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Winter 2012 LEADING THE "FATHER" THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 Christopher Steinke University of New Mexico

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Steinke, Christopher, "LEADING THE "FATHER" THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720" (2012). Great Plains Quarterly. 2753. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2753

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. LEADING THE "FATHER" THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720

CHRISTOPHER STEINKE

In 1742 two sons of the explorer Pierre for prayer,'" Louis-Joseph believed he had at Gaultier de Varennes de La Verendrye met last found evidence of the Mer de l'Ouest and an indigenous nation they called the Gens de the people living on its shores. But his hopes l'Arc somewhere along the middle Missouri were quickly dashed when the chief proceeded River near present-day Pierre, South Dakota'! to speak a few words of the whites' language. Louis-Joseph and Franc,:ois were searching for As Louis-Joseph explained to Charles de la the mythical Sea of the West, and the former Boische Beauharnois, the governor of Canada, asked the chief of the Gens de l'Arc if he "knew "I recognized that he was speaking Spanish, the white people of the seacoast." When the and what confirmed me in my opinion was the chief replied that "'[tlhe French who are on account he gave of the massacre of the Spanish the seacoast are numerous'" and have "'many who were going in search of the Missouri, a chiefs for the soldiers, and also many chiefs matter I had heard mentioned." He concluded, "All this considerably lessened my eager­ ness, concerning a sea already known" by the Spaniards.2 Key Words: Bourgmont, Cuartelejo Apaches, The chief was most likely describing an Illinois Country, Segesser, slavery event that had occurred over twenty years ear­ lier: the destruction of the Villasur Expedition Christopher Steinke is a PhD candidate at the on the banks of the Platte and Loup rivers in University of New Mexico. His dissertation examines the Missouri River trade in the eighteenth and early present-day Nebraska. It was the last expedi­ nineteenth centuries. He thanks John Wunder and tion of its kind until fears of Zebulon Pike Margaret Connell-Szasz for their comments on earlier inspired another Spanish march to the north­ portions of this article, the anonymous reviewers for east. In 1720 Pedro de Villasur led forty-five their suggestions, and the Newberry Consortium in Spaniards and sixty Pueblo auxiliaries out of American Indian Studies. Santa Fe to win Indian allies and to gauge the French presence in the Great Plains. Pawnee [GPQ 32 (Winter 2012): 43-62] Indians, perhaps with the help of a few French

43 44 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012

COLORADO Cuartelejo ApaF 8---':::..-- ...... - ...... :....- / EI Cuartelejo

TEXAS OKLAHOMA

NEW MEXICO

FIG. 1. Probable route of the Villasur Expedition, 1720. Fort d'Orleans was founded in 1724. Expedition route adapted from Gottfried Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings from the American Southwest, and Donald J. Blakeslee, Holy Ground, Healing Water. Map produced by Laura Vennard, Map and Geographic Information Center, University of New Mexico.

traders, destroyed the expedition near the con­ day western Kansas and Nebraska. During a fluence of the Platte and Loup rivers, leaving pivotal five-year period of European activity only fourteen survivors to report back to Santa in the Plains, from 1719 until 1724, both the Fe (see Fig. 1). Pawnee and their Apache enemies enlisted The chief's memory of the Spanish-Pawnee Europeans in a decidedly indigenous struggle. encounter suggests that it resonated as an When Villasur and his men entered the important event in the early eighteenth­ Platte Valley, they set foot in a region that century history of the central Plains. Yet Pawnees had called home for hundreds of years. the repercussions of the expedition remain Caddoan-speaking ancestors of the Pawnees somewhat unclear. In general, historians have settled in present-day Nebraska as early as viewed the Villasur Expedition as a brief exten­ AD 1000. In the sixteenth and seventeenth sion of European imperial rivalry into the con­ centuries, however, new neighbors joined tinent's interior and have not fully addressed Pawnees in the central Plains. Dakota attacks the indigenous politics surrounding it.3 This forced the Omahas, Dhegiha Siouan speakers, article attempts to reposition the Villasur to abandon the Big Sioux River and cross to Expedition from the perspective of the Pawnee, the western bank of the Missouri River, near who likely would have seen the Spaniards more Pawnee lands. Otoes also fled the Dakotas, as Cuartelejo and Paloma Apache allies than eventually establishing villages along the French enemies. Drawing on French records Platte River, east of the Pawnees, by the late and more recent archaeological evidence, it seventeenth century.4 To the west, Comanches argues that changing economies in the early would leave the Rocky Mountains to settle in eighteenth-century central Plains, which the western Plains, where they would vie with experienced a growth in bison hunting and the Pawnees over control of hunting grounds and slave trade, contributed to Pawnee expansion river valleys.5 Finally, groups of Apaches left into the lands of northern Apaches in present- the Athabascan migration south from Canada

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 45 and Alaska during the early part of the second western Kansas that French traders were visit­ millennium to settle on the shortgrass prairies ing "Pawnees" (possibly Wichitas) and trading of eastern Colorado and western Kansas and them guns. He had gone north to rescue twenty Nebraska, directly west of the Wichitas and Pueblo families who were reportedly slaves of Pawnees. Archaeologists have linked them to the Cuartelejo Apaches, but he also wanted to settlement remains in the so-called Dismal enlist the Apaches as allies against the French. River Aspect. Known to the French as the They asked a favor in return: help them attack "Padoucas" in the first half of the eighteenth "their enemies" the Pawnees, who had recently century, these northern Apaches likely occu­ raided them alongside French traders. They pro­ pied Dismal River sites from around 1675 to duced guns and iron axes of French manufacture the mid-I720s.6 Perhaps the most important as evidence of Pawnee-French cooperation,12 Apache settlement in the central Plains was Over the following decade, Comanche raids a place called EI Cuartelejo, a large rancherfa on New Mexico with their allies, the Utes, that was probably located in present-day Scott grew worse, so much so that the government at County, western Kansas.? Santa Fe convened a war council, which agreed In response to these forced and voluntary to carry out another expedition to the north. migrations to the central Plains, Pawnees col­ Governor Antonio Valverde y Cosfo set out in lected in larger groups and moved to hilltops 1719 to "punish" the "insolence" of the Utes along the Loup and Platte rivers for safety.8 and Comanches and to reaffirm the Apache Archaeologists have designated sites from this alliance,u This expedition was in many ways period of transition, which lasted from about a replay of UlibarrI's: Valverde went north AD 1500 to 1750, the Lower Loup Focus. to the Arkansas River, where he met a group During the 1600s, pressure from outsiders per­ of Cuartelejo Apaches who reported Pawnee­ haps caused Pawnees to split from their linguis­ French attacks. One of the Paloma Apaches, tic relatives, the Arikaras, who settled farther who dwelled farther north of EI Cuartelejo, on north, along the Big Bend of the Missouri in the "most remote borderlands of the Apaches," present-day South Dakota.9 Before the arrival had been recently wounded by gunfire. The of epidemics, these Pan ian groups occupied injured man informed Valverde that the Palomas a large swath of territory stretching from the had been attacked by the "French, united with Loup River to the Cheyenne River.l° the Pawnees and the Jumanos." The Pawnees, Officials in New Mexico learned of the aided by the French, had seized the lands of sweeping changes taking place well north of Paloma Apaches, forcing their retreat.14 their border only in piecemeal rumors and While this Pawnee-French alliance was mainly through reports of Apaches. Not only not necessarily news in Santa Fe, the report were Comanches raiding farther south with of French settlements in the Plains was. The greater abandon, they discovered, but Pawnees Apaches told Valverde that the French had seemed to be moving farther west and south established "two large pueblos, each of which of their typical hunting territory, asserting is as large as that of Taos" among the Pawnees. their control over Apache lands with the help In a letter to Baltasar Zuniga Guzman, the of French traders. As early as 1695, Diego de Marques de Valero, in Mexico City, Valverde Vargas, the governor of New Mexico, heard stated that these two French settlements were a rumor that a "great number of Frenchmen located on a "very large river which here is came toward the Buffalo Plains, driving the known as the Jesus Marfa," according to the Apaches to [Picuris Pueblo] because of the Pueblo scout Jose Naranjo.l5 Apache women many attacks they make against them."ll And who had escaped slavery among the French in 1706 Juan de Ulibarrf, a captain in the pre­ also reported that the whites had "three other sidial militia, discovered during a mission to settlements on the other side of the large the Cuartelejo Apaches in present-day south- river, and that from these they bring arms.,,16

