the term sociali­ zation might be more appropriate because of the less de­ fined nature of the goals and the informality of the set­ ting. Regarding this point, Clausen suggested,, as people become closer to one another, their socialization aims become less precise and the techniques less specifiable. 50

Learning in an educational or school context is the more formal occurrence in which the aims or goals may be either quite specific (e.g., learning the ABC's) or some­ what nebulous as today's critics of education, including

Boocock, would propose (e.g., getting a high school educa­ tion) . In either of the latter two cases, it might be easier to distinguish the teacher from the learner by role, status or position in the setting. The,same may not be true when contrasted with the socialization pro­ cess, where role distinctions may be less obvious. Generally, the literature indicated that young children were socialized into certain ways of viewing society and this view was carried from the home, the

John A. Clausen (ed.), Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968), p. 148. 38 prime socializing agent, into an ever expanding "outside" world. Here the experience shaped how the individual would view and interpret contemporary life as well as past and future events or experiences. Thus, in the more formal setting with prescribed roles, norms, rights, and obligations, the person unprepared to recognize these facets of life, may be placed at a moderate to extreme disadvantage in comparison to a person who has undergone more proper, what Merton and Clausen called, "anticipatory socialization."

COHESIVENESS

Leon Festinger had the most widely accepted def­ inition of cohesiveness in the literature. He stated that it was ". . . the resultant of all the forces acting 51 on the members to remain in the group." Shaw, in summarizing the research on group co­ hesiveness, stated that cohesiveness has been given three meanings in the literature: (i) the pull or drawing power of the group and the holding power against departure; (2) the level of morale of the group with high morale

51 Leon Festinger, "Informal Social Communication," The Psychological Review. LVII (September, 1950), 274. 39

presumably indicating high cohesivenessy and (3) the efforts of the group to work together. The general mean­

ing of cohesiveness has been taken as indicative of the 52 members of the group to stay together. Kaplan wrote of family solidarity in terms analo­

gous to cohesiveness. He said that with an increasing

amount of time not devoted to work, people would perhaps

develop common attitudes and outlooks from non-work type 53 activities such as leisure pursuits. West and Merriman sampled 305 families at a Minnesota state park with interviews followed by mailed questionnaires. They examined the relationship between outdoor recreation and family cohesiveness, and found a moderate relationship. 54 Cohesiveness m their study was operationalized as ". . . intimate communication of per­ sonal troubles, secrets about friends, and detection of moods among family members." 55

52 Marvin E. Shaw, Group Dynamics (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1971), p. 193.

53Max Kaplan, Leisure in America: A Social In­ quiry (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1960), p. 59. 54 Patrick C. West and L. C. Merriman, Jr., "Out­ door Recreation and Family Cohesiveness: A Research Approach." Journal of Leisure Research. II (Fall, 1970), 251-59.

55Ibid., p. 255. 40

Peterson and Martens were able to show that suc­ cessful basketball teams were more cohesive than were less successful teams. They further showed that intra­ mural fraternity teams were more cohesive than were resi­ dent hall and independently formed teams. Melnick and Chemers, in an attempt to replicate the previous study, were unable to show that status con­ sensus (frequently called focused leadership) and cohe­ sion were related to team success. They felt one of the weaknesses of their study was that teams were formed as briefly as two weeks prior to the tournament and there­ fore may not have, at .that time, formed a stable social structure.^

Summary of the Cohesiveness Literature There seemed to be a strong feeling among the writers that cohesiveness is quite prevalent in leisure and sport. There was little agreement in defining co­ hesiveness in nominal terms and even less agreement in

56 James A. Peterson and Rainer Martens, "Success and Residential Affiliation as Determinants of Team Co­ hesiveness," Research Quarterly. XXXXIII (March, 1972), 62-76. 57 - Merrill J. Melnick and Martin M. Chemers, "Effects of Group Social Structure bn the Success of Basketball Teams," Research Quarterly. XXXXV (March, 1974), 1-8 . 41 the researchers' attempts to operationalize and measure it. There appeared to be further confusion as to whether cohesiveness caused success or success caused cohesive­ ness. It would appear that researchers should return to Festinger's original definition and begin to identify the "forces" he said act on members to keep them in the group. Success in sports may be one of the forces of which he spoke, but the goal of a team may not be winning, and yet the team may be very cohesive. 58

SUMMARY

This review of the literature was intended to acquaint the reader with some of the research which have been developed on the topics under examination. Gener­ ally, this literature was more germane to the original ideas which motivated the study than to those aspects of the study which emerged from the research in the field.

The following chapter presents the qualitative methodological approach undertaken in this research effort.

58This writer was the director of an intramural athletic program in which one basketball team was composed of Student Government officers, who were terrible play­ ers but very close personal associates. CHAPTER III

PROCEDURES OF THE INVESTIGATION

This chapter describes the manner in which the study was conducted including: (1) the semi-structured

intensive interview technique; (2) the selection of the subjects; (3) the interview process; and (4) retrospec­ tive comments.

THE SEMI-STRUCTURED INTENSIVE INTERVIEW TECHNIQUE

The principal material collecting tool or tech­ nique used in this investigation was the interview. This

form of research is amenable to qualitative analysis which typically involves the generation of detailed infor­ mation from a limited number of sources or respondents. The methodology and interview technique followed in this investigation were predominately those suggested by John Lofland in Analyzing Social Settings.^

■*\Tohn Lofland, Analyzing Social Settings (Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1971), 136 pp.

42 43

Major features of this methodology are the flex­ ibility in content of the material generated and the rather loose parameters placed on the expected outcomes of research. The study was undertaken to determine how people became involved in and what influenced sport, in this case bowling, and was not the outgrowth of previous research as is frequently the case. Therefore, it could not be anticipated how the material might appear, nor what general kinds of results and conclusions might be obtained. To proceed in the study with predetermined ideas would have imposed limitations on a sample of bowl­ ers which may have been inaccurate. That is to say, the subjects would have answered what the author conceived as important, but not what the bowlers' lived and exper­ ienced. Lofland addressed himself to this point by stating:

A major methodological consequence of these commitments [to get close, to be factual, descrip­ tive, and quotive . . . to represent the participants in their own terms] is that the qualitative study of people in situ in a process of discovery. It is of necessity a process of learning what is happening. Since a major part of what is happening is provided by people in their own terms, one must find out about those terms rather than impose upon them a preconceived or outsider's scheme of what they are about. It is the observer's task to find out what is fundamental or central to the people or world under observation.2

^Ibid., p. 4. 44

It is also for this reason that the semi-struc­ tured intensive interview was used rather than a more formal and rigid interview technique. This allowed a maximum amount of respondent freedom within the bound­ aries established for the interview. As a result, the respondent did not dwell on unimportant points and could proceed to more salient issues. This author entered the field with certain assumed relationships between bowling and the family, siblings, peers, et cetera, but emerged from the scene with find­ ings more pertinent to the subjects' existence than those originally anticipated. Again, Lofland stated, there is no reasonable substitute for this reality ". . . unless it allows their world to be represented precisely in its own terms."3 William J. Filstead stated, regarding the inter­ view methodology:

Qualitative methodology refers to those research strategies, such as participant observation, in- depth interviewing, total participation in the activity being investigated, field work, etc., which allow the researcher to obtain first-hand knowledge about the empirical world in question. Qualitative methodology thereby developing the analytical, conceptual, and categorical components

3Ibid., p. 4. 45

of explanation from the data itself— rather than from the preconceived, rigidly structured, and highly quantified techniques that pigeonhole the empirical social world into the operationalized definitions that the researcher has constructed.4

Both the quantitative and qualitative methods

have their strengths and weaknesses. Webb and others pointed out a "method-respondent interaction" in this 5 regard. This phenomenon influences and perhaps con­

trols and determines the kind of information which can be gained from a given method. Trow stated, regarding

differences between interviewing and participant obser­ vation, that equivalent kinds of data are not produced but they "... produce rather different kinds of data designed to answer quite different kinds of questions g about the same general phenomenon." The same distinc­ tion can be made regarding qualitative and quantitative research. A qualitative study which samples a limited number of cases loses some generalizability but gains

^William J. Pilstead (ed.), Qualitative Method­ ology (Chicago: Markham Publishing Compahy, 1970) , p. 6.

5 Eugene J. Webb and others, Unobtrusive Measures (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1966), p. 23. ~ g Martin Trow, "Comment on 'Participant Observa­ tion and Interviewing: A Comparison,'" Qualitative Methodology. ed. William J. Pilstead (Chicago: Markham Publishing Company, 1970), p. 144. 46

in quality of responses what it loses in quantity of responses. In the case of this study, using a ques­ tionnaire rather than an interview would have been the improper choice of method.

SELECTION OF THE SUBJECTS

When it was determined there would be a number of obstacles to overcome before an investigation could

be conducted in the public school setting, the author turned to another group within the sports realm. That area.was, bowling. It was felt that bowling scores were easily quantified, and therefore, selection of bowling subjects would be less arbitrarily chosen than perhaps other samples which might have been chosen. Bowling was also selected to move the research out of the university setting where so much research has been conducted. The sample consisted of those male bowlers in the Greater Columbus M^n's Bowling Association who attained a 200 average or greater in at least one bowl­ ing league each of the last three seasons (1971-1974). Bowlers who attained these criteria were selected from the Association's publication of final averages. 7

7Averaae Book: 1971-1972. 1972-1973. 1973-1974 (Columbus, Ohio: Greater Columbus Men's Bowling Asso­ ciation, no date). 47

Averages were included in the book as of April and only when at least 21 games were rolled. Thirty-one bowlers qualified as subjects based on this "book average" and all but two consented to participate in the investiga­ tion. Another local bowler was added to the sample be­ cause of his professional status in bowling. This brought the original sample size to 32 and 30 bowlers were interviewed. The cooperation of the subjects was quite sur­ prising. A number of writers had mentioned the diffi­ culty "gaining acceptance" in a setting to conduct re- search, 8 but these subjects were generally flattered that anyone cared or thought they were important enough for anyone to take an interest in them. One of the bowlers, Earl, said: I sort of feel good about you saying you want to interview me. To me this is something special to me, that you feel I am that good. To me I just feel I am another bowler with everybody else.9

8Lewis Anthony Dexter. Elite and Specialized Interviewing (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1970), pp. 23-80; see also Myron Glazer, The Research Adventure (New York: Random House, 1972), pp. 11-24.

9The names of the bowlers were changed to protect their anonymity. All interviews were personally conducted between September 30, 1974 and December 22, 1974. 48

Several bowlers, two in particular, were very helpful during the course of the study. One became some­ what of an "informant"who assisted the author in securing interviews, while another gave this investigator access to a room in his bowling establishment to conduct

interviews. This latter event was more than it seemed on the surface, because this particular man was of tremendous status in the local bowling scene— -an extremely signifi­ cant figure. Although, this writer did not know this when entering the setting, his generosity and coopera­ tion were, in a way, a "stamp of approval" which may have heightened the cooperation of the subjects who were hesi­ tant or apprehensive.

THE INTERVIEW PROCESS

Interviews can vary considerably depending on the depth and range of information desired, and of course, the cooperation of the interviewees. Most frequently the investigator will prepare a list of questions upon which to base the interview. A tape recorder is generally used to eliminate exhaustive writing and maintain optimum communication with the interviewee. Brief, preparatory

■^Lofland, op. cit., p. 111. 49

statements to the subject regarding the purpose of the investigation are read to promote trust and understand­

ing in this interpersonal venture.

The Interview Period

The interview period extended from September,

1974 through January, 1975. This was, perhaps a longer time period than was necessary. The interviews could have been conducted in rapid succession, but there were four advantages to spacing the interviews over a longer

time span. First, it allowed the investigator to look

for flaws in the research methodology, technique and strategy without the pressure of a tight interview sched­ ule. Second, it enabled the writer both to gain access and get closer to the scene than would have been possible in a shorter time span. Glazer referred to this as "gain- ing acceptance." 11 Thirdly, successive interviewing would have required both exhaustive interviewing followed by privative listening to tape recordings. Both would have been tedious at best. Finally, it permitted the synthesis and analysis of material while viewing the bowling scene closely.

"^Glazer, op. cit., pp. 11-13. 50

The Interview Setting Interviews were conducted in bowling houses (11),

subjects' homes (10), the investigator's apartment (7),

and at the subjects' place of work (2). Interviews were arranged either in person after league bowling or by telephone. Efforts were made to control for differences in the interview setting by suggesting that interviews be conducted in a room away from other people and distrac­ tions. The subjects' compliance was excellent.

The Interview The sources and types of questions and informa­ tion to be obtained from the interview process were gen­ erated from both the literature reviewed and from obser­ vations made during the researcher's tenure in the public school and university physical education programs. The interview technique was pre-tested by the author on four local bowlers and an informal pre-test of an abbreviated interview guide was conducted on selected people at several local bowling houses. A final five-page interview guide was prepared covering the topics hypothesized to influence premier bowling performance. A facesheet, which contained demo­ graphic information, prefaced the interview guide. See

Appendix A. 51

Each interview was started with brief introduc­ tory statements regarding the purposes of the research, a capsule description of the author's background and experience in bowling and other sports, and a statement regarding the value of the subject's cooperation. The interview was started with straightforward and non-controversial questions. As rapport was developed between the subject and the interviewer, more personal and penetrating questions were asked. It was felt these questions should be asked after the interviewee was more relaxed and comfortable with the interview process, tape recorder, and the author. Had these questions been asked earlier, the interviewees may have been inclined not to answer them freely. Fred H. Blum discussed many of these points previously mentioned. 12 He also underscored the importance of asking questions without agreeing or dis- agreeing with the answer. 13 This advice may have been particularly important during the investigation because it was found that the bowlers all knew one another, inter­ acted with one another frequently in their mutual bowling

12Fred H. Blum, "Getting Individuals to Give In­ formation to the Outsider,” Qualitative Methodology. ed. William J. Filstead (Chicago: Markham Publishing Company, 1970), pp. 83-90.

13Ibid., p. 88. 52

leagues, and were aware of the information gained and exchanged in other interviews. Nick, one of the latter interviewees said, as I approached him about an inter­ view, "I wondered when you were going to get around to

me." It was a problem in the interviews to determine the validity of the interviewees' statements. For the most part, the subjects were asked to recall factual information which probably would not involve a great deal

of intentional distortion or error (e.g., "How did you become involved in bowling initially?"). Martin Trow stated, in a related comment: "The amount of information people can tell us, quite simply and reliably, about 14 thexr past experience is very great .... Where there appeared to be discrepancies from one comment to another,

further clarification and explanations were sought by the investigator.

"Probes" were used to elicit responses when the subjects appeared to have concluded their remarks pre­ maturely. Probes are pre-formed questions, neutral, and 15 designed to elicit a response in a speaker's own terms.

14Trow, op. cit., p. 146.

15Lofland, op. cit., pp. 81-84. 53

Once the direction of the remarks were established, the interviewer's questions could be more pointed.

Several subjects were asked the first question on the interview guide, and subsequently answered many ques­ tions without further probing. Other respondents had to be asked nearly every question. It was also possible to draw the subjects actively into the study of the problem by asking them to assist in determining how learning occurred in bowling.

ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

The analysis of the material involved at least three stages. First, the writer entered the field with conceptions from the literature as to how the material might appear. Then, as the interview process progressed, the author began to see the emergence of other factors in the bowling setting. As Lofland suggested, the observa­ tion or interviewing and analysis portion of the study began to overlap. Separate files were created to accommodate mater­ ials gathered during the course of the study. An impor­ tant file which contributed to the analysis, and was

■^Lofland, op. cit., pp. 117-18. 54

invaluable, was a dated record of the researcher's com­ ments regarding any thought or topics encountered while

in the field. Rather than trust these thoughts and com­ ments to memory, most everything was written down and placed in this file. The validity of the comments were not necessarily important, but the comments were written

down and then displaced from the active thought processes

knowing they could be retrieved quickly. This freed the mind to go on to other matters. As the interviewing progressed to the half-way point, this type of writing increased, generally in an effort to understand and synthesize the bowling scene. Subsequent efforts sought to present the findings and , draw conclusions in an orderly and meaningful fashion, and from the proper perspective of the participants— the scratch bowlers. 17 Synthesis and analysis of virtually all phases of the study were made when colleagues inquired about the nature of the study, progress, and findings. Thus, this author found himself summarizing all aspects of the study to any person willing to ask or listen. These comments by the author were "spontaneous conceptualiza­ tions" and synthesis of how the setting appeared to exist.

"^Lofland, op. cit., pp. 118-23. 55

Other reflective moments came at unlikely times such as driving to an interview, exiting the interview with a mind full of new information, waiting for a traf­ fic signal to change, or walking across campus. Thoughts of interviews, subjects, and analysis occurred quite frequently and spontaneously. More formal analysis occurred at the conclusion

of the interview phase when all the accumulated material were examined. Several attempts at analysis were started and discarded before it was determined the interview material should be sorted and organized according to the

focal points of the interview. At this point the author began to examine overall . schemes in which to frame the material. Lofland called this "sense making." 18 This proved to be the most diffi­ cult phase of the study for it required that the mater­ ial be assembled in a coherent fashion that best repre­ sented what was discovered, not necessarily what the author hypothesized was important. This was done by 19 examining the works of other authors. The material

18 Lofland, op. cit., p. 122.

19Eugen Herrigel, Zen and the Art of Archerv (New York: Pantheon Books, Inc., 1953); Marvin B. Scott, The Racing Game (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968) ; Nelson N. Foote and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., Identity and Interpersonal Competence (Chicago: The University of . 56

was finally presented in the framework similar to the

topics reviewed in the literature.

RETROSPECTIVE COMMENTS

There was certain information that may be of value to other researchers who elect to adopt this method of research. Multiple copies of verbatim transcripts can be helpful and time saving in analysis. However, trans­

cribing and duplicating taped material is costly. When this is not done, as was the case in this study, a hand written copy of highlights from the tapes accompanied by notations marking the location of topics on the tape will suffice. 20 This enabled location of desired material on the tapes themselves. Each researcher must determine how much the use of persons' names will influence (help or hurt) the con-

\ tent material in interviewing. This, of course, depends on the type of material desired. However, the researchers

Chicago Press, 1955); Suzanne Keller, Beyond the Ruling Class (New York: Random House, 1963); and John Irwin, "Surfing," Urban Life and Culture. II (July, 1973), 131-59.

20This writer is indebted to Dr. Russell Dynes for his advice regarding interviewing and the use of tape recordings. 57 must be aware of the actual and potential communication among subjects, and the possible consequences if the subjects were to conspire to refuse or to give inaccurate information. Rather than risk either occurrence, this researcher did not pursue the use of names.during inter­ views although they would have provided a means of vali­ dating the accuracy of reports. The next three chapters are devoted to the mater­ ial derived from the interviews. CHAPTER IV

DESCRIPTION OF THE SCRATCH BOWLERS

INTRODUCTION

This chapter presents a description of the scratch bowling scene; a description of the bowlers in the sam­ ple; a typology of bowlers; and a summary of the chapter.

The scratch or non-handicap bowling leagues in town were composed of 2, 3, or 5 players per team. During the regular 35-week season from September to May there were: two-man or doubles leagues; three-man or trio leagues; and five-man all star, classic and traveling leagues. There were other scratch leagues such as the women's five-person leagues, mixed doubles leagues which predominated in the summer. The less prestigious of the scratch leagues were the mixed doubles and the five-man leagues, particularly those which placed a maximum team average upon entry.^

For example, a 950 scratch league required that the combined average of the five players could not exceed 950 pins based on the previous season's book averages.

58 59

The Scene The atmosphere of the doubles and trio leagues where the men of this study performed was much more sedate in comparison to junior and adult handicap leagues. In marked contrast to the handicap bowlers, these scratch bowlers were focused upon their bowling. There was no loud or boisterous talking, little or no joking or kid­ ding, and no horseplay among the participants. The con­ tinual parade to the bar, restaurant, and restroom was also absent. Even the pedestrian traffic seemed less congested at the scratch bowlers' end of the house. There were not as many children present as existed in the handi­ cap leagues. A few older men stood watching the men bowl and made knowing comments. Some of the same wives, mothers or fathers appeared night after night. Some of the bowlers came back to confer, not chat, With those who watched. Conversations centered on bowling— form, tech­ nique, timing or lanes. Other bowlers remained seated between turns offering little conversation. Occasionally 2 a "handicapper" came by to see these men bowl. He saw strikes, "nines," and few misses.

