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Oral Histories of Place and Displacement in Post-Apartheid Cape Town

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Oral Histories of Place and Displacement in Post-Apartheid Cape Town Notes Introduction Imagining Memories: Oral Histories of Place and Displacement in Post-Apartheid Cape Town 1 . Platsky and Walker (1985), 8. 2 . Watson (2006), 9–10. 3 . Valentine and Minyi (2008). 4 . There is a vast array of TRC literature; for example, see Villa-Vicencio (2000a), Posel and Simpson (2002), and Wilson (2001). 5. In chapters 1 through 4, I use a narrow definition of trauma, as linked to specific events and triggered by an excess of painful and incomprehensible experiences. In contrast, in chapters 8 through 10, I take a nonreferential view of trauma; see LaCapra (2001). 6 . For definitions of “the self,” see Stolorow (1995). 7 . This book uses the “racial” labels developed under colonial, segregationist, and apart- heid governments, which are still widely used in academic and mass media discourse in contemporary South Africa. However, note an acute ambivalence about using labels that might entrench “racialized” thinking and practices. See Gilroy (1993), for astute analysis of the problems of using racial terminology. 8. Memory work is the process of framing visual and emotional traces of the past into forms of memory, narrative, and other representations. A psychoanalytic conception of memory work contests the idea of the individual as autonomous, rational unit. It conceptualizes the human condition as being split between conscious and unconscious subjective dimensions. Memory work therefore has the potential to integrate thinking and feeling about one’s past into comprehensible and bearable memories, but com- plete rational mastery over one’s past is an unattainable fantasy. In this book, I argue that “imagining memories” is a form of memory work that frames sensory inputs and creates frameworks that are central to sustaining self-cohesion and identity formation over time. 9 . Frosh (1994), 181. 10 . Gilroy (1993), 86. 11 . Parts of this literature review have been drawn from a more extensive overview of oral historiography in South Africa; see Field (2008a). 12 . LaCapra (2004), 1. 13 . Winter (2000), 1. 14 . Kurasawa (2009), 1. 180 / Notes 15 . Huyssen (2003). 16 . Frisch (1990), 22. 17 . Portelli (1994), 53. 18 . For a useful overview of international oral history, see Thomson (2006). 19. It cannot be assumed that African cultures are more oral-based than other cultures, as this leads to oral histories being approached as “authentic” or privileging oral histories over other historical texts. See Guy (1994). 20 . Bozzoli (1987). 21. For an overview of South African oral history during this period, see La Hausse (1990). 22 . For example, Keegan (1988). 23 . For example, Bozzoli and Nkotsoe (1991) and more recently, Gasa (2007). 24 . Gordon (1985). 25 . See the pioneering Bozzoli (1987) and Bonner et al. (1989) works. There have been many subsequent oral history theses and publications about apartheid forced removals across South Africa. Here is a brief selection of urban community studies using oral his- tory methods conducted in Cape Town: Nasson (1990b) on District Six; [Dhupelia-] Mesthrie (1998/99) on Black River, Rondebosch; Paulse (2001) on Tramway Road, Sea Point; Thomas (2001) on Simon’s Town; Swanson (2001) on Harfield; and Bohlin (2011) on Kalk Bay. 26 . Leroke (1994). 27 . See Muller, Cloete, and Callinicos (1986). 28 . For example, Makhoba (1984). Also see Frederikse (1990). 29 . Minkley and Rassool (1998), 99. 30 . Posel and Simpson (2002). 31 . Minkley and Rassool (1998). 32 . See my review of Kas Maine in Field (2001a). 33 . See the seminal work by Samuel and Thompson (1990). 34 . See Nasson (1990a). 35 . Hofmeyr (1993), 11. 36 . See Hofmeyr (1995a, 1995b). 37. Hofmeyr argues that we should speak of “oral texts” not “oral narratives,” although the term “oral narratives” is more commonly used by oral historians. See Hofmeyr (1993). 38 . See Hamilton (2002). 39 . For example, Field, Meyer, and Swanson (2007). 40 . See Denis (2005). 41 . For example, Rassool and Prosalendis (2001). 42 . On oral history in schools, see Kros and Ulrich (2008). 43 . For example, Simons (2004); Callinicos (2006); and Pippa Green (2008). 44 . South African Democratic Education Trust (2004). 45 . See Wells (2008). I explore this question in Framing Notes III and Chapter 10 . 46 . Nora (1989), 14. 47 . Popular Memory Group (1998, 2006). 48 . Frisch (1990), 1. 49 . There is a wide range of literature here. Note, for example, Thompson (1978); Portelli (1991) and Passerini (1992). 50 . As the primary carrier of meaning, Western philosophy has been guilty of logocentri- cism , and one variant thereof is phonocentricism , which refers to the privileging of speech over writing. See Derrida (1997). Notes / 181 51 . See Thomson and Freund (2011). Their introductory chapter provides a comprehen- sive and very useful literature review of the intersections between oral history and photography. 52 . Manetsi and Meyer (2007). 