DEPENDENCY AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT CONSEQUENCES OF PORTUGAL IN AFRICA RESEARCH GROUP FOR THE LIBERATION OF PORTUGUESE • AFRICA COVER DRAWING BY MICHAEL BECKER DEPENDENCY AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT CONSEQUENCES OF PORTUGAL IN AFRICA A report prepared by Research Group for the Liberation of Portuguese Africa Riverside, California 1971 CONTENTS Introduction . .. .... .... .. ... I. Imperialism and Colonialsim in Portuguese Africa: Causes and Effects .. .. 3 Background to an Anomaly 4 British Interests 6 U.S. Interests . 7 South African Interests 9 West German Interests 9 French Interests 10 II. Forms of Colonialism Proposition I: Reinforcement of Dependency through Military Force, the Myth of Lusotropicology, and the Catholic Church ........ 1 I Military Force . .. .... ...... I 1 Lusotropicology and the Myth of Racial Harmony 12 Church Control ............. 12 Proposition 2: Political Discrimination . .. 13 Proposition 3: Social and Cultural Suppression 13 Social Abuse ........ 14 Intolerable Health Conditions 14 Educational Deficiencies .. IS The Black Exodus ..... IS Proposition 4 : Economic Underdevelopment 16 Discriminatory Planning, Investment, and Settlement 16 Monopoly of Communications and Transportation 17 Internal Trade 18 External Trade . 18 Monopoly of Credit 2U Monoculture .. 21 Deformation 22 Ikcapiialization 23 Proposition 5 : Exploitation of Labor 24 III. An Indictment of U.S. Relations and Policy Regarding Portugal and its Colonies 27 The U.N. Case Against Portugal in Africa ....... 27 Contradictions of U.S. Official Policy Regarding Portugal 28 Congressional Perspectives . 29 Military Support through NATO 32 Economic Ties 33 Conclusion 35 Sources used in text 37 Appendix 41 INTRODUCTION This report is the product of more than a year's effort colonial theory of Pablo Gonzalez Casanova (1969), the by a small group of students at the University of California, Mexican sociologist and president of the University of Riverside, who set out to study the implications of United Mexico. We are indebted to them for having stimulated us States and other foreign involvement in Portugal and to move in their direction. And for their excellent analysis Portuguese Africa. Initially the group was interested in why of structural conditions in Portugal and Portuguese Africa Portugal was able to maintain and control its African we are especially grateful to the United Nations special colonies in the face of worldwide resentment and concern. Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implemen­ Among the questions asked were: Why and how does tation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence Portugal still exist militarily and financially? How does she to Colonial Countries and Peoples. persist in holding an empire? Why do the United States, A second phase in the evolution of the group was its France, Great Britain, West Germany, South Africa, and decision to assume an activist role on campus and in the ot her na t ions of t he "free world" support Portuguese surrounding community. We formally established ourselves Africa through economic aid, private investment, and direct as a research collective named the Research Group for the support of Portugual's military forces? Is it because their Liberation of Portuguese Africa (RGLPA) with the three­ rewards are the large supplies of mineral wealth and forced fold objectives of making available literature and informa­ labor extracted from Blacks? Or is it because of the tion on the Por.tuguese African colonies, and sponsoring stra tegic necessity to operate bases in the Azores? programs on the African revolutions there, including films, The group evolved through two phases. First, within lectures, and visiting speakers; of preparing and publishing the curriculum of the university, it was necessary to learn detailed research reports on colonialism and underdevelop­ hasic skills of research: how to use a library, search for ment in Angola, Guine (Bissau), and Mozambique; and of information, analyze and interpret that information, and issuing position papers on the implications of U.S. and communicate the results. Additionally, the group dis­ other "free world" policies and patterns of imperialism in covered a need to learn how to interact and relate to one the Portuguese colonies and in the Third World. In this another, for its individual members generally were ac­ respect the RGLPA was influenced by the research activism customed to achievement only in competition with their of the Africa Research Group in Cambridge, Massachusetts peers. What helped to resolve some of the early difficulties (P.O. Box 213) and the North American Congress on Latin was a decision to engage in research with the objective of America in New York (P.O. Box 