2A term applied by some of the men to the sub- 180 average bowlers. 60

These men's leagues were composed of a few teen­

agers, more young 20 year olds, and a large number of men

from 25 to 40 years of age, and a surprising number of older men. They looked neat, well dressed and were in good physical condition. Most, even the younger men, were clean shaven with contemporary hair styles befitting their respective ages. They looked to be professional or white collar workers, but their appearance was deceptive. They were postal employees, delivery men, shipping clerks, contractors, restauranteurs, plus accountants, managers, and salesmen. They did not dress from the same shops as did the handicap bowlers nor did they act in a similar fashion. Their setting seemed more professional than that of the handicap bowler. They were calm, intense and serious. They showed little emotion as they bowled. Ben said he liked to feel he could shoot 600 on a bad night. A 600 series is only a dream for many bowlers, but it was average for these men. The men were very intent on bowling and they did nothing to alter their focus of attention. When Monday Night Football appeared, only one or two men bothered to look. Most of the men ignored the football game and the television set behind their lanes. Night after night, they ate little, drank soft drinks and consumed no alcohol. 61

They were so meticulous about their game and the factors

which might influence the next delivery that they would

not eat with their bowling hand. A foreign substance like oil, salt or liquid on the fingers would interfere with the control of the ball. The bowling hand was I guarded and preserved for the ball. After bowling concluded, they disappeared from

the lanes. Some "bagged" their balls and shoes and left before their team finished. A few headed for the bar or

restaurant. Some went to the pool room. Infrequently, three or four stayed for an impromptu pot game. Most left the lanes. There was nothing "social" about their bowling. Most men bowled three to five nights per week and did not "hang around" the lanes after bowling because of what their wives might say (according to Jerome), because of the late hour at which some leagues concluded, or jobs the next day. In addition, there was little to do at the

lanes five nights a week other than drink, spend money at pool or on the gaming machines, and chase women. There were approximately thirty scratch leagues in town, but five Were more prestigious than the others (Amos Lanes on Monday and Wednesday, Stardust on Tuesday,

Main on Thursday, and Sequoia on Friday). Each of these leagues met on a different night and was either a doubles 62

or a trio league. Many bowled in at least two,' but more commonly three, of these five leagues. There was agreement from the sample that the best bowlers in town would be found in these leagues. These men willingly defended themselves from the remarks of others who challenged their reputation as the best bowl­

ers in the best leagues. Their common defense was, "you put these men or leagues in any 'house' in town and they will score the maximum that the house will, allow." Phrased another way, the averages of these top bowlers may not be as high somewhere else as they are in these

leagues, but they will produce the top averages in those

other houses.

THE SCRATCH BOWLERS

When the interview period began, it was not anticipated what characteristics the sample might assume. The first few interviewees spoke of professional bowling careers. The interviewer was amazed to find the sample included professional bowlers who were as skilled as the better professional golf and tennis players. The sport- following public, nationally but locally in particular, were unaware of the accomplishments of these men. The

first interview was with the tenth leading money winner on the pro bowling tour in 1974. The difference between 63 bowling and the other sports was, of course, publicity. Table 1 presents the demographic data for each bowler.

The first five men interviewed were in the bowl­ ing business, two as professional bowlers. These men were generally satisfied with their bowling and their lives in general. Harold was getting old, 49, but man­ aged a popular house and could practice when he needed to keep his game sharp. Randy could too, but he was only 25. The Reserves were postponing his professional development. Sam and Sheldon were full-time professional bowlers. Sam won $10,000 in the Hoinkey Tournament and then sold shares in himself to finance his "shot" at the pros. Sheldon found a sponsor who paid his expenses for a percentage of his winnings. He was reasonably satisfied with his performance, his first full year on the tour. He was willing to wait for maturity and the chance to win. He was going to give it two more years before he would call it quits and get a job with his college degree. No man was completely satisfied. Sam said his marriage tended to go through good and bad cycles. The long periods away from home were bad times and the prob­ lems that created had to be resolved each time. Randy also had marriage problems which culminated in a divorce. Table 1

Demographic Information of the Scratch Bowlers Interviewed

Consecutive Years with a 200 Birth Marital Average or Name Aqe Ordera Education Status Occupation Income Greater

Sam 31 FMM3 High school Married Professional $36,588 8 bowler

Harold 49 MMM3 Some Married Lane manager, $20,000 13 college part-time professional bowler Sheldon 27 FM2 College Bachelor Professional $ 9,000 4 degree bowler Randy 25 MM2 High school Divorced, Lane mechanic $12,000 3 Remarried and pro shop manager | Barney 44 FM2 High school Married Manager of a $16,000 7 retail bowling outlet

Everett 27 Only College Bachelor Bookkeeper $ 7,200 3 child degree Table 1 (continued)

Ben 50 MMFMMFF- 10th grade Married Truck driver $15,000 4-' MFM10M

Curtis 29 MM2FMMM- Some Married Mail man, $13,000 5 FFM college part-time professional bowler

Rex 22 FM2 College Bachelor Realtor, $12,000- 3 degree part-time $14,000 professional bowler Jerome 30 FFM3 Some Married Postal $12,000 3 college employee Wayne 28 MlM Attending Divorced Driver $ 5,000- 4 college now twice training $ 6,000 instructor, student

Lamont 34 M1MF Some Divorced, Clerk at the $ 9,600 4 college separated Utility company, part-time desk man at a lane Brett 24 FM2FM Some Bachelor Assistant pro $ 6,480 3 college in a bowling pro shop

Nick 31 Only High school, Married Restauranteur $ 7,000- 6 child" computer $12,000 course

Quincy 46 M1MFM Some Married Electrical $16,000 5 college technician Bart 38 M1MM Some Married Manufacturer's $50,000 5 college representative

Jay 23 MlFFF College Bachelor Insurance, $ 8,160 4 degree part-time professional bowler

Frankie 35 MM2 High school Separated Manager of a $ 8,000 6 bowling pro shop and part-time professional bowler

Ken 39 Only Some Married Lane manager $20,000 9 child and part-time professional bowler

Mike 47 FM2FM High school Married Shipping clerk $ 9,000 9 Lewis 21 FFM3MM Some Bachelor Postal clerk $10,920 3 college Table 1 (continued)

Tony 38 FM2 Some Married Owner of a $50,000 college trophy manufacturing plant

Max 30 MM2 Some Divorced Building $25,000 8 business contractor college

Earl 31 M1M High school Married Soft drink $10,000- salesman and $11,000 Association Director

Denny 30 MlF College Bachelor Accountant at $14,000 8 degree a Utility company and a part-time professional bowler

Walt 39 M1MFMFM Some Bachelor Youth leader $10,000 college supervisor

Harmon 32 MFM3MF 10th grade Separated Carpenter $25,000 contractor

Hank 24 FM2 Some Married Farming $ 6,600 3 college plus crops Table 1 (continued)

Wesley 35 M1M 11th grade Married Driver for a $11,000 5 baking company and a part-time bowling instructor

Fritz 23 M1M High school Bachelor Professional $ 3,000 2 bowler

clThe birth order identification system was adopted from Sutton-Smith and Rosenberg cited in the review of the literature, page 21. L He was treated as an only child since his one-year-older sister died when he was five years old.

He recently remarried and everything seemed fine, par­

ticularly his bowling. Barney was the manager of a sports shop in town for only a few years. He was proud that "his name" in

bowling had been partially responsible for getting him the job and that it had also increased their bowling business. Barney, at 44, had carried a "2+" average 3

for 20 years and thought nothing could surpass bowling despite the fact he was starting to "slip" a little in strength. He told his wife some years earlier they should not get married if she wanted him to stop bowling. Randy had made similar remarks to his second wife before their marriage. The next bowlers presented a contrast to those previously interviewed. Everett, a 27 year old bachelor, who bowled five days of the week, was somewhat unhappy with present conditions of the lanes. He felt that bowl­ ing was losing some of its appeal because of the easy scores that were being rolled at certain places like Amos. What incensed him most was that a bowler could make a mistake and still get a strike. A ball which was pulled, inside on the heavy oil, slid and would not come up on

3 This means a 200 plus average. 70 the nose. It sat in the pocket and "gave" the bowler a strike. He felt the lane managers were destroying what he had worked so hard to develop— a consistent strike ball and perhaps the prestige of a 200 average. Ben, the oldest member of the sample at age 50, was one of the warmest men the interviewer encountered. To his regret, he had not started league bowling until he was 38 and concluded his first 200 average season when he was 47. Upon asking about his future plans in bowl­ ing, he responded,

Well I don't suppose I have any future plans in bowling.* I'm just gonna continue to do what I am doing as long as I can. . . . and I just want to stay sharp enough so they will draft me.

Variations on this thought were expressed by other men who were approaching points in their careers when a natural deterioration of physical strength prevented the continued excellence they were able to achieve through work in previous years. Some, like Ben, admitted it. Barney and Quincy seemed to accept it, although Quincy had some problems the previous year. Mike seemed to accept it grudgingly but did what he could to push back time. Harold fought it. The next three bowlers were more like the original five bowlers. Each man was performing at or near his best. Curtis was a part-time professional bowler, when 71 not a letter carrier. Rex, age 22, had won a major tournament for $10,000 at age 19, won several other tournaments within the past year, was averaging well over

210, was about to marry and was about to go on the pro tour ("out there") full-time. He was on top of the world considering the warnings he had received about mixing marriage and bowling. Jerome, in contrast to Curtis, took almost seven years to reach the 200 level. He had bowled five leagues the previous two seasons which seemed to help put his average over the 210 mark in certain leagues. As Curtis stated, "Right now I am good enough to bowl with anybody in the world." About half of the first ten subjects felt this way when they were inter­ viewed and several others were going to make similar statements. At this point two types of bowlers had emerged— the younger fellows with very solid or sure games that were as good as they had ever been ("heads") and those men beginning to show the signs of age ("slipping"). Among the next thirteen men, the interviewer encountered ten men with problems. These were the men who were to germinate the seeds of an idea. These were the men for whom an emergent methodology was employed in the study. Some men had problems which seemed to effect 72 their bowling. Others had trouble with bowling and it influenced other aspects of their life. The first three of these thirteen men had prob­ lems. Wayne, a 28 year old, two-time divorcee, was making

$5,000 to $6,000 per year as a driver training instructor and was reputed to have the best looking game in town. However, he never performed up to his reputation or potential and was described as having "no head." This phrase has a number of meanings. As a baseball coach, it meant you did not know what would happen when a cer­ tain player reached base or fielded the ball. Anything might happen. It is implicit that the person labeled a "no head" is skilled in the game, otherwise he would be dismissed from the team as "no athlete" and "no good." The person with "no head" contributed to the team but you were never sure whether the contribution would be positive or negative. In Wayne's case, it did not appear he could bring sufficient order to his personal life to concentrate on his bowling— father, first wife, second wife, and jobs all required something of him that detracted from his bowling— -"the best looking game in town." Bowling has assumed first priority for him in many situations and this caused conflict. Lamont was 34 and had problems similar to Wayne but less severe. He had a steady job, one divorce, arid 73

one separation. Lamont had bowled for 20 years with his brother but they had come through the Negro bowling houses in town. They had no junior leagues and generally poor bowling models. Lamont had been over the 200 mark just four years and had two things that troubled him— his future, "I don't know where I'm going and I don't like where I been," and his bowling. He had bowled so long in the old Negro houses that he was unable to make the changes in his game that were necessary if he were to move up with the top bowlers in town— the "heads." This change would have required a major overhaul in his re­ lease which in turn would have affected other parts of his game, particularly his scoring. Lamont had neither 4 the time nor the desire to "change his game" to improve his scoring ability. He was 'already working part-time at New Olympic Lanes, plus his regular job. Consequently, Lamont was somewhat satisfied with the knowledge that he was one of the better bowlers in town even though he was "on the bottom half of the list."^

4A common phrase. 5 The weekly average sheet. 74

Brett, the next subject, was going through what >■

Lamont had rejected and Randy had done three years ago-- change his game. At 24, Brett was so disgusted with 6 bowling that he was ready to quit the game. He was trying to change a portion of his game and it was alter­ ing his roll, steps and timing. His frustration was spreading beyond bowling to his work at the bowling pro shop. Ke was looking for another, and better paying, job.

Chancre Your Game This change that other bowlers went through was as much mental as physical, but it seemed more rough on Brett than on most bowlers according to his friend Jay. This change required as much as a year and a half of practice for some to complete. Randy did it, Harold tried it at age 49 and went "back to roll, and back to control," 7 and Hank experimented. with it last summer m . preparation for the day when he may have to change.

ft Brett called bowling a "Donkey game" because:

It takes a jackass to put up with all the aggrava­ tion that we are putting on ourselves because its really just there and all we have to do is accept it and we don't want to.

^A full-roller. 75

The drive to change was better striking power and a higher average. The need to change was individual and the will to complete the change was enormous. The process of change brought a temporary loss of 10 to 15

pins from a relatively stable "2+" average. It required the person to roll ball after ball, and make mistake

after mistake. It made the person throw their balls and

shoes in their bag in disgust and return the next night to try again. It required the mental ability, discipline

or toughness to keep coming back day after day until it was done properly. Nothing less than complete mastery would suffice. Those who failed stayed on the bottom half of the list, like Lamont or went to weaker leagues. Those who succeeded received no awards or degrees. They received their own plaudits for completing the task and the informal acknowledgment of their peers for their sub­ sequent performances. Changing your game brought severe emotional tur­ moil. People in other sports may be able to withdraw from competition or compete sporadically while changing

their technique (a golfer, a pitcher, a batter), but a bowler suffers every week and does little positive for the people with whom he associates. In a subsequent con­ versation Brett said things were getting better, and he

said it with a smile. 76

Wayne, Lamont, and Brett brought turmoil and con­ flict to the study. Ken and Nick brought relative tran­ quility. Both men were riding on the crest of their best bowling. They were "hot." They were "stroking." They were happy. Ken, 39, managed the most prestigious house in the area and one which was nationally famous in bowling circles along with the Stadium Bowl in Houston and sev­ eral Bay Area houses in San Francisco. Ken, happily married with two daughters both of whom bowl, had a fine house in a nice suburb, and the complete trust of his wife who seemed devoted to his bowling life/business.

Ken had just "cut down" his bowling to two nights a week, both in his own house, but entered many local, state, PBA and OTBA tournaments to satisfy his need for head- to-head competition. He had not won in the tournaments but he felt it was just a matter of time. He had just shot two 700'sin league to sooth his feelings about tour­ naments. Ken was happy. Nick had just opened a new restaurant. His mar­ riage was fine. The kids were great. Mom was happy. All was fine. He just wished that when he got in one of 8 his streaks where he was really "strokin," that he was

^Wesley called it "the feel." 77

"out there" full time. He said he rarely hit two "stops" 9 xn a row.

The Pro Tour: "Out There" At 31 years of age* Nick, a husband, father, and owner of a new restaurant, wanted to go on the pro tour. How absurd! Was it? This was his dream. Most of the men dreamed of professional bowling since they became serious about the game. Just as boys dream of becoming baseball and basketball stars, these boys and men dreamed of being pro bowlers. The problem was, of course, they were no longer boys but they were still dreaming. No, they were giving serious consideration to professional bowling. Quincy had done it at age thirty-six, ten years ago. Most seemed to realize the futility of their dreams considering their wives, children, jobs and home, and chose other paths. They pursued Resident Professional memberships in the Professional Bowlers Association, or they entered every tournament available, as did Quincy. Each man knew the difficulty in making it as a pro bowler. Brett summarized what most of the bowlers knew.

9"Stops" is a term which designates a professional bowling tournament. 78

There is no way to make a living at it [pause] unless you are very lucky . . . or very very good . . . like on the PBA tour, you got 20 guys a year making a living out of all of them. That's it. Your expenses on the average run between 15 and 20 thousand a year to follow each stop on the tour. That's about how much it costs to live out there. You got to pay hotel bills and things like that.

Interviewer: What did I see: the top bowler last year [1973] made $65,000 . . . $66,000 and the second one was at 55 and the third was probably at 45. They aren't bunched that close. [Pause] Humpf. And there's not that much money to make. Figure the most you could win in one tourna­ ment last year was $10,000 unless you won the Fire­ stone. A golfer makes it big when he hits one tour­ nament big, and he's almost in for the year really. They can support so many more golfers than they can bowlers.

Yet it is ironic that so many bowlers seriously want "a shot" at the pro tour despite the inability of the tour to support its members. However, it is easier for this goal to be understood when you consider that (1) these 30 men were as good if not better than some of the pro golfers on their tour; (2) they had continually sought a higher level in bowling, this had been their pattern of development since they began to "take the game serious;" (3) they had another level before them— the pro level; and (4) their entire development has succes­ sively approximated the conditions on the professional tour— head-to-head competition, a different house each week, different conditions each week, and prize money. 79

Quincy, 46, gave up thoughts of professional bowling 10 years ago. He bowled two nights a week for years, did not touch the ball between nights but drove throughout the area to enter tournaments— novelty tourna­ ments, headpin tournaments, every kind of "sweeper."^ His wife went bowling with him every night, the kids went until they were older and objected, and he described he and his wife as "the happiest couple I know." She seemed perfectly content to follow his bowling, encouraged him to enter tournaments, and even agreed for him that he would bowl in a league. Quincy and others like Ken, Nick, Harold and Ben made their bowling trips small family vacations— Miami, Cleveland, Chicago— coupling bowling with travel, eating out, shows, horse races and sight­ seeing. Bart and Tony, both 38, both 20 year bowlers, and both earning over $50,000 per year, presented a new bowling type. Bart was losing interest in bowling. Tony had lost it. For the better part of their adult lives Bart and Tony were inseparable. They bowled five-man

This is a general type of tournament in which the winner is the bowler with the highest score, or the entrant "bowls against the house." 80 teams together, practiced together on a lane they built in the basement of a nearby garage, set the world's doub­ les record together,vacationed together, and traveled to tournaments together with their families. Now both were avid golfers and they were losing interest in bowl­ ing together. Tony had cut down more than Bart but even Bart said there were nights he would just as soon stay home and watch the football game. Tony said he finally

"let go."

Let Go This is what Brett would not do when attempting to change his game. Letting go is what some doctoral students must continually resist. Letting go is what some professors do— some earlier than others. Letting go is easy, not letting go is hard. Tony "let go" of the pressure he placed on himself to continually be a super bowler. It required, as in any area of excellence, hours of practice, review, remaining current, sacrifice, and top performance. Whether at the lane or the lecturn, the pressure is there to continually give all you have to give. Neither Tony nor Bart felt a need or desire to hang onto bowling any longer.

^■^Tony shot a 300 and Bart a 287 for a 587; their 2nd place record is a 569, with Bart's 290 and Tony's 279. 81

It was not determined why Bart and Tony were

letting go— income, golf, family, years of pressure. Lewis, 21 years old, single and a new postal employee had

also let go. He was disgusted with bowling, disgusted at

being known only for his bowling, and perhaps with bowl­

ing, which forced him to seek another job which ultimate­

ly cut into his bowling. He liked the job training pro­ gram in which he was engaged, but it was interfering with his bowling. Lewis would probably overcome this tempor­ ary "letting go" when his job returned to normal hours again. Brett quit his first full-time job because it interfered with bowling.