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 46 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012

These settlements were most likely Kaskaskia, It is difficult to estimate the Pawnee popu­ Cahokia, and Fort de Chartres, which were lation in this period. Based on the number all established on the eastern side of the of villages they occupied, the number was Mississippi by October 1719, when Valverde close to ten thousand, and it was probably met the Cuartelejo and Paloma Apaches. much higher before the arrival of epidemics.21 Armed with French weapons, Pawnees Each village held 300 to 500 people, and the could have very well attacked the Paloma Pawnees occupied over fifteen villages in the Apaches and pushed them out of their lands, early 1700s. The French explorer Etienne which might have extended as far north as the Veniard, sieur de Bourgmont, who reached the South Platte RiverP Living farther north of the mouth of the Platte in 1714, stated that the Cuartelejos, on the "most remote borderlands of Skiri Pawnees alone occupied eight villages.22 the Apaches," Palomas would have lived approx­ A 1722 copy of Guillaume Delisle's Carte de La imately west of the large Pawnee settlements on Louisiane shows twelve "Panis" (South Band) the Platte and Loup rivers. But Valverde himself villages along the "Riv. des Pan is" and twelve seemed unsure about who actually attacked the "Panimaha" (Skiri) villages along a tributary to Palomas. In his letter to Valero, he stated that this river, presumably the Loup.23 Delisle's num­ the gunshot wound came in fact from a Kansa bers match Pawnee traditions. During the spring Indian, though he also described a French alli­ equinox, Skiri Pawnees recited their creation ance with the Pawnees and Jumanos.l8 By 1719 story twelve times to honor the establishment Apaches were also suffering raids by Wichitas, of twelve original settlements; they also held distant relatives of the Pawnees. The comman­ twelve sacred bundles, one for each village. The dant at Fort de Chartres in the Illinois Country, South Bands also occupied multiple villages: Pierre Dugue de Boisbriant, reported in October in the late 1800s the Chawis held three sacred 1720 that the Wichitas had recently raided the bundles for villages that had since disappeared, "Padoucas" and captured one hundred slaves. while Pitahawiratas had two bundles.24 The Spanish might have mistaken the Wichitas These villages were part of a sacred land­ for Pawnees.l9 scape. Pawnees designed and arranged villages to show their reverence for celestial bodies, PAWNEE LIFEWAYS ON THE CENTRAL which guided their religious cosmology. They PLAINS situated earth lodges within villages to mirror constellations, and the earth lodge itself func­ The secondhand reports by Apaches pro­ tioned as a "microcosm of the universe": the vided the Spanish officials with only faint vaulted ceiling was the "dome of the universe," clues about the Pawnees. Where exactly they and the circular wall represented the horizon.25 resided in the Plains-let alone how they Priests looked through the smoke holes in traded or what crops they raised-remained earth lodges to locate stars at certain points a mystery. The Skiri Pawnees, whom the in the sky. The star deities granted chiefs the French called the Panimahas, were the larg­ authority to make the sacred bundle for a vil­ est band and lived on the Loup River. The lage, and each village became associated with smaller South Bands-the Chawis (Grands), the star that brought it into being. Individuals Kitkahahkis (Republiques), and Pitahawiratas also followed the guidance of specific stars. (Tappages)-lived on the south bank of the Through the star gods, the Pawnees came to Platte River. The Skiris and South Bands spoke know the power of the creator of the universe, a different dialect of Pawnee and did not always Tirawahut, the "supreme god and First Cause of cooperate. Even in the late eighteenth century, All." Pawnee ceremonies honored Tirawahut's the Spanish and French considered them to most important creations: Morning Star, the be distinct "nations" that occasionally pursued god of light, fire, and war; and Evening Star, different economic and political agendas. 2O the goddess of fertility.26

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 47

Pawnees appealed to the celestial beings animals were likely "integrated into Pawnee throughout the year, which began anew in life ways" by the end of the seventeenth cen­ March with the spring equinox. Having tury, and horses probably led to an expansion of returned from their winter encampments, bison hunting.28 While the horse trade was an Pawnees marked the arrival of spring by recre­ "elaboration" of older exchange patterns, it did ating the birth of the universe. In May they increase the volume of trade in the Plains and performed the "groundbreaking ceremony" for helped produce new indigenous trade centers: corn, one of the few ceremonies that involved those of the Mandan-Hidatsas and Arikaras on women. They tended the fields until mid-June, the upper Missouri, the Shoshone Rendezvous when they left for the summer hunt. This hunt in southwestern Wyoming, and the Comanche brought them west to the High Plains bison center at Big Timbers on the Arkansas. Pawnees ranges, where they obtained most of their meat traveled to the Shoshone Rendezvous to buy and the hides that they used to make tipi covers horses from Utes; they also journeyed south and moccasins. They returned to harvest the along the north-south trail from the Republican corn in early September, when the South Star, River to the Great Bend of the Arkansas to Canopus, appeared. Corn was a sacred object trade for horses from Comanches.29 for Pawnees, and they celebrated three differ­ Trade with distant allies like the Comanches, ent ceremonies during the harvest. Finally, in enemies like the Sioux, and even members late October, after gathering the corn, they set of other Pawnee bands took the form of a out for another hunting season that lasted until gift exchange within the calumet ceremony. early spring. The heavier robes acquired during Other tribes have testified that this ceremony, winters served as clothing, and the winter which spread throughout the midcontinent, camps delivered timber and foraging opportu­ originated among the Pawnees.30 For Pawnees, nities for their expanding horse herds. During smoking the calumet pipe played the crucial this winter season, Skiri Pawnees moved role of establishing kinship relations between toward the forks of the Platte River, while the trading parties. Pawnees approached interper­ Kitkahahkis, Chawis, and Pitahawiratas moved sonal relations in terms of kin designations, and south into present-day Kansas. These South those who fell outside kin structures were often Bands traveled along a heavy north-south enemies or slaves. In the ceremony, the visiting trail that brought them past two sacred animal party "represented Fathers, while the ones they lodges: Pa:hu:ru', a hill on the Republican visited were designated their Children."3l Only River that whites later called Guide Rock, and the wealthiest members of Pawnee villages, Kicawi:caku, or "Spring Mound," the location typically chiefs, participated in the ceremony.32 of a natural artesian spring where they made On the fourth day of the ritual performance, offerings to Tirawahut.27 the "fathers" unpacked gifts to the "children" Pawnees were self-sufficient, though they that usually consisted of robes and embroi­ did participate in an expansive indigenous dered clothing. That night, the "children" trading system in the Plains that predated would reciprocate by delivering horses to the the eighteenth-century Missouri River trade. visitors.33 By performing the role of "children" Traditionally, groups that emphasized hunting in this ceremony, Pawnees became middlemen traded meat and hides for the agricultural prod­ in the horse trade, distributing the animals ucts of farming societies. Pawnees had both to neighbors to the east, including Omahas, hunting and farming products at their disposal, Otoes, and Poncas.34 The ceremony was less but they carried on "redundancy" trading with an alliance building mechanism, as the French their Arikara and Wichita relatives. By the would come to see it, and more a "sign of peace­ early 1700s, however, Pawnees were trading ful intention and thus a safe-conduct through for entirely new products: horses and guns. enemy territory."35 Through the calumet cer­ Pawnees adopted horses relatively quickly: the emony, Pawnees could trade temporarily with

