Den Globale Urbanitet Manu Chao Som Repræsentant for En Transkulturel Bykultur. Julio Jensen – Engerom Byen Forbindes Ofte Me

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Den Globale Urbanitet Manu Chao Som Repræsentant for En Transkulturel Bykultur. Julio Jensen – Engerom Byen Forbindes Ofte Me Den globale urbanitet Manu Chao som repræsentant for en transkulturel bykultur. Julio Jensen – Engerom Tilegnet mindet om KUA (1972-2017) Byen forbindes ofte med fremmedgørelse, fragmentering, ensomhed, en mangfoldig og stressprovokerende aktivering af sanseapparatet osv. Tillige er byen et sindbillede på en negativt defineret frihed, nemlig en frisættelse af individet som snarere er at opfatte som ensomhed i sammenligning med det traditionelle landsbysamfunds tætte fællesskab. Dette er – i meget grove træk – den klassiske bysociologis repræsentation af bykulturen, en fremstilling som i høj grad følges op af storbyens afbildning i den æstetiske sfære: malerkunst, de litterære genrer, film mv. I det følgende skal et forsøg gøres på at relatere nogle af erkendelserne fra en af bysociologiens stiftere – Georg Simmel – til en nutidig kunstner fra massekulturen, nemlig sangeren, musikeren og komponisten Manu Chao (f. 1961). Det skal vise sig at denne musikers repræsentation af bykulturen kun til en vis grad er sammenfaldende med Simmels, hvorfor også en nyere urbanitetsforskning vil blive inddraget, nemlig Saskia Sassens begreb om the global city, ligeledes med henblik på at indkredse Manu Chaos behandling af dette arketypisk moderne motiv. Manu Chao Manu Chao er født i Frankrig af spanske forældre. Hans musikalsk-biografiske udgangspunkt er punk-rock og bz-bevægelserne fra 80’erne, og karrieren som professionel musiker startede som forsanger i det franske band Mano Negra (Sorte Hånd). Denne gruppe, der fik international succes i slutningen af 80’erne og begyndelsen af 90’erne, påbegyndte den hybride udtryksform som Manu Chao efterfølgende er blevet berømt for, nemlig en blanding af musiktraditioner (reggae, ska, salsa, rai, punk, rock, rumba, copla, den franske chanson, bluegrass mv.) og sprog (overvejende spansk, dernæst fransk og engelsk, men også portugisisk, italiensk, catalansk, galicisk m.fl.). Hybriditeten kan imidlertid også spores på performance- niveauet, for de meget alternative turnéer som Mano Negra foretog i starten af 90’erne, knytter tråde til andre æstetiske udtryksformer såsom performancekunsten eller gadeteateret. I 1992 foretog bandet således, sammen med den franske gadeteatertrup Royal de Luxe, den såkaldte Cargo-tour til Latinamerika. Med et containerskib hvori en fransk gade var genskabt, sejlede musikerne fra by til by og optrådte hvor de lagde til kaj. I det følgende videoklip ser man deres ankomst til den colombianske by Cartagena, hvor Gabriel García Márquez boede på det tidspunkt: Klip fra DVD’en Mano Negra. Out of Time (2005) En anden temmelig alternativ turné som Mano Negra foretog, var da gruppen i 1993 rejste med et tog i Colombia for at optræde sammen med lokale musikere på rutens jernbanestationer, ofte i byer som aldrig havde haft besøg af et europæisk band tidligere: Klip fra DVD’en Mano Negra. Out of Time (2005) Som det fremgår af videoklippet, blev Mano Negra opløst efter denne turné pga. det nedslidende i denne form for koncertrejse. De efterfølgende tre år opholdt Manu Chao sig i Latinamerika for at få inspiration såvel musikalsk som politisk. Hans positionering på venstrefløjen er i samklang med anti- globaliseringsbevægelserne og latinamerikanske oprørsgrupper som zapatist-bevægelsen i Mexico. I det følgende videoklip ser man ham optræde for zapatisterne (EZLN = Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) under deres opstand (tentative årstal for oprøret: 1994-2008): Klip fra DVD’en Manu Chao. Babylonia en Guagua (2002) Hans produktion af individuelle studiealbums er relativt beskeden. I 1998 udgav han albummet Clandestino (Illegal) og i 2001 Próxima estación: Esperanza (Næste station: Håb). Disse to plader gjorde ham berømt i en bredere kreds end Mano Negra-produktionerne og er primært kendetegnet ved den omtalte hybridisering af rytmer og musikalske traditioner. Populærmusikforskeren Josh Kun karakteriserer disse to plader på følgende måde: Chao’s Clandestino, which he recorded as a continuous minimalist song cycle built on a limited number of the same recycled melodies and rhythms, is [...] a migratory song-mix born from placelessness, a song-mix that explores the racialization of Europe’s and America’s displaced others, from the Peruvians and Africans of “Clandestino” to the Mexican and Central American indocumentados of “Welcome to Tijuana”. Chao’s 2001 follow-up to Clandestino is Próxima estación: Esperanza, which continues the cycle of some of Clandestino’s melodies and rhythms, but creates something altogether different – a celebration of the joys and pleasures needed to survive the politics of pain and violence. (Kun 2004, s. 336-37). I 2004 udkom