Max and Harmon also let go. Both were contrac­ tors, one a builder and the other a carpenter, both earned around $25,000, and both had gone through recent marital problems. Max was divorced a year ago and Harmon was just separated from his wife. Max's interests took

him away from bowling and to his son, trips to Florida, fishing trips in the North, car and bike races, and week­ ly visits with a close friend (an ex-bowler from the same

junior leagues) who was also divorced and had a boy the same age as Max's boy. Harmon was still bowlipg two

leagues, both at Amos, but was down in the 190's. Max had quit bowling the previous year but was talked into bowling. He averaged 205 in one league for 48 82

games. 12 Both had bowled year-round. Now their bowlxng balls stayed in the closet over the summer. Harmon said not bowling in the summer hurt his game, but when you go

through this kind of thing (marital problems) you do not feel like doing anything. 13 Both men were young enough

to come back. These men, Max, Lewis, Tony, Bart, and Harmon, represented another type of bowler, those perhaps ready

to quit the sport. Some, perhaps handicappers, never

developed anything in bowling of which they might let go. Jay, 23 and single, was graduated from college,

took a $2,000 fling at the professional bowling tour, and returned to league bowling, the OTBA and local PBA tour­ naments. Jay scored well in the leagues but was going through a period of recovering from his depressing per­ formance "out there." He was thinking about all the things he wanted to do now that he had not done earlier because of the time he had devoted to bowling. He said he and his bowling roommates did not have life too bad.

Frankie, 35 and an $8,000 a year manager of a bowling pro shop, had been the second man in town to try

12 Sixteen weeks, one-half a season. 13 A post interview comment. 83 the pro tour. He was a bachelor when he started the tour, was married, gave up bowling and his long time bowling friends to appease his wife, and was finally awarded a separation. His current bowling was superb but thoughts of the pro tour still hung on his fingertips. He said he would try it again if it were not for the kids. Frankie did not get a "full shot" at the tour and at 35 he still dreamed of it.

Earl was a pop salesman and married the only girl he said would put up with all his bowling. He "cut down" to two nights this year, was the secretary of one league which paid for his bowling and sat with their daughter the night his wife bowled. He did not appear able to bowl as much as he would have liked to bowl. However,

Earl was one of the Directors of the local bowling Asso­ ciation, a non-paying position. This may have contributed to his satisfaction from bowling. '

As one of the 23 Directors of the Association, Earl was to see that his three or four "houses" were cleaned and maintained properly for the bowlers and that the leagues were fulfilling their contracts to the houses.

Oil During the interview period there vas a great deal of internal conflict in bowling, not just locally, but nation-wide, concerning the improper use of oil on 84 the lane surfaces. The conflict locally was between the

ABC in Glendale, Wisconsin, the local Association and seven or eight houses in town. The bowlers were in the middle.

The Association had to check lanes, weigh the pins, and check the bowling ball used to certify high score awards. It seemed likely that the understaffed Association could not keep pace with the scores and the ABC began to question the authenticity of all these scores. Over the past seven years, Amos Lanes was accused of being a very easy scoring house. The manager, one of the interviewees, began using excessive oil on the lanes after a local pro tour "stop" in 1964 had demonstrated the increased scoring which was possible when the oil was applied properly. As a result, Amos bowlers began to 14 " shoot the numbers. " The better bowlers came to the houses that produced the high scores. Consequently, the leagues improved and the scores became even higher.

Frankie was averaging 235 early in the 1974-1975 season. The controversy, "blocked lanes" occurred in other houses in town, in other states, and was reported by the bowlers to have ruined bowling in Japan. Harold

14700's , 800's , 2981s, 299's, 300's. 85

said, at a local ABC clinic, that blocked lanes were too easy to score on and would remove the challenge and the bowlers from the game. Others disagreed. Lanes are blocked by applying a heavy coat of oil to the lane surface. Oil is normally used to prevent the ball from burning untreated wood but in this case oil was applied down the center of the lane from boards 10 right to 10 left, leaving the first 10 boards from each channel relatively dry. The oil was applied from the foul line toward the pins for about 40 feet. This created an oil pattern on the lanes which assumed the following profile:

channel I ...... channel 5 10 15 2 0 15 10 5 dry excessive oil dry

Figure 1 Profile of the Oil Pattern on a "Blocked Lane"

A straight ball is not influenced by the oil. An inexper­ ienced bowler who rolls a fast hook on oil will find that the ball hooks very little and he might be puzzled as to what happened to his hook. An experienced professional bowler and almost every bowler in the sample knew how to bowl on oil ("to play the block") to maximize the existent 86

scoring potential. The better local bowlers like Nick,

Ken, Barney and Jay could play the block well. Sam could play most all types of lane conditions. He was steady but not spectacular on the pro tour. The first requirement to play the block was a semi-roller, a type of bowling ball which slides more than a full roller and tracks outside the thumb hole. Pull rollers track between the thumb and finger holes and do not score as well on oil as do semi-rollers. Bowlers must be more accurate to score on oil with a full roller than a semi-roller. The second requirement to be successful on oil

was to find the block. The third requirement was to hit it. The block did little good if you could not "play it."

The technique to "play the block" was to lay a fast spinning ball down on the edge of the oil. 15 For a right hander, the counter-clockwise rotation of the ball carried the ball right toward the channel, out of the oil into the dry area. The friction of the dry area forced the ball left, back onto the oil. A properly

thrown ball hung on the margin between the dry and wet part of the lane. On occasion the ball could be observed

"^For example the 7th, 10th, 12th, or 15th board.

* 87

zig-zagging down the lane between the oil and the dry portion of the lane. When the ball finally set up on

the "wall" between oil and dry, and then came to the end

of the oil, the ball curved left directly into the 1-3

pocket. The result was a strike. A bowler who could "play the wall" could roll strike after strike: 700's, 800's, high 200's and 300's. The Association became angry, perhaps for all their interrupted bowling nights, to check high games. The ABC became angry, perhaps for all the 300 game watches and rings they had to award. The other bowlers became angry at Amos for giving the bowlers an easy way to aver­ age 200. They had worked hard to develop their game and now some kid who "grew up on oil" in the junior program and "only had one shot," a 10th arrow block, averaged 200.

Some of the managers were angry because some scores in their houses were being thrown out by the ABC with no awards given. Then the bowlers who were scoring became

insensed. Ken made an effort to bring the oil at Amos with­ in ABC specifications. Some other houses in town did not, particularly after the ABC brought in several headquart­ ers people to demonstrate legal and illegal lane condi­ tioning. The manifest function of the clinic was to explain and show what an illegal lane block was. The 88

latent function was to show several managers how to in­

crease the scores in their houses to draw in more customers.

Spotty Conditions To compound the oil problem, a fire insurance regulation mandated that a new lane surfacing substance

would be necessary. This new finish was fire resistant and harder than the old surface. The oil was unable to

penetrate this new Astro Finish. As a result, the oil

lay on the surface of the lane and was pushed around by the bowling balls. Tracks were made in the oil just as you make a dry path on a wet counter with your finger. Spare shooting across alley and bowlers using different lines to the pocket kept the oil spread about the lane and the track "spotty." This frustrated the better bowlers. The end result of the ABC, the Association, oil,

the new lane finish, and the barring of certain bowling balls,^ was turmoil. Bowlers did not like certain houses,

16The "soaker" and the Sure D Pro were, what was described as, soft bowling balls. Their Outer shells did not meet the minimum hardness of 75 as registered by the durometer D scale. One bowling writer said: "Put it all together, the soft ball on blocked lanes with popcorn pins on the other end of the lane, and you may have 250 averages— in junior leagues." See Chuck Pezzano, "Tests Show the Soaker Hikes Pin Scores," The Sporting News. April 12, 1975, p. 63. 89

certain Association personnel, certain managers, and cer­ tain bowlers. With turbulence rampant in bowling, it is difficult to imagine what home and work were like. Denny, age 30 and a bachelor, was an accountant and bowled in what leagues he pleased. His parents

adopted his interests in bowling, accompanied him to leagues and tournaments, and knew as much about his bowl­ ing as anyone could know about another person. His sis­ ter bowled better than most other siblings from the sam­ ple, male or female. Denny, like Randy, Curtis, Jerome, Rex, Nick and Ken, was at the peak of his game. Denny,

like Nick and a few others, found the repetitive league bowling boring week after week. They liked the OTBA (The Ohio Tournament Bowlers Association) and the satel­ lite tournaments of the PBA. This bowling provided a break from the leagues and a chance to compete against better bowlers in head-to-head competition.

The OTBA ' The Ohio Tournament Bowlers Association was a state-wide tournament schedule conducted approximately twelve times throughout the year. It was formed to give good bowlers an opportunity to bowl one another and win some prize money. The tournaments started with a quali­ fier to reduce the field to the best bowlers. In the qualifier which occurred at the OTBA "stop" here at 90

Piketon Lanes, all the bowlers who entered the tourna­ ment rolled six games. About 250 men entered this tourna­ ment so they qualified in two shifts: 10:00 A.M. and 1:00 P.M. The top 41 bowlers qualified to move into the head-to-head competition. The first two-game, head-to- head match reduced the field from 40 to 20, the next from 20 to 10 and the next from 10 to 5. At this point, the last five, plus the top qualifier who was permitted to sit out because of his high performance, bowled each other in a one game round-robin position round. This was followed by the professional ladder-type, television format. The sixth or poorest bowler from the position round bowled number five. That winner bowled number four. This continued until the number one person from the posi­ tion round was bowled and a winner prevailed.

The PBA The PBA satellite tournaments were conducted in a similar fashion. To join the PBA, a bowler had to attain a 190 average for the last two seasons and pay yearly dues of $125.00. Resident Professional II's, a member­ ship classification of the PBA which permitted limited tournament involvement, was the group to which many of these bowlers belonged, and cost $60.00. Regular PBA tournaments cost $155.00 to enter. The satellite tourna­ ments cost $75.00 while the OTBA tournaments cost 91

$35.00. 17 For these men bowling was quite expensive but they had the potential to win a regular stop then use the money to go on the tour full-time. Sam won $10,000 in the "amateur" Hoinkey Tournament in Cincinnati to launch his pro career. Rex had won $10,000 in Akron when he was

19. That was the base for his start on the pro tour. Walt, a 39 year old bachelor, was perhaps the most interesting and diversified man in the sample. He was intelligent, well read and articulate. His interests ran from bridge to boxing. He had been a fine football player, boxer, tournament bridge player, and now bowler. Although he did not start bowling until he was 32, he had reached the 200 average in three years which attested to his talent and facility to learn. Walt was working at a juvenile correction home for boys aged 10 to 16. He seemed to like the boys and the work. He was also becoming bored with bowling. He had shown to his satisfaction, as with bridge, that he could

"bowl with the best bowlers there are and be respectable." He was not on the "top half of the list" and was ready to find a new area to conquer such as golf, tennis, or chess.

17Based on personal correspondence with the Pro­ fessional Bowlers Association February 12, 1975, and from an Ohio Tournament Bowlers Association information sheet and schedule given to the interviewer by one of the bowl­ ers , Ben. 92

Hank, was 24 years old, farmed with his father, and had been bowling one less year than Walt, six now, and had averaged 200 in three years also. Hank threw a full roller, the non-preferred ball, the ball that Harold went back to, the ball that Harmon had to "change"

in favor of the semi-roller, the ball that he thought about changing the previous summer. Hank was relatively satisfied with his performance in bowling. Although he was not among the better bowlers in town, he could feel

that he was improving and maturing. He felt it would be just a matter of time, like Sheldon and Fritz, before his efforts began to pay real dividends. He was willing to wait for a while for it to happen. Wesley, a 35 year old wholesale bread salesman, perhaps epitomized the scratch bowler. He began bowling at age 14 after setting pins, talked his brother into bowling, joined adult and then the top five-man leagues in town, was among the top bowlers in the area in the early 1960's, won numerous championships, thrived on pot games, married at 27, had two children, and "cut down" his bowl­ ing to maintain tranquility in the family particularly when the second child arrived. Wesley had always been concerned about employment, particularly since he married. He did not finish high school and good jobs for him were scarce. He wanted to 93 try pro bowling but was afraid he would be unable to find a decent job when he returned, if he failed to make it "out there." He was not unhappy with his present life, it just seemed that with the denied opportunity at pro bowling, having "cut down" his bowling because of the family, and still being a reasonably young bowler, he wanted more from bowling than he received. He wanted to go "out there" and could not. His dream was not ful­ filled. Marriage had really cut into his bowling. That and a tentative job future prevented him from going pro. However, Wesley seemed resigned to speak of what was and dream what could be some day. Wesley was caught between a dream and reality. He had not fully accepted either.

Wesley's dreams like the dreams of many others were broken but not forgotten. They lingered as a con­ stant reminder of what may have been, under other cir­ cumstances. Of his present goals, he now says:

I'm looking for another 300 game . . . I'm looking for a chance to win something. I still have that urge to win a check for $5000. I still participate in tournaments. We have a sponsor that pretty much pays for some of the tournament . . . I still hope for . . . 1 won a $1000 one time in Dayton, Ohio, in a singles tournament. It's the most I ever won at one time. I've just really never been lucky enough.

Many of the dreamers now delight in "out aver­ aging" the league or scoring the high game of the night.

They enjoy beating all those good bowlers, as Walt remarked. 94

Fritz, age 23 and a full-time touring profes­

sional, had been out for two years. He, like Hank and

Sheldon, was waiting for maturity, for what he had learned to "sink in." He did not seem to feel he had much control over how this happened so he was going to continue to bowl and not be too concerned with his present lack of success. Fritz had a sponsor who paid all his bowling expenses and with whom he, in turn, shared his earnings. He wanted to turn pro earlier, but Sam talked him into waiting a while longer. In the two years he waited, he averaged between 201 and 216 in seven leagues. His main preoccupation since age 16 was bowling. He worked at bowling lanes and pro shops. He learned bowling— balls, weights, lanes, conditions. He knew nothing but bowling. These were the men of the study.

TYPOLOGY OF BOWLERS

The previous description of the scratch bowlers sketched two emergent phenomena. The first was the cat­ egorization of bowlers into types. The second, to be treated later in the discussion, identified certain prob­ lem areas. 95

The men of this study had carried 200 averages or more for the last three seasons. A few men had car­ ried this average for over twenty years. However, during

the interview period, their averages ranged from the 180's to the 230's. This variation was entirely unexpected

based on their previous performance. These men seemed to

order themselves in five groups based on their own per­ ception and self-evaluation of their status among the men

with whom they bowled. A description of these categories is presented in the following pages.

Marginal This category had only one representative among the bowlers interviewed, Brett. The criteria by which the sample was drawn appeared to preclude this type of person from the study. The members of this category would have been men who were unable to maintain consecu­ tive 200 seasons, were new to the 200 circle, or had dropped below 200 because of unspecified problems. In other sports these men might be considered "borderline,"

"fringe," "marginal" players, or "rookies" who might make it to a higher status level. These men might be equiva­

lent to the "rabbits" on the professional golf circuit to whom Tony Lema made reference. These were the men play­

ing the qualifying rounds to get a shot at the big money—

the lettuce. 96

Comincr Up These men were at what they considered a satis­ factory level of performance, at least for the time. They were waiting for the knowledge and skill they had at­ tained to be synthesized so that further improvement could continue. Men like Hank and Sheldon, and Fritz, the lat­ ter two pros, were willing to wait. At other times and places they may also be known as "prima donnas," "up and comers," "young horses," or "young Turks."

This category was subsumed in a more broad cate­ gory of men who called themselves, Average. These men had comparable averages but as Earl said: "I am average for the class I am in." Everett, Walt, Lamont, and Wes­ ley filled out the average category.

Peak « These men were bowling as well as they could bowl and were generally referred to as "heads." Curtis said of himself, "Right now I am good enough to bowl with any­ body in the world." Randy said, "I'm bowling real super." They had their "game together," had their "heads screwed on right," and felt they could challenge the pros. Some did, once or twice a year. 97

Slipping This type of bowler was represented by those men whose performance was declining due to a number of fac­ tors, including age. These bowlers made such comments as, "I might not be able to do it but I know what it takes," "I'm not doing that good," or "I don't suppose I have any future plans for bowling." All these phases, taken out of context referred to declining performance due to age. Other factors may have contributed to "slipping" includ­ ing illness, injury, or other problems. Alcohol, the

source of a common illness among people and a constant

companion of handicap bowlers, was not found to be a cause of "slipping" among these premier bowlers. These

men did not drink when they bowled— unless things were really bad. Average bowlers were also placed in this category— perhaps descending from personal peaks which they could no longer maintain.

Let Go "Letting go" described bowlers who temporarily or permanently, had lost some, most, or all interest in the sport. They bowled but they would just as soon have been elsewhere doing other things. Some were in the terminal stages of bowling (Bart, Max, Tony) and would quit soon. Tony said, ". . . it's not the main driving force in life

. . . my mind is on it less than ever." Lewis said, 98

. . I make up an excuse not to bowl."

Figure 2, Typology of Scratch Bowlers, illus­ trates the manner in which the categories were formed in relation to one another. The categories derived from this study conformed closely to the accompanying averages, but these averages should not be considered in an absolute sense. Averages vary from house to house and town to town. The relative magnitude and differences in averages should be considered when dealing with other samples of premier bowlers. The AVERAGE category contained bowlers improving and declining in performance, because as Shel­ don said, "... averages don't usually show or won't show, all the time, somebody going up the ladder or down the ladder." An additional two categories were added to com­ plete this typology. The Know It All category was com­ posed of sub 180-190 average bowlers. People of this type may be found in all sports and perhaps among all levels of bowling. Among these bowlers, this type gen­ erally occurred before the 200 level was reached. It is perhaps more common to see the "Know-it-All" where he has no excellent models with whom to compete or observe. This was what Fritz called himself before he reached the

200 level. The Quit category was added to the typology be­ cause most of the scratch bowlers said they would quit PEAK 210+

COMING UP SLIPPING

AVERAGE 200-210

MARGINAL LET GO

+200 210- 180

KNOW IT ALL QUIT 180-190

Figure 2

Typology of Scratch Bowlers 100 the game when their average dropped below the 200 level. Most appeared very willing to discontinue the sport rather than perform below their customary level. It remains to be seen how many would actually do this. It may depend on what kind of process (conflict, illness, age, personal turmoil) brought them to the stage where they let go. Table 2 is a classification of subjects into categories based on interview comments. The adscript indicates men who seemed between categories.

ip SUMMARY

Social Interactions These thirty men bowled with one another as one works with others on the job or at the office.

Social Relationships These men were a collective or an aggregation not unlike a selection of .300 hitters in baseball. As such, they had few established interactions and rela­ tionships among one another.

18This summary and subsequent one are presented as two authors have attempted to order their social reality; see Marvin E. Olsen. The Process of Social Organization (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968), pp. v-viii, 1-32; and Francis E. Merrill, Society and Cul­ ture (3rd ed.; Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1965), pp. 20-41, 172-94, and 221-353. Table 2

Categorization of Subjects According to the Typology of Scratch Bowlers

MARGINAL COMING UP AVERAGE PEAK SLIPPING LET GO

Bretta Hank Walt Jaya Harold Max Fritz Lamont Frankie Bart Tony Sheldon Wesleya Denny Mike Lewis Earl Sam Harmon Everett Nick Bena

Waynea Rex Barney Curtis Quincy

Jerome

Randy Ken

^hese men were between categories, and may have been mis-categorized due to insufficient information. 102

Social Order or Patterns

The bowling establishment became a place to execute a delicately perfected skill. The atmosphere at the lanes was one of intense work rather than play or leisure.

The thirty men of this study were found to be of several distinguishable types: marginal; coming up or improving, and slipping or declining subsumed in an average or intermediate category; peak; and let go.

Social Structure Scratch league bowling was the place where amateur, part-time and full-time professional bowlers met one another in competition.

Process

A process which was not considered specifically in the previous text but which was implicitly present was that of stratification. The scratch bowlers were cognizant of their status within the aforementioned categories as well as among other types of bowlers (i.e., handicap and professional bowlers). They dis­ tinguished themselves from these other bowlers and among themselves based on self-evaluation. The lesser bowlers did not grant the scratch bowlers the same rela­ tive prestige and status as was given to the profes­ sional bowler by the scratch bowler. 103

The next chapter presents the material and analyses of parents, siblings, ecology and peers plus socialization in bowling. CHAPTER V

FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE BOWLING

INTRODUCTION

This study was undertaken to determine what influence these factors would have on scratch bowling: parents, siblings, ecology or neighborhood, peers, and socialization. This chapter presents the results of that portion of the research.