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 48 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012 those who would remain enemies. Once the to open a trade route to New Mexico by lining ceremony was over and the visitors had trav­ it with French allies, including the Apaches.40 eled a safe distance from the Pawnee village, Yet Indian nations in the eastern Plains hostilities could resume.36 did not cooperate with this French scheme. When unlicensed French traders, or coureurs The Osages, Pawnees, and Wichitas tried to de bois, began reaching their villages, Pawnees monopolize the French trade and prevent trad­ simply treated these strangers as new "fathers."'? ers from visiting the Apaches. In July or August They incorporated them into their kinship 1719, around the time that Valverde visited the structures and conducted gift exchanges. Cuartelejos, a French officer named Claude­ Yet the French would attempt to assign new Charles Dutisne left Kaskaskia heading west political meanings to the calumet ceremony. In on an overland trade and diplomatic mission October 1750 the eldest of three brothers who to the Osages, Wichitas, and Apaches.41 The led the Skiri band visited Monsieur de St. Clin, Osages, once they discovered he was travel­ the commandant at Fort de Chartres in the ing toward the "Panis" [Wichitas], insisted he Illinois Country. According to the governor trade them all but three of his guns, while the of New France, Pierre Jacques de Taffanel Wichitas were "very strongly opposed" to his La Jonquiere, this Pawnee leader, Stabaco, plan of meeting the Apaches.42 In a report to proclaimed his loyalty to the French: "'My the governor of Louisiana, Dutisne concluded father, if thou hast any rebellious Children who that French traders could reach New Mexico lose their wits, let me know. Thou canst rely on only if Wichitas and Osages-who were in a me and on my nation.''' La J onquiere concluded confederation-formed a "union" with their that this "alliance is a very advantageous one, Apache enemies, which would require the and, by maintaining that nation in our interest, exchange of slaves and gifts.43 we shall be masters of the front and back of the French officials shared Valverde's belief that Missoury country.,,38 But he was too optimistic. coureurs de bois were really the ones behind By calling St. Clin "father," Stabaco made the Pawnee, Osage, and Wichita attacks on the kin designation of the calumet ceremony, the Apaches. According to their theory, these which did not necessarily guarantee political unregulated traders provoked endless wars in cooperation.39 the Plains by encouraging Pawnees to raid Apaches for slaves. The slave trade, more than COUREURS DE BOIS AND THE SLAVE anything else, sabotaged the larger commercial TRADE ON THE GRASSLANDS ambitions of the Compagnie des Indes by earn­ ing the French the continued enmity of the After hearing the reports by the Palomas Apaches. and Cuartelejos in 1719, Governor Valverde The company's preoccupation with the was reluctant to admit any Pawnee initiative in slave trade raises questions about its size and the attacks on the Apaches. Instead, he blamed relative importance in the eighteenth-century enterprising French traders, who seemingly Great Plains. Markets in Louisiana and New could convince the Pawnees to invade New Mexico created a demand for slaves that Plains Mexico. Valverde had other reasons to fear a Indians were attempting to satisfy as early French invasion. France had seized Pensacola as 1706, when Ulibarri noted that Apaches and claimed part of Texas following the out­ and "Pawnees" were raiding each other to sell break of the War of the Quadruple Alliance, captives to the Spaniards and French, respec­ which started in 1718. In the same year, the tively. This trade continued in 1719, when ambitious Compagnies des Indes gained con­ Valverde met the three Apache women who trol of French Louisiana. Although the com­ had escaped slavery near the Mississippi, and pany directors were much more interested in it may have escalated in the 1nos, when the trade with New Mexico than war, they sought number of recorded baptisms of Pawnees in

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 49

New Mexico missions peaked. Nine Pawnees of good will. They continued another forty were baptized at the Taos, San Juan, Nambe, leagues until they reached the "grand village of Pecos, and Zia pueblos-certainly not a large the Osages," where they redeemed another cap­ number, but Spanish missions recorded the tive.48 Poudret then set out by himself to find baptisms of only two Pawnees total in the the Pawnees, who were away on their annual 1730s and 1740s.44 This modest increase, which summer hunt. Returning after three weeks, the may reflect larger numbers of undocumented Pawnees were "contemptuous" of the remain­ Pawnee captives, raises the possibility that the ing trade goods and Poudret's pleas for them Villasur Expedition occurred at a time when to end their attacks on Osages, boasting that Pawnees were suffering a new level of raiding they had "eaten Osages and would continue to by Apaches. eat them." They had returned from the western Among Indian nations in the eastern Plains, Plains with a five-year-old Padouca, or Apache, only the powerful Osages seemed immune from slave, for whom Poudret "paid dearly."49 After the retaliatory cycles of slave raiding; practi­ foiling a plan by a few Pawnees to steal their cally no Osage captives appeared in French set­ horses, Poudret and Desmanets finally made it tlements in the Illinois Country. Pawnees were to Fort d'Orleans, a post on the Missouri River less fortunate. Osages seized so many Pawnee that the explorer and diplomat Etienne Veniard, and Wichita captives that they may have sieur de Bourgmont, had established in 1724.50 adopted a matrilocal household organization Because he was under investigation for from their Caddoan enemies.45 And traders involvement in the Indian slave trade, Desmanets delivered enough Pawnee slaves to French mar­ might have changed the story to make it seem as kets in the Illinois Country, the pays d'en haut, though the Indians, not the French, were the real and Canada that "Pan is" became the French slave traders. It is likely that Poudret, who would term for any Indian slave originating from west remain active in the Missouri River trade into of the Mississippi. Although many of these the 1730s, was not such a reluctant trade partner. slaves were not in fact Pawnees but Indians Nevertheless, this testimony provides an impor­ from neighboring tribes, about 68 percent of tant glimpse of Osage-Pawnee relations in the Indian slaves in French Canada who received 1720s as well as the Plains slave trade. It suggests Indian names in the documentation-over two that Pawnees had their own source for captives: thousand-appear as "Panis."46 the Padoucas, or Apaches, living in present-day Only six years after the Villasur Expedition, western Kansas and southwestern Nebraska. in September 1726, a French trader provided They were not the only ones acquiring Padouca an unusually detailed portrait of the eastern captives in this period. Wichitas, Kansas, and Plains slave trade. Concerned that traders were Comanches also seized Apache captives, some­ fomenting dangerous Indian wars for their times in large numbers.51 own profit in the slave trade, officials at Fort Pawnees might have taken Apache cap­ de Chartres solicited a deposition from Jean­ tives for a number of reasons. Most basically, Jacques Desmanets regarding a trip he had made Apaches fell outside Pawnee kinship relations. to the eastern Plains earlier that summer with Skiri Pawnees called Plains Apaches katahkaa', Jean-Baptiste Poudret, a trader in the Missouri which derives from katahkaa, "to be inside Country.47 According to Desmanets, the first out," a derivation that perhaps reflects their Indians they encountered were Little Osages, view of Apaches as a strange and foreign people who were returning from "an attack on the who were potential captives.52 Some captives Pawnees and had with them a young Pawnee held religious significance. Occasionally in slave." Poudret was evidently on his way to the the fall season, a Skiri warrior impersonated Pawnees to trade for "horses and peltries," not Morning Star, the god of light, fire, and war, slaves, but he decided to purchase the captive on a journey to retrieve the god's daughter. so he could return it to the Pawnees as a gesture He led a party of experienced warriors to an