53 . See Du Toit (2009). She is also leading the way in teaching the combined use of critical oral history and photography in South Africa. For broader literature on photography and visual histories in South Africa, see Hayes and Bank (2001); Chari (2009); and Newbury (2009). Note also that many of South Africa’s excellent documentary pho- tographers use forms of oral history; for example, see Weinberg (1997). 54 . Walter Benjamin (1999), 209. 55 . For useful descriptions of intersubjectivity theory, see Jessica Benjamin (1990). 56 . On working with memory, see Radstone (2005). 57 . See the useful overview of conceptual trends in oral history by Anna Green (2004). 58. The term “coloured” is used as a derogatory label in the United States and elsewhere. But in post-apartheid South Africa, it is widely used and is not intended to be pejora- tive. It has been argued by Erasmus (2001) and others that people who choose to use the term as a self-reference have the capacity to redefine this term in a positive manner. The term was popularly used in the 19th century and first appears in Cape Colony statutes late in that century. However, it is only with the Population Registration Act of 1950 that it is defined in detail and imposed systematically by the apartheid state. The term was originally intended to encompass people of mixed-racial ancestry, but under apartheid it became a category to place various ethnic minorities such as the Nama, Griqua and even Chinese South Africans. For further discussion on histories and debates about the constitution of coloured identity see Adhikari (2005, 2009). 59 . Scarry (1985), 50. 60 . See Hodgkin and Radstone (2003). 61 . See Erikson (1994). 62 . Alexander et al. (2004). 63 . For example, see Gay (1991). 64 . Jacqueline Rose (2003). 65 . LaCapra (2004), 73. 66 . For a very useful national overview of land restitution themes, see Walker et al. (2011). Part I Communities and Identities under Apartheid 1 . Scott (1988), 7–8. 2 . David Cohen, 1994. 3 . Nuttall (2009). 4 . Fraser (1984). 5 . Steedman (1986), 104. 6 . Tonkin (1992). 7 . Yow (1997). 8 . Portelli (1998). 9 . Samuel and Thompson (1990). 10 . Nuttal (2009), 70. 11 . Thomson (2006). 12 . Portelli (1991). 13 . Gilroy (1993). 182 / Notes 1 Remembering Experience, Interpreting Memory: Life Stories from Windermere 1 . Portelli (1998). 2 . The terms “white,” “coloured,” and “African” are imbued with a mixture of positive and negative meanings from the apartheid era. However, these contested terms will be used in this book as they are the dominant labels used by interviewees in referring to themselves. 3 . For further discussion on the movements of Windermere’s African residents between the rural and urban areas, see Qotole (2001). 4 . See Qotole’s (2001) discussion of “homeboy” networks in Windermere, 111–113. 5 . Swart (1983). 6 . Official population figures in the 14,000 to 20,000 range are cited by annual reports of the medical officer of the Cape Town City Council, 1944–1954. The percentage esti- mates are my own speculative calculations, drawn from Western Cape Administration Board records and newspapers of 1958 to 1963. 7 . The Cape Times and The Cape Argus repeatedly reported on living conditions in Windermere during the period of the 1940s to the 1960s, but these reports contained a mixture of explicit racism and patronizing welfarism. 8 . Shebeens are usually venues for illegal trade in alcohol. Although some shebeens sell drugs and sex, there are other shebeens that are part of ordinary family networks and constitute an important supplement to the household income. 9 . Swart (1983). “Bachelors” was an insulting term loosely used at the time to refer to black African men who were migrant workers. But these men were in fact frequently married under African customary law, which was not recognized by the apartheid state. 10 . Field (1996). 11 . “Economic” and “sub-economic” refer to types of “council houses,” public housing for working-class residents of the time. For example, sub-economic would be the most basic form, without internal doors or toilets. 12. Some people’s initials have been altered to protect the confidentiality of the interviewee. 13. Several of the interviews were conducted in Afrikaans, which is the mother tongue for the majority of coloured working-class people in Cape Town. The term “madam” in the South African context refers to the master–servant relationship within domestic homes. In the vast majority of Cape Town homes the madam is white and the domes- tic worker would have been black African or coloured. 14 . There are echoes here of a mythology that suggests that the first coloured person was born nine months after the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck at the Cape in 1652. This mythology is often insensitively expressed as a joke. See Adhikari (1992). 15. There were several “yards” in Windermere. The two most well known were Timberyard and Strongyard. These yards were circles of corrugated iron shanties that faced inwards onto an open middle area. 16 . The term afdakkie, as with many colloquial Afrikaans expressions, does not translate well.
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