PARENTS

About one-third of the bowlers in this study could attribute their initial participation in bowling directly or indirectly to their parents, particularly their fathers. Dad bowled in a league and when he bowled, mother and child or children went to the lanes and watched (Everett, Nick, and Bart). The entire fam­ ily went with dad on "bowling night" because the cost of a baby sitter would have made bowling too expensive for families at the lower socioeconomic levels.

104 105

Fathers were very important influences on seven

of the twelve men when they participated in junior league programs. These youngsters grew up in bowling environments and each of their fathers bowled well. Only Jay and Lewis' mothers bowled well. For the most part these junior bowlers spoke of few home, school, or work responsibilities. They could do as they wished, particularly regarding bowling. If they wanted to spend hour after hour and day after day at the lanes, they were not discouraged. Denny's parents liked him to be at the lanes because they knew where he was and that he would not be getting into trouble. The remaining bowlers who began bowling in the

junior leagues were influenced to start bowling by

friends and neighbors. Generally, these scratch bowl­ ers-to-be gave few accounts of lasting friendships which developed from these times. They did remember vividly, the adults who helped them bowl. By the time these youngsters had reached high school age, they seemed to be more adult than peer oriented. James Coleman suggested, as was written on page 31 of the Review of the Literature, that youngsters were being driven away from adults and toward exclusive peer group affiliations. There were indications in this study that the opposite was true in bowling— youngsters 106

affiliated with adults rather than with peers. It is

suggested that Coleman's remarks may apply more directly

to youngsters who have less clear goals or values, whether long term or short term, than those youngsters involved in bowling.

Eve, in a comparison of values between students and teachers, found value congruence on the importance of athletics. He found the greatest difference between students and teachers in the areas of cheating, mischief in school, partying and drinking.^ Adult oriented young­ sters and value congruence between children and adults might be a characteristic of sport. Furthermore, this affiliation and agreement may be a general phenomenon in non-sport activities such as music, medicine or car­ pentry where knowledgeable adult direction or guidance transcends age differences. Some parents were extremely interested in their sons' bowling. It was unclear when this interest developed but one or both parents were at the lanes when their son bowled (Denny's parents, Tony's father, Earl and Nick's mother). Denny's parents had followed

^■Raymond A. Eve, "'Adolescent Culture,' Conven­ ient Myth or Reality? A Comparison of Students and Their Teachers," Sociology of Education. XXXXVIII (Spring, 1975), 152-67. 107

his bowling from the time he was in the junior leagues, began bowling themselves, and got their daughter heavily involved in the sport. Denny said he was the one who got the family interested in bowling.

Tony's father became a regular at the lanes sometime after Tony began his bowling. As Tony said,

"Perhaps it was because he had no friends in particular,

. . . he was one of the bowling crowd." He came to the lanes so regularly that "my mother complained to my wife

that I was taking father away from mother, so I was getting it from both ends." His wife also complained about Tony's bowling which took him from home three or four nights per week. Nick and Earl's mothers also accompanied their sons to the lanes. Both men referred to their mothers, as Quincy referred to his wife, as "coaches." Night after night, mother watched son bowl. Each offered

coaching tips particularly if it looked as though he was deviating from his normal style or technique— too fast, not reaching out, or poor timing. When Earl married, his wife assumed this coaching function, replacing mother. Other parents offered concern and support for their son's performance. The men who turned professional bowlers seemed to be most vocal about their parents' support. Other parents seemed to care little of their 108

sons' success. This may have been due to the bowlers' failure to report their parents' feelings. However, it may have been more accurately because bowling generates so little attention that the best bowlers in town com­ mand little prestige, even from their parents.

The men who started bowling later were generally introduced to the game by their teenage peers, or later by their co-workers, rather than by parents or relatives. There was some indication that the findings of (1) Hendershot, who used the recapitulation theory as the basis for children adopting parental fertility norms in adulthood; and (2) Yoesting and Burkhead, and Snyder and Spreitzer who showed the family to be a strong socializing agent for sports involvement, were also true in this portion of the study. This seemed consistent not only for bowling but for other sports in which one or both parents participated. Most of the men who began bowling in adult leagues did not have parents with strong specifiable interests apart from work. All but four of the 16 adult starters came from families which were neither strongly interested in sports nor other family oriented activities, even picnics. In contrast to the families of the youth league starters, the parents of the adult league starters were poorer economically, were more work conscious, had less education 109

(high school diploma and college degrees), had more in­ complete families (five) due to death or other reasons, provided fewer bowling models to emulate, and had more, what might be called, "turbulent homes." In general, parents had a minor influence on scratch bowlers. They were much more influential on youngsters than adults. A strong parental interest in bowling did not assure a continued interest in bowling when the children reached adulthood, but bowling did seem to foster family unity or cohesiveness during the

"early family" years. However, when the son became a better bowler, he sought the company of other bowlers. Table 3 summarizes the age and mode by which these thirty bowlers became involved in the sport.

SIBLINGS

The thirty bowlers in this sample had 66 sib­ lings. The largest family had eleven children, some deceased, while there were two only-children and one whose one-year-older sister had died when he was five making him, functionally, an only child. There were ten first-born, eleven last-born, and six middle-born. There were more first-born among the younger bowlers and more later and last born among the older bowlers. 110

Table 3 Age and Impetus for Introduction to the Sport

Name Age Impetus

YOUTH LEAGUE iSTARTERS Fritz 6-7 Father Randy 6 Parents — Ne ighborhood Work

Jay 7 Father — . — — Lewis 9 Father — - — — Everett 10-11 Father —— — Nick 11 Father — Ne ighborhood — Max 14 Father —— Ne ighborhood — ■

Rex 9-10 __ Peers __

Wayne 10 — Peers ------— Earl 14 — Peers ------—

Sheldon 12 — Peers Ne ighborhood — Denny 13 — Peers Neighborhood — Wesley 14 — Peers Ne ighborhood Work

Brett 11 — — Neighbors —

ADULT LEAGUE STARTERS Barney 13-14 Father/ Work uncle Bart 16 Father — -— Work

Harold 12-13 Brother — Neighborhood Work Ben 38 Brother — • — —

Lamont 12 — Peers — Work Hank 18 — Peers —• —

Jerome 15-16 — Peers Ne ighborhood — Frankie 18 — Peers Neighborhood •— Quincy 16-17 — Peers —. Work Sam 17-18 — Peers — Work Ken 19 — Peers ■— Work Curtis 22 — ■ Peers — Work Mike 27 — Peers -— Work Walt 32 — Peers Ne ighborhood Work

Tony 18 — — Neighborhood — Harmon 21-22 m— mm Neighbors ” “ Ill

2 There were thirteen two-child families. Only three of the thirty bowlers were preceded in bowling by their brothers (Harold, Ben, and Randy). No sister introduced the game to her brother and Denny's sister was the only female sibling who pursued the game and reached the scratch level. Many of the siblings, both younger and older than the bowler interviewed, bowled but none became as skilled in the game as did their premier sibling-bowler. The male sibling averages ranged from 140 to 200.

Several bowlers made this same interesting com­ ment when they were asked to compare their sibling's bowling to their bowling. They said that their brother "threw a better ball" but did not carry the higher aver­ age. They explained that their sibling threw a ball which had better rotation, curved more and had better strike potential but their sibling did not have the prop­ er mental outlook to excel in the game. The proper mental outlook usually referred to temperament or desire. The scratch bowlers' typical comment was, "If I had his ball and my head . . . [how much better I would be]." Most

2 See: Carmi Schooler, "Birth Order Effects: Not Here, Not Now," Psychological Bulletin. LXXVIII (Septem­ ber, 1972), 161-75. This author offers an explanation for birth order variations which might be more properly attributed to population variations. 112

bowlers, when younger, spent considerable time bowling with their male siblings whom they talked into bowling. Most of the adult starters were disaffiliated from their siblings either by age (Frankie, Bart), geo­ graphy (Quincy, Harold, Randy, Ben), marriage (Harmon), or other circumstances (Curtis, Walt), and seldom, if

ever, bowled with them as regularly as did the younger starters when children. Where siblings bowled, the interviewee had

introduced the sport to them whether younger or older and particularly to the male siblings. Older siblings, con­ trary to what Clausen suggested, did not appear to be a model in this bowling activity, but those siblings did provide roles as companions, competitors and allies.

Generally, neither brothers nor sisters were instrumental in introducing these youngsters or adults (the sample) to bowling. More commonly fellows at work were most influential followed by friends and neighbors. It seemed that the adult starters (as teenagers) had more home responsibilities which ranged from cooking and cleaning (Ben, Sam, Frankie, Harmon) to contributing to their own, if not the family income by working (Lamont, Wesley, Curtis). It might also be added that conclusions here should be tempered by the knowledge that the adult league starters were older and reached adult status in a more conservative and formal child rearing era: 1930 113

to 1960. These older men were not the beneficiary of the

child rearing philosophy which urged that "a family that plays together, stays together." Certain bowlers seemed very close to their sib­ lings, particularly Ben. He was 50 years of age, the second youngest of eleven children, and one of seven remaining children. This family, like a few others were close throughout their lives. A few became closer to their siblings in recent years, some because of domestic or personal problems (Rex, Max, Earl, Bart, Tony). In interview after interview there was little

information gained which would explain bowling perform­ ance in relation to siblings and birth order. These bowlers, all adults, mentioned how they bowled with

their siblings, how their sisters were never interested

in bowling, and how their brothers bowled but not as well as they bowled.

There was some indication that first b o m and only b o m were more closely involved with one or both of their parents than were later b o m and last b o m children. If Nisbett's findings regarding the tendency for first-born to avoid dangerous sports were associated with Longstreth's first-born fear of danger rationale which he attributed to closer mother-first born emotional attachments, it might be hypothesized that first-born 114

and only born would have closer associations with par­ ents than would later born. However, this factor may

have more significance for parents than for siblings. Parents are probably more concerned about their first

b o m child than subsequent children because the first

b o m child is a novel experience. Related to Leventhal's study of sex role it appeared that the bowlers with female siblings had fewer problems than either the bowlers with all male siblings or bowlers with both male and female siblings. It was not determined why bowlers with only female siblings should have fewer problems. This absence of problems did not seem related to sex-role balance, preferences, or confusion as mentioned by Leventhal, Landers, or Portz. A world class diver at the University had told

the investigator how his younger brothers had avoided the sport of swimming. His father had placed so much emphasis on swimming that his younger siblings had avoided the sport to evade their father's pressure. One

sibling became a varsity performer at the University in another sport.^

3 Based on a presentation given in "Sport xn Con­ temporary America," a class conducted by the author, October 15, 1974. 115

The researcher thought this type of avoidance hypothesis might gain support from the siblings of premier bowlers but insufficient evidence was obtained

to draw a conclusion. It appeared that sibling inter­ views were needed to investigate this hypothesis more fully.

Several points of information did emerge as the analysis was conducted.

(1) When the age space between siblings was five years or greater, few bowling interests were shared. (2) Female siblings did not become very good bowlers in comparison to the male siblings (120 to 140 averages compared to 160 to 200 averages) . However, female siblings who began bowling with their families at an early age attained higher averages (150, 160, 195) than did the female siblings who began bowling through other patterns. (3) More siblings of junior league starters bowled than did the siblings of adult league starters (16 of 19 at 84.3 percent compared to 18 of 47 at 38.3 percent). (4) There was little, if any difference between first born, middle born, later born, last born, and only born children with regard to variations in bowling per­ formance among siblings. Siblings close in age (age 116 space) bowled more than did siblings further apart in age. (5) No sibling bowled as well as the bowler who was interviewed. Several siblings carried slightly low­ er averages than their brother who was interviewed but they seemed to have less interest, desire, or ability to become consistent 200 average bowlers. There was some sibling rivalry in bowling as youngsters, but these prob­ lems were infrequent and dissipated by the time the bowl­ ers became adults (Lamont, Earl, Lewis). There were more reports of brother-sister than brother-brother antagonism. It must be concluded at the termination of this analysis that there is no relationship between birth order and bowling performance among scratch bowlers and their siblings. However, as siblings were closer to­ gether in age (age space) and/or the parents engaged in activities together, with the children, all were more likely to have interests in common as adults, specifically bowling. See Table 4 for birth order information. 117

Table 4

Birth Order and Type of League in Which Bowlers Began the Sport

Only Child Middle or Later Last Born First Born Child Born Child Child

YOUTH LEAGUE STARTER

Nick Only Everett Only Wesley M1M Earl M1M Fritz M1M Max MM2 Wayne M1M Randy MM2 Denny MlF Brett FM2FM Rex FM2 Jay M1FFF Lewis FFM3MM Sheldon RM2

ADULT LEAGUE STARTER Ken Only Mike FM2FM Frankie MM2 Bart M1MM Harmon MFM3MF Barney FM2 Lamont M1MF Curtis MM2FMM- Tony FM2 Quincy M1MFM MFFM Hank FM2 Walt M1MFMFM Ben MMFMMF- Harold MMM3 FMFM10M Sam FMM3 Jerome FFM3

ECOLOGY

A seemingly important factor associated with premier bowling was a "bowling environment" or "bowling neighborhood." This refers to an environment which placed people in or near bowling lanes. All but two junior starter lived near bowling lanes to which they could walk or ride a bicycle. The other two youngsters 118

were regularly transported to the lanes by their fathers Linden Lanes on the north side was a neighborhood "hang­ out" for Nick, Denny and Frankie.

Most of the adult starters did not indicate they lived close to bowling lanes as youngsters. Of the adult starters, Lamont bowled the most as a young­

ster and he lived within a twenty minute walk of Mt. Ver non Recreation Center. Several Negro bowlers did not start bowling until Arena Lanes opened in their neigh­ borhood. Both Mt. Vernon and Arena Lanes were described

as adult social clubs in the Negro community. Other

bowlers lived within driving distance of the lanes and did not bowl regularly until they had purchased automo­ biles. Several men had commented that under similar circumstances they felt they might have been comparable performers in golf, tennis or swimming had these facili­ ties been in their neighborhood. An assistant principal of a predominately Negro high school was speaking with the author regarding the emphasis Negro youths place on sports, basketball in particular. He noted how people commented that the better basketball players were black, but he retorted that the better players should be black considering all the time they spend playing the game. When he coached 119 basketball, his varsity players, after practice, would engage in playground "pick-up games" until eleven o'clock 4 in the evening. That was all they wanted to do.

This analogy is offered because these bowlers lived so close to bowling lanes and/or spent so many hours at the lanes, they should be superior bowlers just as the Negro youngsters should be superior basketball players.

There was insufficient contrast among the bowl­ ers to determine if a hypothesis linking the proximity to neighborhood lanes and excellence in bowling could be supported. However, it did appear that superior bowlers developed in areas of the city near bowling lanes. This was supported both by those bowlers who started early and those who started later in life. The parallel to be drawn may more closely resemble the statement linking the use of marijuana to heroin: Not everyone who uses marijuana will go on to use heroin but nearly everyone who used heroin used marijuana. Appropriately, not everyone who lived near the lanes became a premier bowler, but nearly everyone who was a premier bowler lived near the lanes.

4 Based on a conversation with this writer, October 15, 1974. 120

This ecological factor might be examined in greater depth utilizing the "gradient theory" described 5 by Tarver.

PEERS

Approximately one-third of the bowlers in this study could attribute their initial participation in bowling directly or indirectly to their parents. Some parents continued their interest in bowling but most were the parents of men who started in the youth leagues, bowled themselves, and were perhaps more empathetic to­ ward their respective sons. Nevertheless, the direct impact and help of parents declined over the years while that of peers increased. Important figures for the junior league starters were the desk people and/or league coaches. In most instances these people were ladies. At first it might seem odd that women would have such an impact on these young bowlers, but it was common to find women working at bowling houses during the daytime hours.

5James D. Tarver, "Gradients of Urban Influence on the Educational, Employment, and Fertility Patterns of Women." Rural Sociology. XXXIV (September, 1969), 356-57. 121

Over one-half (16) of the bowlers in this study began their bowling careers in adult leagues. Most began bowling through the urging of co-workers or friends. Sam described how he started:

A bunch of us bowled one night a week our last years in high school. Just guys from the same grocery store got five guys together and started bowling in a league. Really weren't serious about it, or wasn't thinking about it. JuSt something to do and we did it. [laughing under his breath] . . . we didn't care if we won or lost. We tried, but it really didn't matter that much to us one way or the other. Just kids ding-battin' around.

Peers were important contributors to each

bowler's development. In the''handicap leagues and the

"pot games," 6 the social involvement with peers may have been the prime reason some men, particularly the adult starters, bowled. As the bowlers progressed, peer asso­ ciation became more transient. As the bowler progressed, other people became significant figures in the bowlers' development. The youngsters oriented themselves toward lane personnel. The adults, however, were more influenced by other bowlers,

Pot games were social opportunities to wager on the outcome of one or two games among two to twelve bowlers. Wagers ranged from a bottle of pop, to five dollars for two games, to $200. 122 like Charlie Byrd Jr. Jerome, Walt, Curtis and Lamont all came to know and respect him. He managed and then owned one of the two black bowling lanes in which most of the Negro bowlers practiced. He asked Jerome to join a league, helped his son, and provided the free or in­ expensive practice time for all these men. Walt described

Charlie Byrd Jr. a recent 200 average bowler as "a godfather-type dude." Several men met other experienced bowlers who made specific contributions to their bowling (Tony, Barney, Harmon, Fritz, Hank) such as showing them how to read lanes, how lanes vary from house to house, or how weights influence the way a ball hooks or curves. Both groups of men, virtually every man in town, came to be influenced by certain men in town. They were heavily involved in the bowling business as lane mana­ gers, owners, pro shop managers and professional bowl- 7 ers. The increased performance of bowlers in this town may be directly attributed to these men.

7 Harold and Ken in the study plus Joe Kristof, Dick Braun and Charlie Byrd Jr., and later Frankie and Sam who were also participants in the study. 123

Television bowling and the Professional Bowlers

Association gave the bowlers additional models and goals for which to strive. The pot games and leagues gave them the opportunity to improve. The people showed them how. The houses which sponsored the better leagues were relatively new and most of the scratch bowlers came to these leagues from other houses. 8 As a conse­ quence of this mobility, most bowlers had few long-time friends. The pattern of progress in bowling was well established by the time these fellows reached the top scratch leagues— "move up" to a better league. Friends who did not progress were left behind and became cloudy memories. This was not unique to bowling, however. Both Hank and Sam pointed out how college caused a similar division among former high school acquaintances. Sam seemed particularly dispondent when he could not relate to the courses and instructors of which his friends in college spoke. He drifted from their scene, away from their company, and into the lanes at Hillcrest.

8Only five men continued to bowl in the same houses in which they bowled as beginners— Denny, Lewis, Everett, Max and Wesley. 124

Several bowlers were able to maintain close relationships over the years, but in these instances they progressed through the leagues together. They continued to bowl together today (Frankie, Tony and Bart, Brett and Jay). Everett, in an effort to develop friends, tried to talk some of his fellow workers into bowling, apparently without success.

A few older bowlers had developed some rather stable associations in bowling, among neighbors and at work. Ben, in a subsequent informal conversation, told the investigator how one younger bowler became very close to him. This emerging scratch bowler found an under­ standing, father-like person in this 50 year old, George Blanda-type bowler.

The top scratch bowlers were so heavily in­ volved in the game that they developed few friends out­ side of bowling. A typical week for these men might include any of the following activities: (1) A 40 hour or more per week job (2) A part-time job

(3) Bowling in two to five regular leagues per week

(4) Substituting in one league a week

(5) Finishing the season for someone in yet

another league 125

(6) Enter a local or nearby tournament (7) Enter a more distant weekend tournament (8) Practice Saturday before the tournament (9) Drop by a pro shop and look at a new ball (10) Enter a mixed doubles league and play some

golf in the summer. Those who were married (16 of 30, the rest were

single, divorced or separated) had difficulty sharing their free time with their families and cultivating soc­ ial companions in or out of bowling. The social friends suffered, as Hank indicated:

Now I'm out three nights a week, sometimes more. It's pretty much limited to what I can do and can't do. The schedule is pretty well set up, you know. Can't go out with friends some nights, but we'd like to. So it limits us a good bit.