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 50 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012 enemy village, where they seized a thirteen­ In late October 1710, they ordered Governor year-old girl, who was later sacrificed in the Bienville to end the Indian slave trade along spring during the five-day-long Morning Star the Missouri and Arkansas rivers because the ceremony.53 Pawnee men raided for captives raiding for captives inhibited trade across the that would "enhance family honor and solidify Plains. They complained that voyageurs were ... economic status" by increasing the wealth fomenting war between Indian nations in of their families and villages. Captive women order to "procure slaves." This was "not only might have also helped replace those lost to contrary to the orders of the King" but "very disease and supplied the labor attached to an harmful to the well-being of the company's emerging equestrian economy. 54 commerce," the directors concluded. 58 But offi­ By selling women and children to traders cials in Louisiana largely opposed this plan. In like Poudret, Pawnees could acquire weapons the Illinois Country, Boisbriant worried that a and other items that they could trade to the ban on the Apache slave trade would alienate Comanches farther west for horses. Trading Pawnees, Wichitas, and Osages, and that the slaves may have also had a political function. Pawnees would continue raiding and simply As Brett Rushforth has noted, Indian peoples sell their captives to Fox peoples, who could in the pays d'en haut effectively limited the destroy the Illinois Country. He concluded that scope of the French alliance system by involv­ the French were stuck between two options: a ing traders in a slave economy that depended dangerous Pawnee-Fox alliance, or an alliance on hostilities with their enemies. Rushforth with Pawnees against the Apaches, who would asserts that the Padouca slave trade may have then block trade with New Mexico.59 been one reason why the French never formed While the directors of the Compagnie des an effective alliance with the Apaches.55 Indes believed that an end to the slave trade The slave trade had evidently become would secure peace in the Plains, they overes­ enough of a problem in the Plains by the late timated the influence of slave-trading coureurs 171 Os that French officials identified it as their de bois on Pawnee chiefs. Pawnees were not primary obstacle to commercial and political raiding Cuartelejo and Paloma Apaches simply expansion. In 1717 Fran<;:ois le Maire, a priest to meet a demand for slaves. Instead, these who had served for nearly a decade in the Apaches occupied lands that Pawnees wanted settlement of Mobile, composed a memo ire on to use for themselves: bison ranges and river Louisiana in which he recommended that the valleys in the western Plains. French crown outlaw the Indian slave trade in The growth of a bison-hunting economy and the Great Plains. He specifically condemned the introduction of horses, more than the slave those coureurs de bois, like Poudret, who trade, intensified the conflict between Apaches bought and sold slaves of "Padoucas and other and Pawnees. Archaeological evidence suggests peoples of the Missouri.,,56 A ban on the slave that Pawnees began hunting bison in much trade would, he concluded, "cut at the root the larger numbers beginning in the seventeenth wars that the Indians only continue between century. For the first time, they established spe­ themselves because of the advantageous sale cialized hunting camps to the west and north that they make of their captives to the trad­ of their villages: along the western Platte basin, ers, who then resell them in this colony to the in the Nebraska panhandle, near the Sandhills, Spanish and to the vessels that come to our port, and on the central Niobrara River. By the for selling them a third time to the islands."57 mid-eighteenth century, Pawnees were import­ The directors of the Compagnie des Indes, ing lithic materials in much larger amounts to monitoring their unprofitable colony from produce end scrapers, which they used to work Paris and hoping to open the New Mexico bison hides. The reasons for this shift toward trade through the Padoucas, eventually heeded bison are not entirely clear. It is possible that le Maire's call for a ban on the slave trade. bison populations rebounded after an extended

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 51 period of drought, which may have encour­ Pawnees could steal horses and take control of aged Pawnees to expand their hunting opera­ natural resources essential to their survival in tions. The emergence of the French robe trade a sometimes harsh Plains environment. could have also played a role. By the mid-1700s By the late 1710s and early 1720s, the Pawnees were acquiring French guns, iron axes, Republican River valley had emerged as a brass bracelets, and glass beads, which together particular focus of conflict between Apaches could indicate a "thriving trade on a very large and their Pawnee and Comanche enemies, all scale."60 of whom were eager to control the river valley The only problem with this hunting expan­ for its water, timber supply, and shelter during sion was that Apaches, pressured on the west harsh winters.64 The valley was a probable site by the Comanches, claimed the same hunt­ of Apache displacement about the time of the ing ranges. The direct testimonies of those Villasur Expedition. Excavations at the White involved suggest that hunting ranges were the Cat Village site, a former Apache settlement principal battlegrounds between Apaches and on the Republican around seventy-five miles Pawnees. The Cuartelejos informed Ulibarri southwest of the Pawnee villages on the Platte, that the French had previously "come united revealed at least six Athabascan residential with the Pawnees to attack them at the time structures in a desirable area that would have when they were going out to hunt buffalo provided water, timber, and level ground suit­ meat."61 Almost twenty years later, in 1724, a able for limited agriculture. One of the homes Skiri Pawnee leader cited the freedom to hunt at this settlement was burned to the ground as a reason why he welcomed peace with the around 1723. Archaeologist Waldo Wedel pro­ Apaches: it was "good that we make peace with poses that the reported attack on the Palomas the Padoucas for plenty of reasons: the first, for might have occurred near this Apache settle­ our tranquility; the second, to carry out hunts ment.65 in peace; and third, to have horses."62 Pawnee raids constituted only one of the His testimony reveals additional reasons for challenges facing the Apaches in the early raids against Apaches. The Apaches portrayed eighteenth century. Comanches were taking themselves as the victims of Pawnee raids advantage of their mobility on horseback to Ulibarri and Valverde, but they evidently to strike against the farming villages of disturbed the "tranquility" of Skiri Pawnees. semisedentary Apaches. The powerful Osages Pawnee raids against Apaches might have controlled the major arteries of trade in the been defensive or retaliatory. The Skiri leader midcontinent, and their trade embargoes with also cited a shortage of horses, which Apaches the Wichitas isolated Apaches from traders, could obtain more easily from the Southwest. who already had difficulty reaching Apaches In order to feed these horses in the winter, because of the shallowness of rivers on the however, Pawnees needed the wooded river western Plains. By controlling most of the valleys that Apaches used. A member of the French trade and then delivering surplus goods Ulibarri Expedition recalled that as soon as the to Comanches for horses, Wichitas, Pawnees, Apaches at El Cuartelejo had harvested their and Osages could advance their own military crops, "they retire to other parts where they can capabilities in the newly equestrian Plains at resist the rigor of the winter, because there is a the expense of the Apaches.66 Cuartelejo and scarcity of wood in that spot.,,63 Instead of fol­ Paloma Apaches sought Spanish aid in 1706 lowing coureurs de bois on slave raids, Pawnees and once again in 1719 because they were in an were more likely leading traders in a campaign increasingly desperate position in the central to remove Palomas (like the wounded man in Plains. They used one thing they did have­ 1719) from bison-hunting grounds and river Spanish fears of the French-to try to gain a valleys in present-day western Kansas and European ally against their Pawnee, Wichita, southwestern Nebraska. By raiding Apaches, and Comanche enemies.