57, Cathedral Park making the resu lts available to others. The research began Station) and in Berkeley (P.O. Box 226). Especially helpful with an examination of the official U.S. position on have been the research guides published by ARG (1970) questions relating to Portugal and the African colonies; and by NACLA (revised 1970). spccifically it was decided to critique the U.S. stance Consequently we have brought several distinguished tlHough a look at United Nations perspectives: policy visitors to Riverside, including Gil Fernandes, a PAIGC statclIlcnts as they emanated from the U.S. State Depart­ representative, and Gerard Chaliand and Basil Davidson, ment; pronouncements in the U.S. Congress; U.S. military whQ have contributed books based on personal experience assistance; and economic, especially trade, ties. The results with guerrillas inside Guine (Bissau) (both in 1969). of these efforts arc in Part III of our report. Part I of the Additionally we have shown films on Guine (Bissau), report is a response to the study of Perry Anderson (1962) Angola, Mozambique, and Cuba in Riverside. Recently our and to the theory and empirical study of Andre Gunder efforts have extended to support of Black workers at the Frank (1967) and Susanne Bodenheimer (1970) who have Polaroid Corporation in Boston who have initiated a contributed significantly to interpretation of contemporary national boycott against Poloroid products because of that Latin American affairs. Part II is based on the internal corporation's continued sales to South Africa. 1 We believe that our report, despite its inadequacies study. RGLPA, however, would like to acknowledge the and defects, will assist people everywhere in comprehending contribution of those five persons: Jacquelyne Breiman, the underlying contradictions to Portugal's presence in Anita Cohen, Ron Jones, Johnny Lawton, and Richard Africa. We hope too that all who reud this report will join Reich. LIS in Slipport of the Africun liheration movements by Finally, we would like to dedicate this report to all Illakillg availahle this ;lI1d other information to others, by Africans struggl ing for independence in SOli thern and f()rmillg research c()lIectives and f()lIowing Ollf exumple. We Portuguese-controlled A frica. We especially II rge sllpporl appe;d 10 scholars and students ill the academic world to for one of the most promising struggles, that led hy the p"rSlie sonic of Ihe quesl ions we have raised, to improve Partido Africano da independencia de Guine e Cabo Verde in IIp()n ollr analysis, and to seek answers and solutions which Guine (Bissau). In May 1970 PAIGC Secretary General, we arc search illg for bllt have not yet found. Aml1car Cabral , sent us a telegram cxpressing "great We consider our efforts as a collective endeuvor and appreciation for y"ur initiative" and promising "full col­ reel that this report is the product of the full group, not lahorution . thc crcation of liberation support move­ jllst Ihe olltcome of the original five who initiated the ments represents grcat encouragemcnt for our struggle." We hope others will join us in support of that struggle. Figure 1. CONGO M:.tadl .-.. - ... ~ \, ("'1_.. \ .......... .J ANGOLA SOUTH WEST AFRICA CAPE PROVINCE • cablnda 2 I IMPERIALISM AND COLONIALISM IN PORTUGUESE AFRICA: Causes and Effects We are concerned fundamentally with the assumption 1967, p.3). ,This proess is based on the monopoly structure that Portugal and its African colonies of Angola, Guine of capitalism which assures that potentially investible (Bissau), and Mm.ambique constitute an integral part of a economic surplus be appropriated by the metropolitan world illlperialist system dominated by the United States, centers and wasted through luxury con sum ption (Baran and (;reat Britaill allli otlier capitalist nations, including West Sweezy, 1966). (;erJnaJlY and SOlilh Africa. Imperialism in Portugal and the Five capitalist nations in the world imperialist system Lllso·A frican world has assumed various forms, as aptly exercised considerable influence in their economic, mili· dcscribed by Anderson (I <)()2, I, II & III). The Portuguese tary , and political relations with Portugal and its colonies: empire of the sixteenth century was based on an imperial­ Great Britain, the United States, We st Germany, France and ism of exchange or the purchase of one commodity (usually • South Africa. Other "free world" nations can be implicated primary) for another; technological superiority in weapons, as well, but our concern will be primarily with these five especially artillery, assured Portuguese seizure of Arab and especially with Great Britain and the United States. All trading centers and routes and thus domination over the five nations are closely linked by financial and economic trade with the interior