They bowled several times a week, practiced, entered tournaments near and far, and in some instances were pai;t-time professional bowlers. They bowled with the same people night after night, were in all the same leagues, and traveled with one another to tournaments— PEA and others. Most of these men had few or no friends who were not bowlers. Harold, a 30-year bowler, and a nine-year resident of the city described his friends in the following manner: 126

I don't have any select friends, I should say, I guess. Just for example, later this afternoon I am leaving for Ft. Wayne for a tournament and Curtis entered in it and he is supposed to meet me here about 5 and we're going to leave. The guys that w e 're involved in the same leagues [with] and the ones that take in the difficult tournaments, you might say we run around together, buddy together. . . . As far as social life is concerned, we don't have anyone in particular. In this business its kind of tough to make plans.

There appeared to be three reasons why the bowlers had few friends in or out of bowling. First the weekly bowling schedule and number of leagues, including the emerging popularity of summer mixed doubles leagues, limited the possibility of any associates other than bowlers. Second, as Wayne said, "the only people I know now are basically bowlers. If I can't talk bowling, I don't know what to talk about." The devotion to any one activity would place severe limitations with whom one could comfortably interact. This was the problem

Sam faced with his former high school peers turned collegians— no common topic of conversation. It is the same problem that plagues some professors and most athletes— maintaining conversations on topics which are foreign to their central interests. For bowlers, and athletes in general, the implication is not to become focused on one topic to the exclusion of all else. 127

Mutual topics of conversation foster social interactions (i.e., the weather, baseball, and the economy).

Third, friendships were not permitted to inter­ fere with bowling. Ken had a chance to pick up one of the better bowlers for his doubles partner, but it meant dropping a long time associate. Ken explained it this way and it illustrated the bowlers' attitude toward both bowling and peers:

This is the eleventh year for the Imperial League and Denny and Harold, for about six or seven years, monopolized the league. We just could not beat them. . . . So I was bowling With Quincy and we was ending up like third or fourth every year, second one year. . . . It got to the point where Harold didn't want to bowl any more late leagues. He was getting older. So I just plainly went to Quincy and told him. I says, now I got a chance to bowl with Denny. I've made my commitment, I'm going to bowl with him next year even though I was the team captain and held the franchise. I hated to do that to guys that I like, you know. But when you get to this stage of the game, to where you are going to get older and the opportunity isn't going to be there, your desire is to win. And that's when I went with Denny . . . last year and Denny and I won the league. [Quincy took it] so-so, but he's been in the same situation. Even though he still shoots the big scores, its kind of going this way [down] a little bit. . . . You are only young once. And for a period of time able to keep this high peak and if you are a part of that high peak, if the opportunity arises, you got to team up with guys you want to bowl with and win.... It's a big honor to win this league because you bowl 210 games and it has 14 or 15 PBA members in it. Like Tony said, you are the leading average in the league and friendship at this point should not enter [pause] into the game because there is a lot of money at stake. There's $1,000 to the winning team and as much as you been averaging, you should have the opportunity to be champion caliber. And I'm beginning to believe that. 128

Bowling, for some of these men, was the prime interest in their lives. It was a "central life interest" 9 as Dubxn described it. Bowling was a commitment not

unlike that studied by Kantner.^® She found that commit­ ment was essential to maintain the group in communal settlements. Other dimensions of commitment, in addi­

tion to the retention of members, were control and

cohesiveness. Unlike the bowlers, the communal commit­

ment seemed to lack a dimension for excellence while a

commitment to peers was not essential among the bowlers. Peers did provide models and frames of reference against which to evaluate performance. This seemed in accord with Friedenberg who felt that one of the two functions of peer groups in adolescence was to develop a respect for competence or self definition. 12 These men bowled in so many leagues, with so many teams, and left so many acquaintances behind that, for them, bowling destroyed rather than fostered long

9 Robert Dubin, "Industrial Workers' Worlds: A Study of the 'Central Life Interests' of Industrial Work­ ers," Work and Leisure, ed. Erwin 0. Smigel (New Haven, Connecticut: College and University Press, 1963), pp. 53-72.

"^Rosabeth Moss Kantner, Commitment and Community (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1972), pp. 61-74.

■^Ibid., pp. 66-67. 12 Edgar Z. Friedenberg, The Vanishing Adolescent (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), p. 17. 129

standing peer associations. Based on the analysis of peer associations, it seemed proper to conclude that bowling, at the higher skill levels, was a divisive rather than a cohesive force among people. Long term peer associations were uncommon, numerous short term and transient affiliations prevailed, and those who dropped out of the current leagues were quickly for­

gotten . It should be noted that peers were not looked

upon as close personal associates. Rather they were commonly held in the same regard as coworkers, persons one associates with at work but not off the job. There

were only three identifiable close personal friendships

among the thirty bowlers in the sample, but each man knew every other man.

Peers and peer associations rather than peer group were the terms more generally used to describe these 200 level bowlers. According to Merton, a "group" had to meet three criteria to be classified as such: (1) they must have established interaction patterns; (2) the interacting persons must define themselves as group members, and (3) the interacting person must be defined by the others as a member. 13 Because of the

13 Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (1968 enlarged ed.; New York: The Free Press, 1968), pp. 339-40. 130 manner in which these bowlers were selected, they can be more appropriately termed a "collective." Collec­ tives are groups that fail to meet the criterion of social interaction, are "... people who have a sense of solidarity by virtue of sharing common values and who have acquired an attendant sense of moral obligation to fulfill role expectations." 14

These men were aware of their independent status as 200 level bowlers, separate and distinct from the other bowlers in town. They knew what was required to maintain their performance level but they did not inter­ act with one another on a mutual basis. There were no distinct boundaries for this collective. The upper level was without limits, and open to the professional level. The lower extremes were limited primarily to those with whom they bowled, but they represented a wide range of bowlers, some of whom were just entering or leaving this level of bowling. Within the collective was a group of men who were full and part-time professionals, traveled together on occasions, and might have been labeled a group or perhaps a "clique."

14Ibid., p. 353. 131

SOCIALIZATION

Anyone, can bowl. Unlike beginning golfers a beginning bowler can start the game without influence on

the more advanced players. "Open bowling" provides the

opportunity for novices to participate in the relative anonymity of their lane. The greatest number of bowlers at this level are just "messing around." Among the bowlers in this study, this was their description of the first stage of involvement in the game. "Messing around" characterized both the initial involvement of adults in open bowling and youngsters in their first years of youth league bowling. As these bowlers progressed through their first years in bowling, whether in youth or adult leagues, they began to improve or "get better." The youth league starters developed more strength as they reached their teens, controlled the ball better,

and found that their averages increased. Adult league starters began "getting better" also, but did not have to wait for physical maturity as did the youngsters.

For most bowlers, there appeared to be no point when improvement stopped or declined. Progress was continual,

five, ten or fifteen pins a year. After some time, youngsters and adults alike

began to assume a new value concerning the game. They 132 were no longer just "messing around" and having a good time. It was obvious by their bowling averages they were "getting better." Averages climbed over 150 and they became reliable measures of progress and status.

Bowlers began to "get serious" about the game. This was a meaningful point in bowling because it marked the per­ iod where practice and commitment began. Nick, a junior league starter said, "I bowled, aw I don't know, three or four years before I got serious about it and really tried to learn the finer points of the game." Fritz, a pro bowler, summarized how he felt about the game com­ pared to the other kids he bowled with.

Oh, he just goes down there to have fun. I'd say 95 per cent of us were going down there to mess around. There might be a few that really take it serious. They just go down there, just like going to, say, a Friday night football game . . . it's just something to do to get together with your friends.

Interviewer: Is that how you looked at it?

Maybe at first I might have looked at it that way, but then all of a sudden I was high average in the league. I was more concerned about it cause the guys looked up to me. . . . I wanted to do good. . . They would always come up and make comments like, say, we need a mark to win the game . . . they knew I was going to do it . . . because I was better than they were . . . so that made me try harder. These other guys were having fun while I was there to win the league. 133

Adult starters, like youth league starters, did

not appear to differ in their progress through these stages. However, the youngsters spent more time in the earlier stages of development, possibly due to the strength factor. Several adult league starters such as Curtis, Walt and Hank were intently practicing the game within a year or two after having initiated league play. Curtis said he attributed his rapid progress to:

. . . determination! I never started anything I didn't get good at. Football to basketball to bowling, and now I am playing golf. I said, well I'm gonna play and I don't want to look like a fool while I'm playing. So I worked on bowling. I bowled as many as 100 games in a week easy, and then one day it just fell into place . . . I went from 144 the first year to 182 the second year, 'til I was a 200 average in two years.

Upon taking the game seriously, these bowlers,

both late adolescents and adults had pushed their aver­ ages into the 170 to 190 range. Many said that when they reached this point, they thought they "knew it all." But, in retrospect, they said they knew nothing. This dichot­ omy corresponds to quadrant two of Joseph Luft's Johari Awareness Model of human interaction. It is the blind quadrant. Luft stated: 134

The basis for division into quadrants is awareness of behavior, feelings, and motivation. Sometimes awareness is shared, sometimes not. An act, a feeling, or a motive is assigned to a particular quadrant based on who knows about it.^

In the blind area, behavior, feeling, and moti­ vation are known to others but not to self. In rela­ tions with other bowlers, the 180 average bowler felt he knew all there was to know about the sport. He was not aware there was more he could learn, but the top bowlers knew there was more to learn. A 180 average bowler who was the top average in a poor or handicap league, may indeed have felt as though he knows it all if he had no exposure to better bowlers or better leagues. A youngster might be more inclined to be blind to what he does not know than an adult, but the phenome­ non occurs among all types of people, both sportsmen and 16 non-sportsmen. Table 5 illustrates Luft's model. Once these bowlers realized there was more to learn, they continued to progress in the game. As 200 average bowlers, these men entered yet another stage of the game. They were no longer "messing

15 Joseph Luft, 0f Human Interaction (Palo Alto, California: National Press Books, 1969) , p. 13. 135

around," that was for open bowlers and handicappers. They were no longer improving easily or naturally, but they still wanted to "get better," and they were "ser­ ious" about getting better. Barney, comparing the top scratch bowlers to the handicap bowlers, said:

We have just worked hard and studied the game. If they'd do the same thing, they could do it . . . they don't want to put forth the effort. They come in, bowl their three games, get drunk and go home and that's it. . . . I never drink while I'm bowl­ ing . . . cause it means something to me but it don't to them. It's just recreation. A night out from the wife. But it's really not that with me. It's not just a night out. I go out to accomplish something . . . to bowl good. If I don't bowl good, I'm not happy. If I'm bowling real well, I'm not smiling. I'm having fun my own way . . . and they wonder why w e ’re so serious about the game. Well, we're really having fun, but they don’t know it. You're having fun in yOur own way. You don't have to go out there and jump up and down and kick the rack and everything else. Where if I'm stringing strikes, I may not say a word to anybody cause I am concentrating. And that's the secret to bowling, it's concentration, just like golf or anything else.

Table 5 Johari Awareness Model

Known to self Not known to self

Known to open blind others 1 2

Not known hidden unknown to others 3 4 136

Later in the interview he said: "I love to bowl. If I couldn't bowl, I don't know what I would do." Bowling had been his central life interest for oyer twenty years. These four categories are neither flippant nor carelessly conceived summary phrases. These are concep­ tual processes experienced by the sample and parallel to

more conventional terms as: exploration; development; commitment or preoccupation; and focus or center. Brown pointed out that "The What?," "So What?," "Now What?,"

model became a basis for the work on curriculum develop- ment xn the Philadelphia project. 17

Really Concentrating Concentration, the final and most variable

skill, was the basis of the game at the scratch level. Barney, as did so many men, called this stage of scratch bowling "really concentrating." It had many components: desire to work at the game according to Harold; the temperament to bowl frame after frame and not allow an error on the previous ball cause you to make another error on this ball, according to Randy; the confidence and courage to compete without fear of defeat, according

17 George Isaac Brown, "The Training of Teachers for Affective Roles," Teacher Education Part II, ed. Kevin Ryan (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 183. 137 to Ben; the ability to let your natural instincts take over according to Rex; the ability to hold your concen­ tration and not let your mind wander off on another mat­ ter, according to Ken and Lamont; not making mental mis­ takes, according to Nick; the mental toughness to get it within yourself and pick yourself up when you are going bad, according to Jay; adjusting to the lanes, according to Earl; and thought toward the execution of the shot without regard for the consequences of a potentially bad shot, according to Denny.

The game, at the scratch level, was based on the mental ability to ,stay calm and not become irritated or mad, to read the lanes each time a ball was delivered, to sense your opponent's attitude and read his ball, to react quickly to changes in the lane conditions, and to do all this while keeping your thoughts from being diverted to other matters particularly while executing a shot. The bowlers varied considerably in their ability to maintain this concentration as Walt had indicated:

I'm one of the lousiest concentrators in the world. I just can't do it. I think of it for maybe four frames and my mind goes off somewhere else [in be­ tween turns]. . . . I can come back when it's time for me to bowl, I'm back to the game. 138

Wesley, who had been a better bowler than he was now, said:

I bowl better when I maintain the concentration. I would make up my mind that I was not going to be distracted Iby people], I would be a better bowler. . . . I get to the point where I just don't like to be that way. I enjoy other people so I talk to them, kid with them, drink with them.

Quincy described another aspect of concentration he called the:

Confidence that you can do it . . . you have good concentration and you are successful when you have confidence to know that if you do certain things and throw the ball a certain way, you will bowl good.

Quincy followed this remark with an illustration from the previous night. He had rolled two 190 games with about five "opens." The lanes were dry outside but when he moved inside to shoot a spare he found some oil. He moved inside the next game and shot a 258 after leaving a 4-6 split in the first frame. He had ten strikes, seven in a row and struck out. He said upon finding the oil:

I relaxed. I knew all I had to do. Plain and simple, get up there and hit that thirteenth board and I had a strike.. . . I had super concentra­ tion the rest of that game. What is it? It's because you have the confidence and you know you can do it. 139

He could feel/ as others had felt, the relaxation which

accompanied the knowledge that your performance could be without flaw and without undesirable consequences.

The only thought was to execution. There was no thought

to what might happen. Concentration was the ability to roll the ball, taking everything they were able to assimilate into consideration and then rolling the ball without regard for the possible consequences of the shot. Bowlers who could do this scored well. Bowlers who could not maintain this concentration were toward the bottom half of the list. Bowlers who had their timing, could adjust, could play their line, and could concentrate, were the "heads.11 Those who could do that on more than one condition were the professionals. Sam could do it better than anyone else. According to the 1974 PBA money winning list, he was the tenth best at it in the nation, but he only earned $36,588 for that ability. As these men progressed through the structural levels of bowling— open, youth league and adult handicap leagues— they adopted certain patterns, some unique only to bowling. Early in a bowler's career, he learned the value of owning his own ball and shoes. Owning your own ball was worth 10 to 20 additional pins on the average. A ball that fit properly was easier to control. Among the youngsters, carrying your own bowling ball brought high status and prestige. 140

Several stable occurrences accompanied the bowlers improvement, particularly at the adult level. The bowlers began to bowl in more than one league. They began to move up to better leagues. They began to bowl in different houses and they began to practice. These events may have signaled the emergence of the "serious" bowler. Most men bowled in at least three leagues a week, some even more leagues. They would bowl in a

league until they "carried" one of the better averages, then they would move to a better league. They would add new leagues, stay in old leagues, "sub" for someone in another league, and fill out a roster in another league in another house.

Earl traced his bowling, starting with his last junior league team.

We had high in the nation for three games once, the last year. The whole team then went right into the men's league. It was our last year in the junior league and so we bowled together, I think two years. It was the Passtime League at the Village and it folded . . . and then I moved into the classic league there . . . up until last year. . . . On Wednesday night you had to get up and go to work and you wouldn't get out until 1:00 . . . so I got away from it. . . . It wasn't any good for me. I was high average in it for about four or five years in a row.

Several other reliable patterns developed among the bowlers. They became aware of an axiom which stated,

"Marriage will take 10 pins from your average." Apparently 141

the axiom had some truth, in fact. At the time of the

interviews, fourteen of the thirty men were single,

divorced or separated. Several other men had told their wives they should not "get married" if they did not like

their bowling. Marriage was not going to interfere with bowling. Bowling was assuming priority over many things in these person's life including marriage. The bowling establishment as a source of employ­ ment was a second reliable occurrence among many of these men. A few bowlers such as Lamont, Wesley and Frankie worked in lanes before they bowled, but the reverse was true for most men. Only seven men did not work at the lanes (Hank, Tony, Walt, Harmon, Curtis, Jerome, Jay), and all but one of these men started bowling in adult leagues (rather than youth leagues) after they had full­

time jobs. Some worked at the lanes to obtain free practice. Others "moonlighted" there as a second job.

A third pattern emerged. During their develop­ ment, each man rolled an incalculable number of games.

Some were done in the form of practice games, some did it in the form of pot games, and some rolled ball after hall without keeping score. Whatever the form, these men rolled as many as 100 games per week. Since this was costly, work and bowling became synonymous particu­ larly for men like Sam and Frankie. Being the desk man, janitor, league secretary or coach of a junior league 142

were ways to earn money and practice- Bowling became a

six or seven day per week activity, almost to the exclu­ sion of other activities, including marriage. Three men had never worked other than in bowling (Sam, Frankie, Fritz) while bowling or bowling-related jobs had been the predominant occupation for seven others (Lewis, Ken,

Harold, Brett, Randy, Wayne, Tony).

Bart described his life at an earlier period in his bowling:

I was 20 when I got married - . . and we had two kids-within two years. I was madly bowling every night almost. So it was kind of miserable for her. The kids were young then. She had two babies all the time. There was a time when I was working three nights a week. I even worked on Saturday night . . . bowled Monday, Wednesday and Friday and worked Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. I was too young to be married. I just wasn't mature enough and it caused a lot of problems. She stuck with it . . . it was resolved partially when I quit bowling as much. I've only bowled one night a week for five or six years now.

Tournaments During the time when these bowlers were pro­ gressing through the adult handicap leagues, they began to enter tournaments. Most houses offered tournaments of varying types and city-wide tournaments were common.

They entered city, state and national ABC tournaments year after year. Tournaments, like most leagues, were handicapped. As they progressed into the scratch leagues, 143 they continued to enter these tournaments, but it became harder for them to win. The reason was, of course, they no longer received a handicap. Some tournaments did offer handicap and scratch divisions, but locally the tournament winner was frequently awarded to the man with the highest score, actual pins plus handicap. The scratch bowler, besides having few tournaments to enter had to roll a score higher than the handicap bowler to be recognized as the tournament champion. Generally the scratch bowler felt discriminated against by the local

Association and the ABC for their failure to provide both a suitable recognition of these bowlers' abilities as well as a forum in which to display their skills. The local media gave little recognition or pub­ licity to these men, particularly in comparison to years past. The Association did little for these men. They were ignored by all and were depressed by their anonym­ ity, particularly when they saw what recognition other sports such as golf received. The better scratch bowlers began to center their attention on professional bowling. It appeared that, rather than continue to be troubled by the media, the local Association, handicap tournaments and the unfair handicap system, they would turn to their own tournaments. 144

About 1962 the OTBA was founded to give aspiring

professional and others who wanted it, better competition and a chance to participate in monthly tournaments. It

was established as a mini-professional tour with scratch, head-to-head competition, at approximately 12 different houses throughout the state. Just one-half of those who were interviewed participated in a local OTBA "stop" April 6, 1975, with Harold finishing third out of approx­ imately 250 entrants. True to form, the local newspaper

printed nine lines announcing the tournament and nothing of the results. They sent no one to cover the affair. A Resident Professional membership in the PBA

was held by seven members of the sample (Denny, Nick, Rex, Ken, Curtis, Harold, Jay), while five others were going to apply for memberships (Hank, Lewis, Wayne, Jerome, Randy) . Full PBA memberships were held by three others (Sam, Fritz, Sheldon). Over half of these

bowlers had strong interests in professional bowling

and the PBA. It seemed the scratch bowlers were vacillating

at times, between two worlds— this town and the pro tour. There had been top quality leagues in town for over ten years and they had improved markedly in the last five years. The pro tour and other tournaments were initiated during this time period and there were a number of people 145

in town who had spent some time on the pro tour. The town, as Tony said, was "very pro conscious." This combination of good leagues, the OTBA,

regional and regular PBA tour stops, and men who had

been on the tour, had given local bowling the appearance

of an affiliation with the professional bowling scene. The pro tour was not unlike a carrot on the stick for the poor donkey, except these men, in some cases, were clearly aware of the problems they would encounter if they were to "give it a shot," the pro tour. Most every man who spoke of the pro tour men­ tioned the tough life "out there," with travel, meals, loneliness and of course all the "heads" out there who would "beat you to death." The tour was not seen as a glamorous life. It was realistically seen as a hard way to earn a living, particularly during the first several years. Sheldon and Fritz were proof. They had "cashed" 18 only sparingly in two years, but were single and had sponsors to incur their losses.