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VILLASUR MARCHES NORTH, AND RUMORS and sold Sistaca into New Mexico. His last IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY name clearly derives from their term for the river of the Pawnees-the "Sitascahe"-and Spanish officials in New Mexico were accus­ he might have come from one of the Chawi tomed to approaching the Apaches as enemies, settlements on the Platte River.72 not potential allies. Raiding by Apaches and After Naranjo and Sistaca spent a few days military campaigns by the Spaniards punctu­ scouting the Platte Valley, Villasur met about ated their relationship throughout the late twenty-five members of the Pawnee encamp­ seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.67 On ment. The Pawnees said that "they wanted the basis of Apache reports to Ulibarr( and peace" but could "not confer that day," point­ Valverde, however, these officials briefly came ing to the sun-perhaps an indication that it to view the Apaches as a crucial ally against was too late in the day to initiate the calumet the French and the Pawnees, and they sought ceremony,?3 Carrying some tobacco for use to bolster their northern defenses in Apache in the ceremony, Sistaca went over to the lands. In early 1720 the Marques de Valero in Pawnees. He would never return to his life in Mexico City commanded Valverde to estab­ slavery. The Pawnees sent back someone else, lish a presidio at EI Cuartelejo; to convert the who brought a white flag and spoke in a lan­ Apaches and make them farmers, so they could guage that the Spaniards could not understand. block French expansion; and to send a recon­ Juan L'Archeveque, a Frenchman and Spanish naissance mission to the north to investigate loyalist accompanying the expedition, took French activities in the central Plains. Valverde the flag from the Indian and gave him a letter convened a war council, which concluded that written in French, which most coureurs de bois the EI Cuartelejo presidio was too risky, and that would not have been able to read even if they La Jicarilla-a village of Jicarilla Apaches about were present in the Pawnee village.74 one hundred miles northeast of Santa Fe­ After additional communication attempts would be a more suitable location. It also began failed and the Pawnees captured a Pueblo or planning for Valero's reconnaissance mission.68 Apache ally who had been bathing in a stream, When Pedro de Villasur, Valverde's lieuten­ Villasur retreated back to the Platte-Loup ant, led the requested expedition out of Santa confluence, likely camping just southwest of Fe in mid-June 1720, he knew little about the present-day Columbus, Nebraska,75 The clear Great Plains and would have to rely heavily on signs of Spanish-Apache cooperation, let alone Native guides. One of them was Jose Naranjo, the violation of Pawnee sovereignty, probably the "captain" of Villasur's sixty Pueblo auxilia­ sealed Villasur's fate. The Pawnees must have ries and a veteran of the Ulibarr( and Valverde known that his party traveled safely from New Expeditions.69 Apache allies also guided the Mexico through the neighboring lands of the expedition. Leaving the Taos pueblo, Villasur Apaches with the help of the Carlana guides, entered the lands of the Carlan a Apaches, and Sistaca may have told them about meet­ whom he gave some maize, tobacco, and a few ings with the Cuartelejos and his slavery in knives in return for their service as guides into the Spanish colony. The Pawnees likely viewed Pawnee lands'?o The expedition party then Villasur and the other Spaniards as the allies of probably followed a trail that ran from the their Apache enemies. Great Bend of the Arkansas River to Grand The attack came suddenly on the morn­ Island in the Platte River. It reached the Platte ing of August 13. According to Valverde, the by Tuesday, August 6,?1 On the Platte, Villasur Pawnees followed Sistaca's advice by remain­ would depend on the services of a Pawnee slave ing in "hiding until after the sun had come named Fran<,;ois Sistaca, who was the property up, giving time to our people to lessen their of Captain Crist6bal de la Serna, an expedition precaution, some being engaged in catching member. Apaches might have originally captured horses, others gathering the utensils, and all

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busy."76 A surviving member of the horse guard "does not know whether they [the attackers] testified that the Pawnees' initial gun volley were French or some other nation."S3 Moreover, sent the Spanish horse herd "into a stampede." French officials were in fact surprised by the He and a few others broke through to the rest expedition and had to piece together what had of the Spaniards, rescuing seven of them, over­ happened. The news traveled from Indians took the horse herd, and repulsed three differ­ or coureurs de bois in the Missouri Country ent attacks by a "great number of enemies."77 to Boisbriant at Fort de Chartres, down the After rescuing three more Spaniards, the Mississippi to Governor Jean-Baptiste Le Moyen group of survivors retreated, accompanied by de Bienville in New Orleans, and across the the Pueblos. Among the dead were Villasur, Atlantic to the directors of the Compagnie L'Archeveque, Naranjo, and eleven of the sixty des Indes in Paris. In the weeks following the Pueblo auxiliaries. The fourteen Spanish survi­ skirmish, vague reports about the expedition vors turned southwest and eventually reached reached Boisbriant. On October 5, 1720, he the Cuartelejo Apaches, who treated them informed Governor Bienville that the Otoes with "much kindness for two days" and insisted and Kansas had recently raided the "Padokas" on a reprisaps They arrived back at Santa Fe for 250 slaves and also killed twenty Spaniards.s4 on September 6, 1720.79 Later, on November 22, 1720, he reported that When news of the expedition's defeat 250 Spaniards, "accompanied by the Padoka reached Santa Fe, Valverde, sensing his own [Apache] nation," crossed the Plains to "make career on the line, was eager to blame the an establishment on the Missouri" and con­ French for the catastrophe. In a letter to front the Otoes, who had recently raided the the Marques de Valero in Mexico City, he Apaches. After defeating five nations and send­ claimed that the attacking force consisted of ing captives back to New Mexico, a smaller "more than two hundred" French "soldiers party of sixty Spaniards and 150 Apaches met using arquebuses, with an endless number of the Otoes, who earned their trust before quickly Pawnee Indians as their allies."so He was "per­ killing everyone except for two men and a chap­ suaded," moreover, that the attackers included lain, whom they held prisoner.S5 "some ... heretical Huguenots whose insolent Based on Boisbriant's imaginative reports, audacity did not even spare the innocence of Bienville informed the directors of the Com­ the priest who went as chaplain."sl The stakes pagnie des Indes the following summer that 200 were high for Valverde and New Mexico. The Spaniards and a large number of Apaches had destruction of the Villasur Expedition was a come from New Mexico to attack the French sizable blow to the poorly equipped frontier in the Illinois Country. Like Boisbriant, he province. Thirty-one of the original forty-five never once claimed that any Frenchmen were Spaniards on the expedition had perished, and directly involved. Instead, he credited Otoes Valverde informed the Marques de Valero in and Pawnees, "our allies," for destroying the Mexico City that he required "thirty or forty Spanish plot. Bienville interpreted the attack men to fill the vacancy" at the Santa Fe gar­ on Villasur as a demonstration of loyalty by rison. French participation in the attack would Pawnees and Otoes, not as a preemptive strike have also constituted a violation of the Treaty against an Apache ally. Father Charlevoix, a of The Hague, which had ended the War of the Jesuit who traveled through the Illinois Country Quadruple Alliance in February 1720.s2 within a year of the Villasur Expedition, was It is possible that a few French traders­ more skeptical of the intentions of the Indians certainly not the 200 soldiers that Valverde who reported the Spanish defeat.s6 claimed-were among the 'Pawnees when Pawnees and their neighbors in the cen­ Villasur arrived, but the Spanish eyewitnesses tral Plains would continue to disrupt and and survivors did not really identify any. One manipulate the military and political goals of of them testified ambiguously in 1724 that he Europeans following the expedition by stoking