Sibérie m’était contéee ([Hvis] Sibirien blev fortalt migg)1, hvor han udelukkende synger på fransk og især refererer, på en burlesk og rablende måde, til den franske chanson-tradition. Hans seneste studiealbum er fra 2007, La radiolina (Den bærbare radio), som i høj grad vender tilbage til stilen fra Clandestino og Próxima estación: Esperanza. Manu Chao har siden beskæftiget sig med at turnere, 1 Der er tale om et spil med en vending som man f.eks. finder i filmtitlerne Si Versailles m'était conté (1954) og Si Paris nous était conté (1956). producere plader for andre musikere og lave socialt arbejde af forskellig art. F.eks. samarbejder han med projektet Radio la Colifata, en radiostation lavet af psykiatriske patienter i Buenos Aires. By- og landkultur Ifølge én tradition i bysociologien er det muligt at tale om en bykultur i kontrast til en landkultur. Denne linje har rod i Ferdinand Tönnies’ Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft. Grundbegriffe der reinen Soziologie (1887) og fortsætter eksplicit hos bl.a. Georg Simmel og Louis Wirth. Tönnies udvikler to indbyrdes kontrasterende principper, Gemeinschaft-princippet, som relateres til landkulturen, og Gesellschaft-princippet, som forbindes med bykulturen. Gemeinschaft-relationerne bygger på de nære forbindelser, hvor de uskrevne love er de vigtigste, hvor familien eller klanen betinger individets plads og hvor traditionerne angiver det kollektive livs rytmer.2 I kontrast hertil identificeres storbyen med Gesellschaft, som er grundlagt på en statsligt givet konsensus, på rationelle individuelle kalkuler, på en økonomisk logik osv.3 Dette har en objektivering af de interpersonelle relationer som konsekvens, hvorved livet i storbyen atomiserer fællesskaberne i rent individuelle forbindelser. Dualiteten land/by er en topos i bysociologien, men faktisk også i den moderne kultur som helhed. I baggrunden anes nemlig en modernitetskritik, som kan spores tilbage til renæssancen4, som fortsættes af Rousseau, og som kulminerer hos romantikerne. I den nævnte bysociologiske tradition forbindes byen med moderniteten, mens den landlige kultur, lillesamfundet, relateres til det førmoderne. Denne dualitet ligger til grund for et utal af æstetiske produkter: digte, romaner, skuespil, billedkunst, musikdramatik, film osv. Bykulturen som intensivering af nervelivet og som transkulturel livsverden I Simmels klassiske essay fra 1903, ”Die Groβstädte und das Geistesleben” (”Storbyerne og det åndelige liv”), fortolkes den nævnte dualitet således, at ét kendetegn ved tilværelsen i byerne er en ”intensivering af nervelivet” pga. de mange forskelligartede stimuli som storbyen påfører dens indbyggere: Det psykologiske grundlag, hvorpå storbyens individualitetstype opstår, er den intensivering af nervelivet, som udgår fra den raske og uafbrudte skiften af ydre og indre indtryk. (...) Idet storbyen netop skaber disse psykologiske betingelser – med hver passage af gaden, med 2 “Family life is the general basis of life in the Gemeinschaft. It subsists in village and town life. The village community and the town themselves can be considered as large families, the various clans and houses representing the elementary organisms of its body; guilds, corporations, and offices, the tissues and organs of the town. Here original kinship and inherited status remain an essential, or at least the most important, condition of participating fully in common property and other rights.” (Tönnies 1974: 267). 3 ”The city is typical of Gesellschaft in general. It is essentially a commercial town and, in so far as commerce dominates its productive labor, a factory town. Its wealth is capital which, in the form of trade, usury, or industrial capital, is used and multiplies. Capital is the means for the appropriation of products of labor or for the exploitation of workers. The city is also the center of science and culture, which always go hand in hand with commerce and industry. Here the arts must make a living; they are exploited in a capitalistic way.” (Tönnies 1974: 266). 4 Landet som hjemstedet for det oprindelige, ufordærvede liv i kontrast til byens moralsk korrumperede livsverden har rod i renæssancens neoplatonisme der i naturen ser en afspejling af det guddommelige. En arketypisk fremstilling af land-by modstillingen findes i Antonio de Guevaras Menosprecio de corte y alabanza de aldea (Foragt for hoffet og lovprisning af landsbyen, 1539). tempoet og mangfoldigheden i det økonomiske, professionelle, sociale liv – grundlægger den helt ned i sjælelivets sansemæssige fundamenter, i det bevidsthedskvantum, som den afkræver os i kraft af vores opbygning som forskelsvæsen, en dyb modsætning i forhold til lillebyen og landlivet, med den langsommere, mere tilvante, regelmæssigt flydende rytme i dens sansemæssigt-åndelige livsform. (Simmel 1998, s. 191-192; kursiv i originalen). Denne observation kan også relateres til den æstetiske tradition,
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