18A term for winning prize money in a tourna- ment. 146

The men also knew that if they did perform well on the pro tour, there was little money to earn, either in tournaments or by commercial endorsements. Sam, one of the leading bowlers on the tour, had averaged a lit­ tle over $30,000 a year the past four years. In 1974 he was the tenth leading money winner on the pro bowling 19 tour and earned $36,588. The tenth leading golfer 20 was Tom Watson who earned $135,474. The tenth lead- 21 ing tennis player, Tom Okker, earned $111,285. The income for the top performer in each sport in 1974 was:

Golf $353,021.00 Johnny Miller Tennis $285,490.00 Jimmy Conners

Men' s Bowling $ 99,585.00 Earl Anthony Some twenty golfers, and thirteen tennis players earned over $100,000.00 in 1974. No bowler earned that sum and 71 golfers earned more than Sam in 1974. These scratch bowlers displayed a great deal of empathy for the financial plight of the pro bowler and

~^The Columbus Dispatch. January 26, 1975, p. E6; the title of the article was intentionally omitted.

20 Based on personal correspondence with the Tournament Players Division of The Professional Golfers' Association of America, February 21, 1975.

^^Murray Janoff, "Connors' $285,490 Heads Year of Big Money." The Sporting News. April 5, 1975, p. 27. 14-7

they were constantly reminded of the futility of the tour when Bart said,

Because the conditions change so much in bowling . . . there is no bowler that is the king of bowl­ ing . . . Jack Nicklaus . - . still would be con­ sidered the dominant factor in golf today . . . but there is no one in bowling like that. There is no one superstar in bowling. . . . You take a bowler is good for maybe two years, maybe three years. Then they disappear. Don Carter was a superstar, but there hasn't been anyone since him. But there is nobody in bowling that really dominates the game. Earl Anthony was really strong this last year. . . . It's just difficult to stay on top. You can stay there for a while and then they seem to be strug­ gling from then on.

Not only were bowlers paid less than their con- 22 temporaries on the golf tour, but the top bowler was 23 virtually unknown. At one tournament, Anthony had to identify himself at the door to be admitted to the lanes 24 to compete. Anthony said, regarding his income:

A friend of mine figured that if I had finished on the golf tour last year in the same place I finished on the bowling tour I would have made more than $400,000.

22The previous letter from the PGA indicated that the top golf money winner had earned over $100,000.00 a year since 1963.

23"Anthony 'Unknown' No. 1." The Columbus Dis­ patch . February 23, 1975, p. E9.

24Ibid. 148

Part of the problem the local scratch bowlers

faced was similar to what Anthony had faced. It related to publicity. Bart said, some time ago bowling received quite a bit of local publicity. Now, very little bowl­

ing news was carried in the local newspaper or on tele­ vision. One of the local sportscasters was a bowler but when he switched to golf, even that bowling pub­ licity declined. Some local publicity may have caused these men to take less interest in professional bowling. Denny, in referring to the poor conditions under which the better bowlers had to compete, said:

Bowlers are the most under-rated sportsmen there ever are. They don11 get any warm-ups. They don't get any conditions [good lane conditions] at all. It's the most distracting sport in the world. If golfers had to put up with what bowlers put up with, they would quit.

This statement also shows the shift in emphasis from local bowling to the world of professional sports— a comparison of pro bowling to pro golf. These strong views toward professional bowling, particularly when compared to golf, illustrated the empathy these local bowlers had developed and the social­ ization they had undergone. The next step up the ladder after local and OTBA tournaments was the PBA tournaments 149 and then the pro tour. The pro tour was not a dream, it was a reality for a person such as Rex. He was going "out there" full-time in two months. For others, the part-time exposure to the tour was as close as they could come or as close as they dared to risk. In either case, these men had been firmly socialized into moving up to the pro level. Where the older fellows had en­ couraged the youngsters to "turn pro," they now returned to the local scene to both "haunt" those who did not take the "full-time shot" at the pros, and provide a model for the youngsters coming up. Even when they had no desire to join the tour, they made statements like this one by Ken:

I feel it is such a tough life that with me making the salary I'm making that I don't need that part of it. If I was younger like Rex and them where they're right out of college or you're 19 or 20 and got the game they got, I'd give it a shot. But at 39 and 40 I just don't need it. . . . I mean sure I'd like to go out. Everybody would dream about going out and winning a pro stop.

A combination of circumstances appeared to con­ tribute to problems in bowling. Bowling does not have the upper class support or appeal at any structural level comparable to that of golf and tennis. Whether at the club or on the tour, affluence can be found in these sports. While the golf and tennis "buff" generates social prestige, the bowling fan generates humor and ridicule. 150

It seems rather obvious that bowlers, compared to golfers and tennis players develop their games in quite different social environments. While most bowlers set their sights on the pro tour, it seems quite prob­ able that youngsters in an above middle class environ­ ment are more oriented toward college than pro sports. The latter individuals, particularly those at the upper socioeconomic levels, might be more inclined to use their golf and tennis skills in an instrumental fashion to secure a college grant-in-aid, to earn a degree, or for business reasons. This instrumental value or func­ tion would be unheard of in bowling where it is rarely a varsity sport in college nor a mode for business in this area of the state. In relation to the previous point it was quite possible that the stuns of money which professional bowl­ ers were capable of earning exceeded that which they were capable of earning in any occupation routinely available to a person of their economic environment and class. Bowling might have been considered a sport of upward social mobility comparable to what boxing, foot­ ball and basketball provided for a limited number of economically under-average or under privileged persons. Bowling appears to have an economic base lower than that of golf or tennis. One need only compare the 151

prize money lists, observe where the "big name" enter­

tainers lend their names, or visit the "club houses" and observe the clienteles' dress, speech, manner and finger nails. Therefore, OTBA and PBA officers, tournament directors and sponsors may hot be able to generate purses in sufficient quantity to support a professional tour.

The small, non-spectator configuration of bowling houses also limits the number of paying customers, gate re­ ceipts, and revenue to a fraction of what is generated in golf or tennis and other professional sports. Professional bowling, in its present form, does not appear to be a sport suited to professionalization. Bowling, like croquet, frisbee, air hockey, pool and volleyball might be most desirable as an amateur sport with little financial potential, but undertaken for the social attachments or the personal satisfaction which can be gained through superior performance. Barney made perhaps the most realistic comment about the sport when he said, I:

Hope to make some records for myself in bowling. About all you can do in bowling is make records for yourself. Pile up those accomplishments over the years. Look back on them and then be proud of what you done and have respect. I guess mostly to get respect from all the bowlers in the city, all the good bowlers, so they'll say, he's really good. He's really done the job. He's really worked hard and h e 's bowled well over the years and he's behaved himself while he was doing it. That's about all you can get out of it, really. 152

SUMMARY

This chapter presented the relationships between parents, siblings, ecology and peers and superior bowl­ ing. Patterns of socialization were also examined.

Social Interactions Young starters in bowling were introduced to bowling by their parents or peers while adults started the game largely through their peers— either work or social. Parental and sibling influences on superior bowling were minimal. "Significant others" for these youngsters in bowling were the lane personnel. For all of the young adult and adult bowlers, approximately seven or eight men in town were expert bowlers, models and advisors to whom all the premier bowlers could turn for assistance. Among these "significant others" were sev­ eral current and former professional bowlers.

Social Relationships

All of these bowlers had a strong link with the social milieu of the bowling lanes. However, upon attaining the top level in bowling, these men found they were no longer represented by the local bowling associa­ tion, nor most proprietors. The priorities of these two groups were given to the handicap bowler rather than the 153

less numerous and more thrifty scratch bowler. Partially because of this diminishing relationship, these top

bowlers adopted as their reference group, the profes­ sional bowler, and adopted as their prime value, join­

ing the pro tour. The people "around the lanes" con­ tinually encouraged good bowlers to "turn pro."

Social Order or Patterns

These men exhibited several dominant patterns.

They: (1) worked at bowling establishments, usually part-time; (2) increased the number of leagues in which they bowled; (3) practiced up to 100 or more games per week; (4) bowled in different houses; (5) moved up to better leagues; (6) traveled considerable distances to bowl against better bowlers; (7) congregated in four main houses in town; (8) entered tournaments, amateur and professional; (9) favored individual rather than team competition; (10) dreamed of "taking a shot at the pros" if they could win a big tournament; and (11) de­ cried the "tough life" of the professional bowler in comparison to the professional golfer. Many of the top bowlers ultimately adopted the values and norms of the professional bowler rather than those of local bowlers. They were quick to transmit these values to the newer men with whom they associated. 154

Social Structure Bowling in town presented these men with a range of leagues from the beginning level to those reputed to be the best in the nation. Bowlers, beginning at the "open bowling" level, could progress through "youth leagues," "adult handicap leagues," "scratch leagues," and professional tournaments designed to approximate the more advanced professional tour. They could, if able, move up to the top levels locally in anticipation of reaching the professional level. The skill required to reach these upper levels of the game were so time consuming to develop and the satisfaction of accomplishments so immense, that they committed themselves to the sport in lieu of other recrea­ tion and social outlets. Because of this intense focus on one activity, some bowlers experienced a deficiency in useful occupational skills. The social milieu of the lanes, the scarcity of satisfactory job opportunities in bowling, and the low status of professional bowling did not enable these men to capitalize on the skills they had developed.

Process The study Was designed to examine two processes: cohesiveness and socialization. 155

Cohesiveness. Bowling appears to be the type of sport that fosters cohesiveness. At the handicap level this seems true. As premier bowlers advanced to better leagues, their peers did not accompany their advance. As a result, bowlers who reached the scratch leagues came from several areas of the community and nearby cities. Few long-term associations were maintained except where friends advanced through the leagues to­ gether. Bowling did not promote long term associations, it seemed to be a divisive force among the better bowl­ ers. This "collective" of bowlers, although known to one another, for years in some instances, were not close personal friends. They were as co-workers who never saw one another after working hours.

Socialization. Some, but not all, bowlers pro­ gressed to the 200 level in bowling through four iden­ tifiable stages of learning. Their conceptualization of these stages were: (1) messing around; (2) getting bet­ ter or improving; (3) getting serious; and (4) really concentrating. These stages represented advancing skill levels and changes in values in bowling. At the early stages, social experiences and interactions with others prevailed. At the later stages, their values had shifted to skill development, excellent performance, and commit­ ment. 156

Through associations with expert models, and teachers plus local and nearby leagues and tournaments, many local bowlers came to adopt a professional value structure which included: individual competition; prize money awards; heavy dependency on the knowledge of equip­ ment which was treated only sparingly in this study, and

' ! concentration. These men adopted a professional value orienta­ tion because: (1) this town had a league structure that gradually progressed to the professional level; (2) there were numerous "significant others" who already had the professional value orientation; (3) "moving up" to a better league had been a part of their bowling pattern in past years; and (4) local bowling, including the Association and the media, had ignored, if not rejected, the performance and accomplishments thereby exercising a form of social control or sanction through the formal organization. The role priorities and values associated with family and work were also strong social forces counter to the demands of top performance in bowling. This aspect of the study will be discussed in the last chapter. 157

Some implications for education may be drawn from this study. This will be presented in the con­

cluding chapter. The next chapter will present a review of the previous material, a discussion centering upon bowling, work and the family, and the conclusions. CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

SUMMARY

The investigation was undertaken to determine what social factors influenced superior bowling per­ formance and how socialization occurred. Little re­ search had been conducted in this area of sport. The subjects were twenty-nine male bowlers who had averaged 200 or more in at least one sanctioned league in town each of the last three seasons (1971-

1974), and one professional bowler who had bowled in these same leagues prior to the 1973-1974 season. Sev­ eral full-time professional bowlers were among those who met these criteria. A semi-structured intensive interview technique was adopted as the research method. Specific areas of inquiry were pursued with the use of an interview guide but each subject was also given latitude to discuss what he considered important influences on his bowling. It was hypothesized that parents and siblings would be influential on superior bowling but the results

158 159

of the research did not support these hypotheses. Cer­

tain people, peers and mentors, and a league structure with progressively more skilled bowlers facilitated the development of superior bowlers.

DISCUSSION

While the hypothesized factors were not shown to be important influences on bowling, an area of prob­ lems emerged which seemed to have great impact on per­ formance. This discussion is devoted to these problems? the presentation of an hypothesis which linked superior performance to the resolution of these problems; and the presentation of some implications for education drawn from this study.

Problems

The second major emergent phenomenon which had an influence on performance was a heterogeneous group­

ing of occurrences labeled PROBLEMS. They were problems because they impinged upon performance. These thirty bowlers were experiencing five major types of problems:

Marriage problems Work or job problems

Bowling skill problems

Age problems Lack of interest in bowling problems 160

In some cases the problems were interrelated, but a case by case examination of each bowler’s problem(s) would be repetitive. However, an examination of how each problem interfaced with bowling will be presented.

Marital Status. Of the bowlers in the sample,

six were separated or divorced and five of them were still experiencing problems associated with their pre­ vious marriages. Two of these men, the most recent to

separate, were about to quit bowling because, as Harmon said after the interview, "you don't feel like doing anything when this happens." Marital problems, for some, stemmed from the inability to place marriage be­ fore bowling, a role priority conflict. Wayne had this problem and he admitted it. In other instances the spouse wanted the bowler to disassociate himself from the game and his long-time friends. This was seemingly a status conflict in which the wife questioned the suit­ ability of her spouse's associates and bowling. Neither approach was conducive to a harmonious marriage. Other bowlers, Barney and Randy told their wives (the latter's second wife) prior to marriage that they should not marry if they could not accept their bowling. Almost one-third of the bowlers were bachelors while over one-half of the bowlers were married. The divorce rate for the bowlers in the study was comparable 161

to that of county male and female bowlers revealed in the Benchmark study. However, there were more bachelors

and less marriages among the premier bowlers than were among the other county bowlers. This indicated that some men avoided the potential problems associated with marriage and bowling by not marrying. Of course, these nine bachelors were generally the younger men but four were 27, 27, 30 and 39 years of age respectively.

One method of resolving marital problems asso­ ciated with or caused by bowling was to "cut down."

Young boys and some men play every day. Young married

men may bowl every night but they usually "cut down" to spend more evenings in the company of their spouses— perhaps at their insistence. However, the men also cut down for other reasons such as lack of money as Wayne and Mike did, business as Tony, Bart, and Ken did, or age. Wesley explained his wife's reaction to exces­

sive bowling:

At first she encouraged me quite a bit about it. Now with the kids comin on, if a guy asks me to sub, I'll get a little frown. [She says] Yea? alright, go ahead. I'll stay home with the kids again. So I try to shy away from subbing. I just say no I can't. The most important thing is the family right now. She still wants me to bowl, don't get me wrong. She still wants me to bowl good be­ cause she knows it makes me feel good when I bowl good, but I can't overdo it. Its not fair to her really. 162

It seemed possible that a satisfactory marriage relationship may have reduced problems for one bowler,

Frankie. A second marriage did not help Wayne earlier, nor did it help Lamont. It did benefit Randy. It was speculative but it appeared that Frankie,

Max, Hannon and Wayne had other problems, apart from bowling, which may have contributed to their marital conflicts. The substance of a harmoniously balanced marriage/ bowling union would vary from couple to couple. Quincy's wife was content to watch him bowl in each league and tournament. Other wives would not tolerate this. The proper balance would be an individual determination be­ tween couples and beyond the scope of this study and sociology. Suffice to say that brides should be fore­ warned of their grooms' bowling (and other sports) activities with the knowledge that bowlers seldom ter­ minate and grudgingly will reduce their sports activi­ ties, particularly those men who have engaged in a sport for a number of years. Conversely, grooms should not expect to continue their bowling unaltered, leave their spouses alone, or ignore the obligations of marriage.

Work Problems. Most of the bowlers had spent hour after hour and day after day at the lanes, some since childhood. Several men had devoted so much of 163 their adolescence to bowling, both playing and working at the game, that they developed no other job skills, only bowling skills. At twenty to thirty years of age, some men were trying to enter the job market with skills for which there were no demands. Several other men had satisfactory jobs but may have been concerned about the poor base upon which their jobs rested. Wesley, who quit school, had no job mobility. Lamont, a clerk at a utility company for five years, had only the seniority system to maintain his position. Frankie earned only

$8,000 a year as the manager of a pro shop. Both Wesley and Frankie seemed to have accepted their job deficien­ cies at age thirty-five. There was little else they could do. Randy became the "day mechanic" and the pro shop manager at Sequoia Lanes, but he worked long hours each week. Each man had an uncertain future. Sam and Fritz, both pros, knew they had no job skills apart from what they knew about bowling. They were going to face that problem some day in the future. Sam, at age thirty-one, was more concerned about the future than was the twenty-three year old Fritz. Brett and Lewis were prime examples of work and bowling influencing one another. Lewis, at twenty-one, no longer wanted to work at his father's bowling estab­ lishment. The hours were too long and the pay too little. 164

He was accepted at the Post Office but the job training period conflicted with his league schedules. He "let go" of bowling to give first priority to the job train­ ing. He could not have done otherwise without risking his job future. At the other extreme, Brett's bowling problems had a deleterious influence on his outlook toward his job. Apparently, as his bowling skill problems increased, his concern about his future earning power in the bowling business increased. His job as an assistant in a pro shop paid a little over $6,000 a year and there was no other job he could obtain at the age of twenty-four. He was searching the newspapers for a better job. Brett knew more about bowling than most of the bowlers in town yet he could not obtain a job in the sporting goods department of the large department stores. What he knew about sports was not in demand. Some years earlier, Tony had been bowling well but his average dropped off. This coincided with the opening of his own pro shop. It was a year or two before his game returned to its former level. He did not look at this decline with the unpleasantness of some of the others who had work/bowling conflicts. However, it did give another illustration of work influencing bowling performance. 165

Wayne, at age twenty-eight, and after two divorces, enrolled in a local university in an effort to resolve his job deficiency. This placed a monetary strain on his bowling— the only thing he did well. He said that some nights he did not have enough money to pay for his bowling. Both job and marriage problems were impinging on his bowling. This vocational or avocational emphasis on bowl­ ing plagued a number of men. Bowling jobs were primarily semi-skilled or unskilled and low paying. Even the "head mechanic job" paid under $10,000 a year and it seemed to be a position subject to the whims of the owners and managers. Job stability and security were tenuous in the bowling business. Only the manager position in bowl­ ing establishments and in retail outlets specializing in bowling and recreational equipment paid reasonably good salaries. These jobs ranged from $10,000 to $25,000 per year. Despite the occupational problems exhibited by the bowlers, it was difficult to find a pattern to the problems. Problems varied with income but income varia­ tions seemed to accompany rather than cause the problems. The educational level did not seem to be a source of problems, nor did occupation when distinctions were made 166

between professional-technical, white collar and blue collar occupations. 1 However, problems did seem to decrease as the

bowlers' involvement in the bowling business increased— part-time instructor or desk man, pro shop worker, re­ tail outlet manager, lane manager, and professional

bowler. With some exceptions, the men who had no con­ nection with the bowling business (other than as regular

league bowlers) had the more severe problems. See Table 6 . It seemed possible that four men (Mike, Wayne,

Wesley and Lamont) may have had their problems reduced or eliminated had their jobs been more closely involved with bowling. Mike could no longer earn enough as a shipping clerk to bowl more than his ten games a week. Wesley had scaled down his ambitions before attaining his goals. He worked occasionally as a bowling instruc­ tor which permitted him some extra involvement with the sport. A satisfactory bowling position may have given all four men the practice they needed to bring their games back up to previous levels.