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fears of Spanish settlement. A few months after Bienville himself believed that Bourgmont the attack, Boisbriant heard that the Spaniards should really be going to the Missouri Country reportedly brought along a large number of to "push all the Missouri tribes against the Fox, cattle and sheep for an establishment on the to destroy that nation."92 Missouri. Less than two years later, in April Even some of Bourgmont's men opposed a 1722, Bienville informed the French Crown French alliance with the Apaches. While con­ that according to "Indians of the Missouri," structing Fort d'Orleans, the new post on the the Spaniards had plans of returning to punish Missouri, he had to quell an insurrection led by their enemies and establishing a post on the two officers who disapproved of his '''despotic Kansas River. He ordered Boisbriant to send authority'" and wanted to trade for Apache twenty soldiers to build a fort and establish a slaves despite the Crown's prohibition.93 His garrison on the same river.87 Yet the Pawnees Apache peace proposal probably threatened had proven to Spanish officials that they did not the commercial gain of still other expedition have the resources to patrol the central Plains. members. One of the early casualties of the When Spain formed a new alliance with France expedition was a Canadian named Jean Rivet, in 1721, regaining Pensacola and territory in who died on September 1, 1724, in the Missouri Texas, officials in Mexico City withdrew sup­ Country. An inventory of Rivet's papers com­ port for the planned presidio among the Jicarilla piled at Fort d'Orleans on December 14, 1724, Apaches. Following the Villasur Expedition, includes a bill of exchange for a "Padoca slave" they yielded the Plains to the Pawnees and the aged "six to seven years."94 Another French Comanches, whose raids would punish New casualty in the Missouri Country-Claude Mexico in the ensuing decades.88 Gouin, a native of Angers, France, and keeper Now fearing a Spanish invasion, the French of the storehouse at Fort d'Orleans-awarded Crown commanded Bourgmont, the experi­ some flour as well as "a small Padoca slave of enced explorer and husband of a Missouria eight to nine years" to a man named Girard in woman, to establish a post in the Missouri his will dated September 2, 1724.95 Bourgmont Country to guard against Spanish advances. At would set out from the Missouri River to reach the same time, it still wanted him to effect an the Apaches only a week later. This trade in alliance with the Apaches to open up the New Apache slaves helped compromise the French Mexico trade. In January 1722 the directors of commitment to an Apache alliance, likely to the Compagnies des Indes asked him to estab­ the benefit of the Pawnees. lish "peace with the Padoucas and the other Bourgmont finally discovered the company's savage nations that make war with those allies reversal on the Apaches in February 1724, of the French."89 when he was hundreds of miles up the Missouri Before Bourgmont even reached the Missouri River. Fearing a possible alliance between the Country, however, the directors would change Apaches and the Fox, who had recently made their minds about the Apaches. In a few years' overtures to the Otoes and Iowas, he refused time the price of Indian slaves in New Orleans to abandon the expedition.96 Apache slaves had increased from 40 to more than 300 livres, would playa crucial role in his diplomacy. The and the Apache slave trade ban stood in two Apache women he had brought along both the way of substantial profits for a struggling died of disease-likely cholera-within weeks colony.9o In 1723 Governor Bienville wrote of their arrival at a Kansa village. Bourgmont to Boisbriant, "The commissioners remark to purchased two additional Apache slaves you in their last letter that however easy M. from the Kansas and sent them ahead with a de Bourgmont may believe it is to make peace Frenchman named Fran<;:ois Gaillard to look with the Padoucas, we should drop the idea and for their Apache village.97 A few months later, push our tribes toward war with them and trade he met 200 Apache leaders and warriors, whom in slaves for the account of the Company."91 he asked to accept peace with the French allies

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FIG. 2. A contemporary of Villasur likely produced this hide painting, known as Segesser II. It depicts the confrontation between the Spaniards and the Pawnees on the banks of the Platte and Loup rivers. Courtesy Palace of the Governors Photo Archives (NMHM/DCA), neg. no. 184800. in attendance: the Kansas, Osages, Otoes, "from whom they [Wichitas] capture many Iowas, and Skiri Pawnees.98 The leader of the slaves and take a large number of horses." In Apaches replied that he would guarantee the the same year, the officials at Fort de Chartres safe passage of French traders to the Spanish, questioned Desmanets about his role in the and that he was indebted to the French for trade of Apache and Pawnee slaves.lOI bringing much better trade goods-includ­ As much as French and Spanish officials ing "fusils, gunpowder and balls"-than the believed that coureurs de bois were to blame for Spanish did. According to the Apache chief's hostilities on the central Plains, the declara­ enemy, the Skiri Pawnee leader, peace would tion of the Skiri Pawnee leader illustrates that bring "tranquility," horses, and safer hunting.99 Europeans gave themselves too much credit The peace was likely fleeting. For Pawnees, for these conflicts. Pawnees and Wichitas may hunting bison and occupying their lands, have raided Apaches to obtain captives for which the celestial gods had made for their trade with men like Desmanets and Poudret, use, were religious prerogatives. The "differ­ but they had more important reasons for con­ ences among [Pawnees and Apaches] could not ducting these raids: obtaining horses, securing be reconciled with temporal material objects land for hunting, and gaining access to limited or haranguing speeches by white foreigners," sources of water and timber in the western as James Riding In has concluded. lOo The Plains. In a decade of conflict and transition Apaches would remain on the defensive. In in the central Plains, Europeans effectively 1726, two years after the Plains peace con­ became conscripts in indigenous campaigns ference, the governor of Louisiana reported to control natural resources. Apaches capital­ that Wichitas were raiding the Padoucas, or ized on Spanish fears of a French invasion Apaches, their "irreconcilable enemy," and to encourage Valverde to send an expedition

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska- Lincoln 56 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012

FIG. 3. This detail from Segesser II shows Villasur and his men surrounded by the Pawnees with their French allies. The edge of the French firing line appears on the far left. Courtesy Palace of the Governors Photo Archives (NMHMjDCA), neg. no. 158345. into Pawnee lands. And Pawnees took advan­ to abandon their northern settlements on tage of the emerging Missouri River trade to the Republican and Smoky Hill rivers.1°2 By enlist French traders in attacks on Apaches. 1750 Kitkahahki Pawnees lived in villages on Eventually, the combined pressure of Pawnees, the Republican River, once the home of the Wichitas, and Comanches forced the Apaches Apaches; the Pitahawiratas lived on the Smoky

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Hill and Blue rivers, with the former also at one and one of his brothers to reach the Sea of the point a Padouca, or Apache, territory; and the West, addressed to M. the Marquis de Beauharnois," Chawis occupied villages near Shell Creek and in G. Hubert Smith, The Explorations of the La Wrendryes in the Northern Plains, 1738-43, ed. W. 03 on the south bank of the Platte River.I The Raymond Wood (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Skiri Pawnees continued to live in the old vil­ Press, 1980), 113; Antoine Champagne, Les La lages on the Loup River. The hunting territory Verendrye et Le Poste de l'Ouest (Quebec: Les Presses of the South Bands expanded along with this des l'Universite Laval, 1968), 90; W. J. Eccles, settlement into former Apache lands; these "French Exploration in North America, 1700- 1800," in North American Exploration, vol. 2: A bands now ranged as far south as the Arkansas Continent Defined, ed. John Logan Allen (Lincoln: River on their hunting expeditions.I°4 University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 183-84, 187; Valverde did not see the Pawnee attack on and Doane Robinson, "Additional Verendrye the Villasur Expedition as a strategic move to Material," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 3, no. eliminate an Apache ally or assert control over 3 (December 1916): 370, 377. 2. "Journal of the Expedition," in Smith, lands. Instead, he continued to insist that the Explorations of the La Wrendryes, 108. French were behind it. A few years after the 3. For early treatments of the expedition, see expedition, someone in New Mexico memorial­ Henry Folmer, Franco-Spanish Rivalry in North ized Villasur's final moments in an enormously America, 1523-1763 (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. large and detailed hide painting called Segesser Clark Company, 1953); Marc de Villiers du Terrage, "Le Massacre de l'expedition Espagnole du Missouri," II (Figs. 2 and 3), named after a Jesuit mission­ Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, n.s., ary to Sonora who shipped the painting back 13 (1921); Addison E. Sheldon, "Nebraska Historical to his family in Switzerland, where it remained Expedition," Nebraska History and Record of Pioneer until 1986.105 If the artist was himself not an Days 7, no. 3 (1924): 89-91; and Alfred Barnaby expedition survivor, he must have based the Thomas, ed., After Coronado: Spanish Exploration Northeast of New Mexico, 1696-1727 (Norman: painting on eyewitness accounts. He depicted University of Oklahoma Press, 1935) [hereafter ACj. the forks of the two rivers; the Pueblo Indians 4. John M. O'Shea and John Ludwickson, who were guarding the Spanish horse herd; Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Omaha Indians: the painted bodies, headbands, and traditional The Big Village Site (Lincoln: University of Nebraska weapons of the Pawnee attackers; and indi­ Press, 1992), 75; David J. Wishart, An Unspeakable Sadness: The Dispossession of the Nebraska Indians vidual members of the expedition, including (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994),5. a mortally wounded Villasur. But the artist 5. For the Comanche migration to the Plains, also included nineteen Frenchmen among the see Pekka HiimiiJainen, The Comanche Empire (New Indians attacking the Spaniards. Awarding the Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 29-31. 6. Guillaume de Delisle's Carte de La Louisiane French this much attention may not have been (1718) also places the Apaches directly west of the just chance; Valverde himself possibly commis­ Pawnees. See Donna C. Roper, "Documentary sioned this work as a visual corroboration of Evidence for Changes in Protohistoric and Early his claims about French involvement.106 If this Historic Pawnee Hunting Practices," Plains Anthro­ was the case, then the hide painting illustrates pologist 37, no. 141 (1992): 359. On the archaeo­ a story that some Spaniards told themselves logical record of central Plains Apaches, see James H. Gunnerson, ''An Introduction to Plains Apache about why Villasur never made it back. Archeology-The Dismal River Aspect," Bureau of American Ethnology Anthropological Papers Bulletin NOTES 173, no. 58 (1960): 170, 181, 183. The "Padoucas" in French accounts from the 1710s and 1720s were 1. On their return journey, Louis-Joseph and Plains Apaches, not Comanches. See Douglas Parks Fran~ois buried a lead tablet (since uncovered) qtd. in Carl J. Ekberg, Stealing Indian Women: Native claiming the country for the French king near the Slavery in the Illinois Country (Urbana: University present-day town of Pierre, close to an Arikara of Illinois Press, 2007), 48-49; Waldo R. Wedel, fortification. The Gens de l'Arc were possibly Prehistoric Man on the Great Plains (Norman: Arikaras, relatives of the Pawnees. See "Journal of University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), 113; Donald the Expedition, of the Chevalier de la Verendrye J. Blakeslee, Robert K. Blasing, and Hector F.

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 58 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012

Garcia, Along the Pawnee Trail: Cultural Resource 15. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, November 30, Survey and Testing at Wilson Lake, Kansas (Kansas 1719," AC, 144; Juana Vazquez-G6mez, Dictionary City: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 1986), 109; of Mexican Rulers, 1325-1997 (Westport, CT: George Bird Grinnell, "Who Were the Padouca?" Greenwood Press, 1997), 37. See also "Testimony of American Anthropologist, n.s., 22, no. 3 (1920): 258; Tamariz, Santa Fe, July 2, 1726," AC, 228. Frank R. Secoy, "The Identity of the 'Paduca': An 16. "Diary of the Campaign of Governor Antonio Ethnohistorical Analysis," American Anthropologist, de Valverde," AC, 132. n.s., 53, no. 4 (1951): 533, 540; George E. Hyde, 17. Alfred Barnaby Thomas, "The Jicarilla Apache Indians of the High Plains: From the Prehistoric Period Indians: A History, 1598-1888," in Apache Indians to the Coming of Europeans (Norman: University VIII (New York: Garland Publishing, 1974), 15. of Oklahoma Press, 1959), 86; and Frank Norall, 18. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, November 30, Bourgmont, Explorer of the Missouri, 1698-1725 1719," AC, 143. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988), 169n9. 19. Marc de Villiers, "Le Massacre de l'expedition 7. On the placement ofEI Cuartelejo in western Espagnole du Missouri," 250. On the villages of the Kansas, see Thomas A. Witty, "An Archaeological Wichitas in the early eighteenth century, before Review of the Scott County Pueblo," Oklahoma they moved south to the Red River, see F. Todd Anthropological Society Bulletin 32 (1983): 99, 101, Smith, The Wichita Indians: Traders of Texas and the 104; Gottfried Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings from the Southern Plains, 1540-1845 (College Station: Texas American Southwest: Two Representations of Border A&M University Press, 2000), 15-17. On the larger Conflicts between Mexico and the Missouri in the role of ignorance in European imperial policy in Early Eighteenth Century (Norman: University of North America, see Paul W. Mapp, The Elusive West Oklahoma Press, 1970), 185; and David J. Weber, and the Contest for Empire, 1713-1763 (Chapel Hill: The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Yale University Press, 1992), 169. Culture, University of North Carolina Press, 2011). 8. Robert T. Grange Jr. Pawnee and Lower 20. Douglas R. Parks, introduction to Ceremonies Loup Pottery, Nebraska State Historical Society of the Pawnee by James R. Murie (Reprint, Lincoln: Publications in Anthropology 3 (Lincoln: Nebraska University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 4; Richard State Historical Society, 1968), 12; Donna C. White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Roper, Historical Processes and the Development of Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Social Identity: An Evaluation of Pawnee Ancestry Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of (report prepared for Repatriation Office, National Nebraska Press, 1983), 149. Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institu­ 21. For an analysis of the impact of disease on tion, Washington, DC, 1993), 111. Pawnee communities, see James Riding In, "Keeper 9. Grange, Pawnee and Lower Loup Pottery, of Tarawahut's Covenant: The Development 12; Roper, An Evaluation of Pawnee Ancestry, 111; and Destruction of Pawnee Culture" (PhD diss., Douglas R. Parks, "Bands and Villages of the Arikara University of California-Los Angeles, 1991),30-31. and Pawnee," Nebraska History 60 (1979): 237. 22. See "Exact Description of Louisiana," in 10. Parks, "Bands and Villages of the Arikara and Norall, Bourgmont, 109. Pawnee," 237. 23. Guillaume Delisle, Carte du Mexique et de 11. See "Luis Granillo to Diego de Vargas, Santa la Floride: des terres angloises et des Isles Antilles, Fe, 29 September 1695," in John L. Kessell, Rick du cours et des environs de la riviere de Mississippi Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge, eds., Blood on (Amsterdam: Chez Jean Covens & Corneille the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, Mortier, 1722), Edward Ayer Map Collection, New Mexico, 1694-97 (Albuquerque: University of Newberry Library. New Mexico Press), 652. 24. Gene Weltfish, Lost Universe (New York: 12. On the Ulibarri Expedition, see AC, 68-70, Basic Books, 1965), 6, 19, 79; Parks, "Bands and 173; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Villages of the Arikara and Pawnee," 234. George Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, Bird Grinnell states that the Pawnee population was and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (College once as large as 20,000. See George Bird Grinnell, Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1975), Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-Tales (Lincoln: 228-29; and Ned Blackhawk, Violence Over the University of Nebraska Press, 1961),222. Land: Indians and Empires in the Early American West 25. Weltfish, Lost Universe, 63. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006),40. 26. Weltfish, Lost Universe, 19, 64, 79; Murie, 13. "Council of War, Santa Fe, August 19, 1719," Ceremonies of the Pawnee, 13, 38; Douglas R. AC, 109. See also Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 33. Parks and Waldo R. Wedel, "Pawnee Geography: 14. "Diary of the Campaign of Governor Antonio Historical and Sacred," Great Plains Quarterly de Valverde," AC, 132. 5, no. 3 (Summer 1985): 152; White, Roots of