"TThese were the occupational distinctions made in the Benchmark survey. See pp. 4-38 to 4-44 of the CASP I Users Guide. Table 6 Scratch Bowlers' Involvement in Bowling Occupations by Problems

Full-Time Part-Time Bowling Non-Bowling Bowling Bowling Related Occupations Occupations Occupations Occupations Lane mana- Desk men, Retail and gers and instructors, wholesale professionals part-time trade professionals

Mike 47 Bowlers Walt 39 With Bart 38 Problems Harmon 32 Wesley 35 Tony 38 Max 30 a Lamont 34 Frankie 35 Wayne 28 Harold 49 Jay 23 Brett 24 Lewis 21

Ken 39 Nick 31 Barney 44 Ben 50 Bowlers Sam 31 Denny 30 Quincy 46 With Sheldon 27 Curtis 29 Earl 31 No Randy 25 Rex 22 Jerome 30 Problems Fritz 23 Everett 27 Hank 24 167 aThis number is the bowler's age. 168

It seemed that working in the bowling business may have been a satisfactory occupation from a wife's point of view. Bowling then became the prime source of income for the family and yet gave the husband a legiti­ mate reason to bowl. Ken and Harold, both lane managers, had been able to maintain their bowling games beyond the age when other men began to "slip." They also had, what appeared to be, happy marriages. Both could practice bowling at work and not detract from their marriages or their jobs. The managerial positions in retail stores, like the directorship in the Association held by Earl, seemed to help satiate the desire to bowl.

Skill Problems. Only one bowler, Brett, had severe skill problems. He was changing his game and it was causing a severe emotional impact on his life. Randy and Harmon had experienced this in previous years. Lamont and Wesley also had moderate skill problems, but Wesley's problems stemmed more from lack of opportunity to practice than the inability to perform the correct skill. He was, what beginners call "out of practice." Most of these men had bowled long enough to have made all the skill changes that were needed to bowl on the "wet" condition. Lamont had not overcome the years of poor technique he had developed from the poor models in the Negro establish­ ments. He said he was not able to make the change. 169

Harold had some problems when he switched to the semi- roller, but was not satisfied with his performance, and was about to return to his natural full-roller. He called it: "Back to roll. Back to control."

Age Problems. Whether admitted or not, age was a problem for at least five bowlers (Ben, Harold, Barney, Quincy and Mike). Advancing age may have been or soon would be a problem for at least two and possibly three other bowlers (Ken, Walt and possibly Wesley). Prob­ lems, however, were spread across all age groups and did not seem to vary with age nor when the men started bowl­ ing. Aging, as a phenomenon, has received little atten­ tion in sports. Yet every athlete and sportsman reaches the point when the body will not respond as it once did. Natural deterioration is the cause. Practice and exer­ cise will only delay the inevitable "slipping." Harold and Quincy had been able to delay their age-related problems but Harold could practice every day at the lanes. Aging may have been a problem for Ken also had he not been a lane manager. Ben, Barney and Mike each bowled two nights a week. Each seemed to accept their aging, Mike more grudgingly than the others. However, Mike's slipping was accompanied by a financial "pinch" which he felt was 170

a partial cause of his lower scores and fewer 700's.

There was no solution to this problem but Harold was going to begin exercising again "to bring the body back." Ben, a fifty-year old truck driver, was compli­ mented by one of his colleagues at the lanes as having the body of a thirty-five year old man. This made him feel good but also explained why he was able to maintain a consistent 200 average beyond the expected range of many good athletes. Mike, an avid hunter, also had a trim physique. With two exceptions (Nick and Barney), all thirty men were very trim, had little or no excess weight particularly around the hips and stomach, and maintained bowling schedules that would fatigue many people within a week, including the handicappers. These men were in excellent physical shape.

Interest Problems. This was a rather general category of problems that seemed to have numerous causes.

Loss of interest had at its source: income, other sports, work, marriage, age and personal disappointment. Bart and Tony, two prime examples of loss of interest in bowling, had moved into income brackets which may have reduced their desire to bowl. Bart's $50,000 a year job took him out of town frequently during the week and prohibited him from engaging in most of the week-day leagues. He began to play a considerable amount of golf, 171 a sport in which pliay is undertaken at the participant's convenience or leisure. Tony began to devote himself to golf in the same manner he had become serious about bowl­ ing. In fact, as the owner of a sport-related manufac­ turing concern which grew out of his bowling pro shop, he said he would never hire a salesman who was as fanatic about sports as he was about bowling, and later golf. He knew that sport, not work, would receive that sales­ man's primary attention.

Tony had "let go" of bowling as had Lewis and

Max. Harmon, Mike, Walt, Bart and Jay were in various stages of "letting go." They were bowling on years of previous experience. It would only be a matter of time before their reduced subservience to the game would be­ come more evident in their averages. Tony found it the previous year when he said he averaged an uninteresting 212. Most of his games were between 180 and 240. There were no big scores and no real low scores. This is how bowlers can average 180, think they know it all, and really know nothing. Most games are between 150 and 210, all spares, few strikes in succession, few splits and few misses or opens. Jay was bowling extremely well but had lost some enthusiasm for the game since he had failed to "make it" on the pro tour. However, he said that when he rolled 172 a big score, it reminded him of why he bowled and the pleasures* he derived from the game. He shot an 827 ser­ ies (a 275.6 average) one week after the interview. All but Tony, Bart, and Max appeared capable of regenerating their interest to bowl well.

Solution and Hypothesis In an attempt to explain the source of the varia­ tion expressed by the bowlers in relation to the problems they were experiencing, a number of possible relation­ ships were examined. Those factors which appeared to have no bearing on performance and the bowlers' problems were birth order, age space, number of siblings, sex of sib­ lings, age siblings left home, parental relationships, 2 peer relationships and affiliations, proximity to bowl­ ing establishments, religion, ancestry, occupation, in­ come and education. Problems with bowling and problems which were manifested in bowling seemed to parallel the typology of bowlers, but the typology described the bowlers status more than it explained their problem. Marital, occupa­ tional and skill problems could occur at most any stage

2During problem periods, peer affiliations seemed to increase, but this may have been a result of the prob­ lem rather than the cause of the problem. 173 or cause a bowler to move from one category to another. This concept or relationship, the ability of bowlers to shift from one category to another based on the problems they were experiencing, was the basis for the major hypothesis generated from the study:

Superior performance in bowling can be best achieved when the participant integrates bowling into his work and/or family.

The problems of Brett, Harold, Jay and Lamont were attributed to skill deficiencies. Practice would have resolved Brett and Jay's problems in time. The problems of Max, Harmon, Frankie, Wayne and

Lamont were attributed, in part, to marital difficulties. A satisfactory marriage relationship may have resolved some of their problems where the interpersonal problems could have been rectified. Wayne and Lamont may have fallen into this category. The problems associated with loss of interest in bowling were more complex than the other problems and the solution was less obvious. Tony, Bart, and Max simply did not care to bowl. Others such as Lewis and Harmon may return to bowling when their respective job and mari­ tal problems are resolved. Age problems could not be resolved, only delayed.

Barney, Quincy and Mike had difficulty practicing enough 174 to keep their game sharp. All of these men, including Ben, would have been unable to resolve this problem with­ out causing another problem to arise in the family do­ main. Certain problems accounted for the variation bowlers exhibited in their performance. One major problem remained— employment. It was stated earlier that occupation (professional-technical, white collar, blue collar) was unrelated to problems.

There were an equal number of problem and non-problem cases in both the white and blue collar occupations. There were, however, fewer and less severe problems asso­ ciated with the professional-technical occupations which included bowlers who were accountants (Denny, Jay, Ever­ ett) , a social worker (Walt) , a technician (Quincy) , athletes who were professional bowlers (Sam, Sheldon, Fritz and Jay recently), sport instructors and officials

(Wesley who was a part-time instructor of bowling), and recreation and group workers (Lamont who was a part-time desk man at New Olympic Lanes).

The two previous job types in.the Benchmark Sur­ vey most closely approximated the jobs of lane managers and part-time workers. These were the jobs held by

Harold, Ken, Lamont and Wesley. The jobs of Frankie,

Brett, and Barney were presumed to be "retail trade" 175

among the white collar occupations. However, Barney's job was more managerial than retail. They could have been classified more appropriately in professional- technical occupations.^ The bowlers were regrouped according to their involvement with the bowling business and problems ver­

sus non-problem cases. There were more men in the non­ bowling than full-time bowling occupations, about the same proportion of problems in both categories, but the problems were more severe for those men in the non­ bowling occupations. The most significant feature of this grouping was that four of the six divorced or sep­ arated men and four of the five most severe problem cases fell in this one cell— non-bowling occupations/ problems.. Table 7 shows the grouping of bowlers accord­ ing to full-time occupations and problems. In an effort to understand the relationship be­ tween bowling performance and problems more clearly, these categories were reordered. The five part-time professional bowlers (Resident Professional members of the PBA) and the one Association Director were shifted to the bowling-related occupations

^See pages 4-38 to 4-41 of the CASP I Users Guide for a listing of jobs by classification. 176 because of their close affiliation with the sport. Each of these men carried the game to levels beyond the other local bowlers.

Table 7 Division of Scratch Bowlers According to Full-Time Bowling and Non-Bowling Occupations, Problems and Non-Problems

Full-Time Bowling Full-Time and Bowling Related Non-Bowling Occupations Occupations

Max Wesley Bowlers Harmon Bart With Walt Mike Problems Tony Harold Wayne Lamont Brett Frankie Lewis Jay

Sam Randy Hank Jerome Bowlers Ken Barney Ben Quincy W ithout Fritz Sheldon Nick Denny Problems Curtis Rex Earl Everett •

Quincy, who had a particularly close tie between bowling and his family, as did Denny, Earl, and Wesley, also was moved from the non-bowling category. This reordering of subjects did not alter the nature or severity of the problem cases, but it dras­ tically altered the proportion of problem cases where bowling, marriage and work were closely associated. When the reordering of subjects was concluded, it seemed to draw more attention to the lack of problems 177 and the decreased severity of problems among those who had managed to combine their bowling, work, and family (orientation or procreation). Table 8 presents this reordering of bowlers.

Table 8

Division of Scratch Bowlers According to Integrated and Non-Integrated Bowling, Work, and/or Family; Problems and Non-Problems; and Marital Status

Integrated Bowling, Non-Integrated Work and/or Family Bowling, Work, and/or Family

Married Not Married Married Not Married

Lewis Bowlers Jay Maxa With Harold Lamont Harmona Problems Wesley Frankiea Bart Walt Tony Brett Mike Wayne a

Sam Denny Hank Everett Bowlers Nick Rex Ben Without Curtis Sheldon Jerome Problems Earl Fritz Randy Ken Barney Quincy

aDivorced or separated *^Tow remarried 178

Based on these findings, the new cells were dichotomized as "Integrated and Non-Integrated Bowling,

Work and/or Family." (See page 177.) The basis for this approach to excellence in bowling was derived from the work of Parker who sug­ gested that an holistic or integrated pattern of work and leisure would lead to a more satisfying "life style" than would a segmental or separate pattern of work and 4 leisure. He wrote, xn dxstxnguxshmg between these two approaches, that:

There are broadly two schools of thought about the relation of spheres of life in our present type of urban-industrial society. The first— whose adherents may be called segmentalists— hold that people's lives are split into different areas of activity and interest, with each social segment lived out more or less independently of the rest. Work, they say, is separated from leisure, produc­ tion from consumption, workplace from residence, education from religion, politics from recreation. The second school— the holists— maintain that society is essentially an integrated whole, every part of which affects and is affected to some degree, by every other part. Attitudes and prac­ tices developed in one sphere of life, they say, can spill over into another— killing time at work can become killing time in leisure, apathy in the workplace can become apathy in politics, aliena­ tion from the one, alienation from the other.5

^Stanley Parker, The Future of Work and Leisure (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971), pp. 111-24.

^Ibid., p. 99. 179

Thus, Parker's suggestion might be altered and extended to include the three concepts of work, leisure and marriage or family. Specifically, in this study, the hypothesis might be more appropriately stated as: Superior performance in bowling can be best achieved when the participant integrates bowling into his work and/or family. Thus, the manager of a bowling establishment or a pro shop has integrated his bowling and work. There is little separation or distinction between work and bowling, particularly when bowling. A man who bowls with his spouse or is accompanied to the lanes on a regu­ lar basis by his father, mother, or spouse has integrated his bowling and family. The third combination, the inte­ gration of work and marriage, was unobserved in the study on a full-time basis but could have been a joint husband and wife lane management operation, or in a more limited fashion when a bowler took his family on a com­ bination bowling tournament/vacation trip as did Quincy, Nick, Ken and Harold. The integration of bowling, work and family was also unobserved, but could have been repre­ sented by the future plans of Rex. When he married, he was planning for his wife to accompany him on the pro­ fessional tour. There are also instances, no doubt, where spouses manage lanes and bowl in the same leagues, which would illustrate the completely integrated pattern. 180

There was some merit to classifying bowlers

according to their ability to combine bowling, work, and/or family. There were ten men identified as "peak" bowlers

and nine of them fell in the "integrated" categories, and most of them (7) were in the non-problem segment of

that category. All of the bowlers in the "non-integrated/ problem" category were average or below on the typology. However, the bowlers with problems but who had integrated their bowling into their life were capable of generating better bowling performance than were the problem bowlers who had not integrated bowling into their lives. See Table 9.

Concentration. Problems interferred with the

ability to bowl well. A man with domestic problems could not give his full attention to bowling. A man who was worried about how he was going to pay for his bowling

that evening could not concentrate on bowling. A bowler with skill problems knew he was going to throw the next ball poorly, thought intently about executing the skill properly, but was unable to remember how the ball reacted the last time he rolled it. A fellow beginning to slip wondered if this was going to be the time he threw a bad one. The man who lost interest in the game may not have cared about his game until he stepped on the approach. 181

Table 9 Typology of Bowlers by Life Style

Integrated Life Style Non-Integrated Life Style With Problems With Problems

Marginal Brett Marginal — Coming Up — Coming Up — Average Lamont Average Walt Wesley Wayne Peak Frankie Peak —— Jay Slipping Harold Slipping Bart Mike Let Go Tony Let Go Harmon Lewis Max

Integrated Life Style Non-Integrated Life Style With No Problems With No Problems

Marginal — Marginal — Coming Up Fritz Coming Up Hank Sheldon Average Earl Average Everett Peak Curtis Peak Jerome Denny Ken Nick Randy Rex Sam Slipping Barney Slipping Ben Quincy

Let Go — Let Go — 182

However, his time to care was yesterday when he should have practiced.

Sam, a pro, spoke of the problems he encountered attempting to blend his bowling, which was also his work, and his marriage. His situation magnified the problems the local bowlers created and faced when they went bowl­ ing night after night and refused to adopt more limited schedules.

You end up with three lives really. I've got my life on the road, she's got her life at home, and then we've got our lives together. And its tough to cut off ray life 'out there,' and its tough for her to cut her life off out here [at the lames] so we can have our life together. And then at the same time its tough to cut our lives off together and go back to what we were doing before. You know, there is always a conflict there. It takes a while to work it out. Some of ’em do and some of 'em don't. Its tough.

Right now we are more or less at a compromise. You always have to keep working on it. Things will go along good for a while and then something will happen. Some major problem will come up and blow things up, and start things into a reverse process. And then we have to start all over again. Really, its like every year, like in the winter time start­ ing in January, February, March usually things get pretty touchy right around that time. We've got to get that smoothed out again and about the time you get it smoothed out again we're going into the first part of June. June, July, the first part of August. We've got to get it smoothed out again. After two or three years of that you begin to won­ der whether its worth it all the time. Not what I'm doing. Is the marriage worth continuing along the way it is. Its tough. Three different lives and every once in a while one will start getting a little heavier than another one. Which way are 183

you going with it. Are you just going to pick out one path and go that way or are you going to quit. You going to stay with what you're doing, or what are you going to do. Its tough. Quite an emotion­ al problem.

Sam's cyclical problem between bowling and mar­

riage were probably not unlike the problems encountered by others. Max and Harmon seemed most distressed by f domestic problems. Sam told of touring pros who would go home and "work out" these domestic problems before they would return to the tour. Problems do not have to be that severe to inter­ rupt concentration however. Walt said he has seen guys "bowl awful" because they had an argument with their wife or someone at the lanes before they bowled. Walt called himself an "average bowler" but he made some particularly insightful remarks linking skill, concentration and per­ formance. He said:

. . . There are nights when you can concentrate totally. You can block everything out. You get your mind on your game and that is it. And then there are nights when you just can't get your con­ centration together. That's what bowling is after you reach a certain level, the ability to concen­ trate .... They claim to bowl well you have to practice enough to get the physical things together— the arm swing, the timing, and all that. When you go into compe­ tition you're supposed to think of nothing but hit­ ting your spot. . . . Everything else is supposed to be automatic by that time.. . . Now, concen­ trating on hitting the spot seems like a small thing to do. . . . But the average bowler has not prac­ ticed it sufficiently, I guess, so he's got to think 184

about his arm swing a little bit. He's got to think about his timing a little bit, and think about hitting his spot. Once you get to the point where you can think about your spot only, that's when you score and beat everybody. It's just a matter of getting into a state of concentration. . Nick, he gets deep into concentration. . . . [i lose it by] someone talking to me . . . [or think­ ing about] a girl I am going to see after I get through bowling.

Sam again, speaking on the importance of concen­ tration on the pro tour, said:

. . . its more of a mental or psych type sport out there . . . where you are psyching somebody out all the time. . . . Everybody is needling everybody, you know, its a good time needle like. You start getting a guy real heavy, why he gets to the point where he is about ready to bust you over it. . . . You never stop needling him, you just don't do it as often and as hard. And after a while, he gets so frustrated that he can't bowl anymore. He's afraid to throw the ball 'cause you're going to give him the business. . . . He can't afford to bowl bad, and he's so uptight over bowling bad that he can't bowl good. So, after a while he goes broke and he goes home, and only the guys that got the thick skin and can overcome it last. Its just a continual needle from the time you get up until the time you go to bed. 'Cause there is not that much physical involved in the game. Its mostly all mental, once you get the basic fundamentals. Its just all mental. . . . You can do certain things to different people that they won't execute at their best [said with a snicker].

Sam's glimpse of professional bowling served two purposes. First, it illustrated the substance of pro­ fessional bowling with respect to the mental and physical aspects of the game. Second, and more important, it gave a more clear conception of the mental skills required of 185 the "peak" bowlers examined in this study. The bowlers in this study approached the game in a manner similar to Sam. It was generally conceded that the physical part of the game had to be automatic for superior performance. The mental part, concentration, was what separated the top from the rest. The mental part, concentration, was what was disturbed by "problems." Few bowlers with prob­ lems were peak performers. The bowlers with the fewest and the least severe problems were the peak performers. The peak performers had few or no bowling, marriage or work problems. Ken, a lane manager who had apparently integrated bowling into his life, said of his family, "they are a part of the game . . . My wife knows the business and it has never been a problem." Most of the better bowlers had integrated their work and/or family into their bowling.

Implementation It seemed that bowlers could perform at their best when their lives were free of problems. This occurred most frequently when bowling and work and family were integrated into an indistinguishable entity father than segmentalized into distinct and separate activities. The hypothesis suggests that superior bowling and conflict-free and problem-free marriages and jobs would occur where the husband and wife have integrated 186

premier bowling into their lives, and that this integra­ tion can be done best in the bowling business. It is possible that an approach other than the integrated approach might also lead to the same peak performance: (1) bachelorhood; (2) one spouse who is

subservient to the other spouse; or (3) compatible or equal skill levels between spouses. Bowling as an occupational endeavor presents some problems in employment opportunities. Many people bowl and many people bowl well. Over 90 men carried 200 aver- g ages during the 1973-1974 bowling season in this town. However, bowling is the type of business enterprise which supports few jobs over $15,000 per year. Most of the jobs in bowling and bowling related businesses are non- managerial, clerk or custodial, and poor paying. This scarcity of better jobs is compounded by the fact that there are too many good bowlers in this city. This means there are not enough good jobs in bowling to test the hypothesis and determine its feasibility for all those who might profit by its fruition. The other major problem is that the better bowl­ ers prefer to bowl with other good bowlers because it makes them bowl even better. This is a phenomenon well

g The Association's Average Book lists all men who averaged 200 or more during the season. 187 known in sports. The best women do not bowl as well as the best men and no wife in this study bowled as well as her husband. Therefore, it would be unwise, from the peak performers' point of view, to integrate husband and wife into the same leagues, even a mixed doubles league, because of the skill differential. It has been done in tennis for years and was initiated in profes­ sional volleyball in 1975. In these latter instances, the skill differences were comparatively slight. There appeared to be three solutions to the problem when an industry such as bowling cannot support its top participants yet the participants must be inte­ grated into the sport. The first solution would be to broaden the industry, both horizontally and vertically to increase the managerial and professional domains. Second, the superior performer must not excel. Bowlers should remain average or mediocre so there will be no desire to compete with better players. The game must remain rather meaningless as with youngsters who begin bowling by "messing around." However, it may be very unrealistic to ask someone not to improve: stay less than you can be. The third solution is for the female to improve and be more skilled than she has been in the past. This requires much effort on the part of females, particularly 188

in a society which has not condoned certain activities for females. Fortunately, with greater and greater en­ couragement for women to participate in sports, par­ ticularly at the adolescent and young adult levels, women can now progress through years of sport programs and develop skills more compatible with those of their male counterparts. Most women today are not skilled enough in sports to compete on even terms with men. Families can garden together. Families can hike, camp, boat and fish to­ gether. Families can attend the theater, plays, concerts and art museums together. Families can vacation together. These few activities can be integrated into a life style with a minimum of accommodation by all parties involved, provided the interest is present.

Sports such as golf, tennis, hunting, or even wild flower and bird hunting quickly become inappropriate and segmented activities when one member improves dra­ matically while the other members languish behind, in spirit or body. A fast-paced golfer or "swamp stomper" cannot be held back by a physiologically fatigued family. Sports are paced and many people have difficulty main­ taining the pace of an intense, "serious" sportsperson. Where a Sport cannot support its peak performers, as exists in bowling, it appears that compatible skill 189

levels of spouses might provide a reasonably suitable solution to problems and peak performances.

Educational Implications Drawn From This Study

One of the purposes of this study was to deter­ mine if educational implications could be drawn from the study of bowling in a non-educational setting. This effort is warranted because these thirty men obviously learned how to bowl quite well, and there is merit in

studying how experts learn. It was stated that "One of the major motivating factors in learning is the realization that present suc- cess is relevant for the future." 7 This can perhaps be seen no more clearly than in bowling. The goal of bet­ ter performance (i.e. making a strike or spare) has a close temporal link with the execution of the skill. The skill is quite definite and change can be immed­ iately seen. This study of learning by premier bowlers in a non-educational setting produced certain findings which might prove beneficial in an educational setting if studied further.

7 Alan Edward Guskm and Samuel Louis Guskxn, A Social Psychology of Education (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1970), p. 110. 190

Learning and teaching, whether involving a ser­

vice program or a teacher preparation program, might first be undertaken in an exploratory and inconsequential

atmosphere analogous to the "messing around" stage of novice bowlers. Activity would, of course, be directed toward teaching and/or learning rather than undirected. It would occur in a suitable space with the only direc­ tions being "Learn how to . . .," or "Teach someone how to . . . ." Guidance, facilities, and equipment should

be available. The acquisition or transmission of learning and/or

teaching might "get better" as the student comes to rea­ lize his needs and capabilities. At this point it appears that expert models and definable skills are neces­ sary. Since little seems to be known about good teach- ing, 8 people who have been acknowledged as "good teach­ ers" by their peers and students (whatever be their skills and characteristics) seem necessary to facilitate,

guide and direct the process. As bowlers had many models

8 Frederick J. McDonald wrote: "In teacher edu­ cation there is some agreement on undesirable teaching behavior, little agreement on desirable teaching behav­ iors, and practically none on the significance of what is to be learned in order to teach." "Behavior Modifi­ cation in Teacher Education," in Behavior Modification in Education, ed. C. E. Thoresen (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1973), p. 44. 191

against whom they could evaluate performance, the learn­

ing teachers may also need people (peers or professors) with whom to compare their performance. Initially, bowlers accepted help from those peo­ ple immediately available. As they progressed, they sought the assistance of better bowlers based on the

knowledge they had (not necessarily defined in terms of the bowling average because age diminishes averages),

and compatability. It was necessary for them to learn basic funda­ mentals but once accomplished, factors which had further benefit to the acquisition of skill were less predictable or defined. Bowlers adopted techniques, styles, methods and teachers which were most suitable to their own game.

As bowlers had "a man" who knew their game and to whom they could turn for assistance, so learners may need a variety of teachers from whom they can choose their "man" and "method." This suggests that students who wish to specialize in physical education should perhaps have one main person to see them through their teaching/ learning period. It would appear that the early learning process should be both ungraded and self-paced. Then, a learner who fails to progress or detect progress may elect to

"mess around" or explore longer, or move to another field 192

of study. At the initial stages of learning, the student may come to realize, with help, what is to be taught and learned, how it happens, and who might assist the pro­

cess. "Getting serious" should occur before the termin­

ation of the formal educational process because it may signal the beginning of commitment or dedication to teaching and learning. This might occur as a consequence of the learner's association with people who are "serious" teachers, as occurred among the bowlers— -socialization. "Really concentrating," a high level of perform­

ance, may not be within the reach of all learners any more than it is within the reach of all bowlers. How­

ever, as the content and methods of teaching are under­ stood, the teacher should be able to center more on the students and. their responses to teaching and learning. Since this is most likely to occur after the formal edu­ cational period has been terminated, it would appear a continuous program is needed for the teacher. This type

of program would keep the experienced teachers, to use a bowler's phrase, "at a fine competitive edge," and yet give those teachers "coming up the ladder" models which to emulate. These latter remarks are rather imprecise be­ cause the higher levels of teaching and learning appear 193 to be similar to the higher levels of bowling That is to say, once the fundamentals are learned, the skilled performer tends to move instinctively, correct for per­ ceived errors instantly, and be innovative. This may be the essence of superior teaching. These previous remarks should be interpreted as hypotheses in need of testing rather than proposals to be adopted.

CONCLUSIONS

Based on the results of this investigation, the following conclusions are warranted: (1) Parents and siblings have little influence on the performance of superior bowling. (2) Bowlers must spend exhaustive hours of prac­ tice to excel in the game. Practice is facilitated if the bowling establishment is in the proximity of the residence. (3) The most influential social factors in super­ ior bowling are highly competitive peers, highly competi­ tive leagues, and knowledgeable mentors. (4) Bowling is a divisive rather than a cohesive force among associates at the higher skill levels, and does not promote cohesiveness for persons who aspire to excellence. 194

(5) The desire to excel is a source of problems and conflict in bowlers' lives. (6) Among the top performers, bowling is not

considered recreation or leisure. It is analogous to work and the satisfaction they derive from bowling is comparable to the satisfaction which can be derived

knowing your best performance was tendered. (7) Bowlers are becoming socialized into the professional bowling tour life style at ages younger

than occurred some years ago. When youngsters adopt this orientation and value structure with total commit­

ment, they are ill prepared for other occupational oppor­ tunities or alternatives. (8 ) Bowling is a low-prestige sport capable of

generating only limited media interest and financial support, and should be undertaken for personal satis­ faction but not monetary gain.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY

During the investigation several ideas for future study emerged. (1) It would seem first consideration should be given to the replication of this study with female bowl­ ers. 195

(2) An investigation of golf and tennis players

should be undertaken to determine if the integrated bowling-work-family hypothesis can be supported, not

only for peak performers but for average performers as well. (3) An investigation of marriage and sport, two institutions which seem to be somewhat incompatible, taken from the perspective of both spouses, would fill a void long neglected. A conflict hypothesis seems tenable. (4) A probe into "family sports" might shed new light on the relationship of sport to cohesiveness. BIBLIOGRAPHY

196 BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Bales, Robert P. and Talcott Parsons. Family. Socializa­ tion and Interaction Process. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1955. Beisser, Arnold R. The Madness in Sports. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967. Boocock, Sarane Spence. An Introduction to the Sociology of Learning. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1972.

Clausen, John A. (ed.). Socialization and Society. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968. Coleman, James S. The Adolescent Society. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961. Dexter, Lewis Anthony. Elite and Specialized Interview­ ing. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University, Press, 1970. Filstead, William J. (ed.). Qualitative Methodology. Chicago: Markham Publishing Company, 1970.

Foote, Nelson N. and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr. Identity and Interpersonal Competence. Chicago: The Univer­ sity of Chicago Press, 1955. Friedenberg, Edgar Z. The Vanishing Adolescent. Bos­ ton: Beacon Press, 1964. Glazer, Myron. The Research Adventure. New York: Random House, 1972.

Guskin, Alan Edward and Samuel Louis Guskin. A Social Psychology of Education. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1970.

197 198

Harris, Dorothy V. (ed.). Women in Sport. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State Univer­ sity, 1972. Hull, R. F. C. (trans.). Zen and the Art of Archery. by Eugen Herrigel. New York: Pantheon Books, Inc., 1953. Kantner, Rosabeth Moss. Commitment and Community. Cam­ bridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1972. Kaplan, Max. Leisure in America: A Social Inquiry. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1960.

Keller, Suzanne. Beyond the Ruling Class. New York: Random House, 1963. Lofland, John. Analyzing Social Settings. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1971. Luft, Joseph. Of Human Interaction. Palo Alto, Cali­ fornia: National Press Books, 1969. Merrill, Francis E. Society and Culture: An Introduction to Sociology. 3rd ed. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965. Merton, Robert K. Social Theory and Social Structure. 1968 enlarged ed. New York: The Free Press, 1968.

Olsen, Marvin E. The Process of Social Organization. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968. Parker, Stanley, The Future of Work and Leisure. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971. Rolf, Merrill, S. B. Sells and Mary M. Golden. Social Adjustment and Personality Development in Children. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1972. Ryan, Kevin (ed.). Teacher Education. Part II. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1975. Sage, George H. (ed.). Sport and American Society. Reading> Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1970. Scott, Marvin B. The Racing Game. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968. 199

Shaw, Marvin E. Group Dynamics. New York: McGraw- Hill Book Company, 1971. Smigel, Erwin 0. (ed.). Work and Leisure. New Haven, Connecticut: College and University Press, 1963.

Sutton-Smith, Brian and B. G. Rosenberg. The Sibling. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970. Taylor, Albert W. (ed.). Training: Scientific Basis and Application. Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, 1972. Thoreson, Carl E. (ed.). Behavior Modification in Edu­ cation. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973. Webb, Eugene J., and others. Unobtrusive Measures. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1966.

PERIODICALS

Adams, Bert N. "Birth Order: A Critical Review," Sociometrv. XXXV (1972), 411-39. Eve, Raymond A. "'Adolescent Culture,' Convenient Myth or Reality? A Comparison of Students and Their Teachers," Sociology of Education. XXXXVIII (Spring, 1975), 152-67. Festinger, Leon. "Informal Social Communication," The Psychological Review. LVII (September, 1950), 271-82.

Helmreich, Robert. "Birth Order Effects," Naval Research Reviews. XXI (February, 1968), 1-6. Hendershot, Gerry E. "Familial Satisfaction, Birth Order, and Fertility Values," Journal of Marriage and the Family. XXXI (February, 1969), 27-33. Irwin, John. "Surfing," Urban Life and Culture. II (July, 1973), 131-59. Leventhal, Gerald S. "Influence of Brothers and Sisters on Sex-Role Behavior," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. XVI (November, 1970), 452-65. 200

Longstreth, Langdon E. "Birth Order and Avoidance of Dangerous Activities," Developmental Psychology. II (1970), 154.

Melnick, Merrill J. and Martin M. Chemers. "Effects of Group Social Structure on the Success of Basketball Teams," Research Quarterly. XXXXV (March, 1974), 1-8. Nisbett, Richard E. "Birth Order and Participation in Dangerous Sports," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. VIII (April, 1968), 351-53. Peterson, James A. and Rainer Martens. "Success and Residential Affiliation as Determinants of Team Cohesiveness." Research Quarterly. XXXXIII (March, 1972), 62-76. Rosen, Bernard C. "Family Structure and Value Transmis­ sion, " Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. X (January, 1964), 59-76.

Sage, George H. "Occupational Socialization and Value Orientation of Athletic Coaches," Research Quarterly. XXXXIV (October, 1973), 269-77. Schooler, Carmi. "Birth Order Effects: Not Here, Not Now," Psychological Bulletin. LXXVII (September, 1972), 161-75. Snyder, Eldon E. and Elmer A. Spreitzer. "Family In­ fluence and Involvement in Sports," Research Quarter­ ly. XXXXIV (October, 1973), 249-55.

Tarver, James D. "Gradients of Urban Influence on the Educational, Employment and Fertility Patterns of Women," Rural Sociology. XXXIV (September, 1969), 356-67. West, Patrick C. and L. C. Merriam, Jr. "Outdoor Recrea­ tion and Family Cohesiveness: A Research Report," Journal of Leisure Research. II (Fall, 1970), 251-59. Yoesting, Dean R. and Dan L. Burkhead. "Significance of Childhood Recreation Experience on Adult Leisure Behavior: An Exploratory Analysis," Journal of Leisure Research. V (Winter, 1973), 25-36. 201

OTHER SOURCES

Average Book; 1971-1972. 1972-1973. 1973-1974. 1974-1975. Columbus, Ohio: Greater Columbus Men's Bowling Association. "Anthony 'Unknown' No. 1," The Columbus [Qhioj Dispatch. February 23, 1975, p. E9. CASP I Users Guide. Columbus, Ohio: Academy for Con­ temporary Problems (September, 1974).

Janoff, Murray. "Conners' $285,490 Heads Year of Big Money," The Sporting News. April 5, 1975, p. 27.

Pezzano, Chuck. "Tests Show the Soaker Hikes Pin Scores," The Sporting News. April 12, 1975, p. 63. Professional Bowlers Association. Personal correspondence between Mr. Bud Fisher, Public Relations Director, and the writer. February 12, 1975. The Columbus [Qhioj Dispatch. January 26, 1975, p. E6 .

Th$ Professional Golfers' Association of America. Per­ sonal correspondence between Ms. Patricia Fritz, Public Information Secretary, and the writer. February 21, 1975. APPENDIX A

202 APPENDIX A

INTERVIEW GUIDE

FACESHEET

Code Number______

Name Date ______

Address Time ______P lace . . Age Birth Date______Birth Place______Education Occupation Income______

Religion Ancestry Type of Residence Married Children______

FAMILY Name Age Occupation Education Income Bowl?

Father ______Mother ____ — Other information______— —— -—

SIBLINGS Name Age Sex Age Left Educ Income Bowl Other Space Home Sib 1 ______!---- — ----—- 204

Code number______1. How did you become involved in bowling initially? age, who or what, leagues

parents (family of orientation)

siblings other relatives

peers others marriage (family of procreation)

work, fellow workers, boss

media, radio, tv, books ecological, events, residence, neighborhood,

facility, ethnic 2. As you think back, what or who has influenced your bowling? Who or what has had the greatest influence? 3. How would you describe your parent's economic situa­ tion when you started bowling? Did it cause any problems? Problems later?

4. What have you done in other sports? From your first attempts to today.

What have been your other interests? 5. Can you describe what has occurred that shaped your interests toward bowling rather than toward some other sport or activity? 6 . What kind of things kept your interests up in bowling? 205

7. What were the circumstances surrounding the oppor­ tunities you had to bowl? location, work, money sources, residential area How did you pay for your bowling?

Was it ever a problem? Did you live near a bowling alley? How did you get there?

Did you ever work for a bowling alley? 8. What stimulated you to bowl? 9. What stands out to you about your siblings? Your parents? 10. Do your parents and siblings perform as well as you in bowling? Do they perform at a comparable level to you but in other activities? Not necessarily sports activities.

11. Can you recall any particular atmosphere at home that you can relate to your life and/or bowling? Among your siblings, parents, relatives, others How about the others you associated with?

Peers, Others Is there an ethnic or religious tradition in your family? Does it relate to your life? To bowling? 12. Did other people or things have an influence on your bowling? Parents, siblings, relatives, peers, work,

media, family 206

13. What were your parents interests? Siblings? What did your close friends like?

What did they do?

14. Did you have interests in common with your parents? Siblings, Relatives Did your family bowl together? Other activities not necessarily sports?

15. How would you describe your relationship with your parents? siblings, peers, workers, other associates 16. Would you describe how your parents treated you? How does this compare to how they treated your other siblings? How did your siblings treat you?

Compare this to how your siblings treated the other siblings.

17. Were you involved with any steady groups when you started bowling? Has the association continued? Are you involved with any steady groups now? Within or outside of bowling

18. What effects did your performance in bowling have on those people around you? Parents, siblings, relatives, peers, others How were they compared to you as a bowler? 207

19. Have there been any noticeable changes by those people around you as a result of your bowling?

Any changes by you as a result of your bowling?

What kind? Relationships, interactions, values

Life Style Now, as opposed to family patterns of earlier times. 20. How would you describe the motivation or encourage­ ment given you by others to do well in bowling?

What was it like as far as other activities were concerned? Was there ever any type of pressure placed on you to become a very good bowler? In other activities? By whom? 21. Do you feel there were things said or done to you to influence your bowling that should or should not have been said or done?

22. How would you describe your present family's (mar­ riage) attitude toward your bowling?

23. Can you describe to me how you learned to bowl? What did you do to progress to this level in bowling? How started

What did you do that stands out in your own mind?

How? Frequency? Important discoveries, teaching, learning Stages of development To what do you attribute your progress? t 208

24. How would you describe yourself as a bowler? What kind or type of bowler are you?

25. What are you looking for in bowling? What attracts you to bowling? Why do you continue to bowl today?

26. In what kinds of leagues do you bowl? Has this changed much from the past?

Do you bowl in mixed leagues? Five man? Why or why not? Does your performance vary in different types of leagues? How much do you bowl now compared to the past? How is your bowling performance now compared to the past? How long?

27. What are your future plans regarding bowling? 28. Did you encounter any problems in bowling as you progressed in the game?

Finance, skill, social, dating, family, sibling, peer How were they resolved?

Do you have any second thoughts about bowling? Time, energy, money, friends

29. Are you satisfied with your performance in bowling? 30. What separates the top bowlers from the rest?

31. Have you received recognition for your bowling? What kind?

What is your opinion of trophies? 209

Do you have preferences other than trophies? Money, newspaper, honors, status, Why?

32. Would you describe your delivery to me? Grip, Approach* Release, adjustments 33. How would you describe yourself personally? What kind or type of person are you?

Thank You! Do you have any questions I can answer for you?

I. INTRODUCTION A. I am a student at Ohio State working on a Ph.D. in Physical Education.

B. The purpose of my study is to interview some bowlers in town to see how they became involved in the sport. C. You were selected by me from the records of the Greater Columbus Men's Bowling Association. D. Information and material that you give will be published but your name will remain anonymous. E. In the interview there are no wrong or right answers. You are the expert, and I want to hear your opinions and personal experiences, in your terms. F. Feel free to interrupt, clarify, or criticize if you feel it is necessary. 210

II. M5T EXPERIENCES

A. I have been interested in sports as long as I can remember.

B. My father took me to the bowling alley before I went to school. C. I average around 160 to 180, and have used a semi-finger tip ball for a little over a year. D. I have taught and coached at the public school and college level since 1963.

III. VALUE OP YOUR COOPERATION A. First, you are going to be more helpful to me than I can possibly express.

B. Second, the interview may give you a chance to gain some insight into yourself and to express yourself. It may be of no value to you.

I, ______HEREBY GRANT YOU PERMISSION TO PUBLISH ANY MATERIAL OBTAINED IN THIS INTERVIEW PROVIDED MY NAME IS NOT USED AND EFFORTS ARE MADE TO INSURE MY ANONYMITY.

(signed) (date)