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 59

Dependency, 172; Peter Nabokov and Robert Easton, 38. La Jonquiere to the French minister, Sep­ Native American Architecture (New York: Oxford tember 25, 1751, in Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., University Press, 1990), 136. Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 27. On the Pawnee calendar, see Wishart, Unspeak­ vol. 18: The French Regime in Wisconsin (Madison: able Sadness, 23, 25; Weldish, Lost Universe, 79, 95, Wisconsin Historical Society, 1908),93. 129-30,254-55; Waldo R. Wedel, An Introduction to 39. For an interpretation of this meeting, see Pawnee Archeology, Bureau of American Ethnology Echo-Hawk, "Skidi Pawnee History on the Loup Bulletin ll2 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government River," 27. Printing Office, 1936), 61; Roper, "Pawnee Hunting 40. Valverde's fear of a French conspiracy and Practices," 355-56; and White, Roots of Dependency, corresponding denial of Indian initiative may 162. Located underground or underwater, animal expose his own prejudices against Indians living lodges were home to animals that conferred powers outside the Spanish sphere. For more on Spanish on deserving individuals. Animals themselves served perceptions of unconquered Indians, especially in as messengers for the celestial gods. On Pawnee the late eighteenth century, see David J. Weber, trails and their proximity to the sacred sites, see Barbaros: Spaniards and Their Savages in the Age Donald J. Blakeslee and Robert Blasing, "Indian of Enlightenment (New Haven: Yale University Trails in the Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist Press, 2005), 14-16. On the War of the Quadruple 33, no. ll9 (1988): 24; and Donald J. Blakeslee, Alliance, see John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Along Ancient Trails: The Mallet Expedition of 1739 Worlds, 212. On the formation of the Compagnie (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1995), 83. des Indes and its agenda during the war, see Marcel On the sacred sites themselves, see Parks and Wedel, Giraud, Histoire de La Louisiane Fran.;:aise, vol. 3: "Pawnee Geography," 144, 152, 155, 160. ~ epoque de John Law (Paris: Presses Universitaires 28. For the Pawnee adoption of horses, see de France, 1966), 298-99, 303. Roger Echo-Hawk, "At the Edge of the Desert of 41. Mildred Mott Wedel, "Claude-Charles Dutisne: Multicolored Turtles: Skidi Pawnee History on the A Review of His 1719 Journeys," pt. 2, Great Plains Loup River," in The Stabaco Site: A Mid-Eighteenth Journal 12 (1973): 147. Century Skidi Pawnee Town on the Loup River, ed. 42. Pierre Margry, ed., Decouvertes et etablisse­ Steven R. Holen and John K. Peterson (Grand ments des fran.;:ais dans l'ouest et dans Ie sud de Island, NE: U.S. Bureau of Reclamation Nebraska/ L'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1754, vol. 6 (Paris: Kansas Projects Office, 1995), 22 (quote), 24; and D. Jouast, 1888),313-14. In the same letter Dutisne Riding In, "Keepers of Tirawahut's Covenant," referred to the Wichitas as "Panioussa" and "Pants." 82-83. See Wedel, "Claude-Charles Dutisne," pt. 2, 152. 29. Wishart, Unspeakable Sadness, 30-31; Hama­ 43. Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 6:314. lainen, Comanche Empire, 71; W. Raymond Wood, On the Osage and Wichita trade blockades, see "Plains Trade in Prehistoric and Protohistoric Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 32. Intertribal Relations," in Anthropology on the Great 44. David M. Brugge, "Some Plains Indians Plains, ed. W. Raymond Wood and Margot Liberty in the Church Records of New Mexico," Plains (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), 103. Anthropologist 10, no. 29 (1965): 186. 30. For the origins of the calumet ceremony, see 45. Robert P. Wiegers, "A Proposal for Indian Weltfish, Lost Universe, 175. Slave Trading in the Mississippi Valley and Its 31. Weltfish, Lost Universe, 31. Impact on the Osage," Plains Anthropologist 33, no. 32. For the role of Pawnee chiefs in trade, see 120 (1988): 196. Weltfish, Lost Universe, 7, 19; and White, Roots of 46. Ekberg, Stealing Indian Women, lO-ll, 13. Dependency, 191. 47. For the original deposition of Desmanets, 33. Alice C. Fletcher, The Hako: Song, Pipe, and see Kaskaskia Manuscripts 26:9:2:1 (September Unity in a Pawnee Calumet Ceremony (1904; reprint, 2, 1726), microfilm, originals at Randolph County Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), 182,256. Courthouse, Chester, Illinois. For a full English 34. On the Pawnee horse trade, see Wishart, translation of the deposition, see Ekberg, Stealing Unspeakable Sadness, 31. Indian Women, 21-22. 35. Weltfish, Lost Universe, 175. 48. Qtd. in Ekberg, Stealing Indian Women, 19. 36. Wood, "Plains Trade in Prehistoric and 49. Qtd. in Ekberg, Stealing Indian Women, 20. Protohistoric Intertribal Relations," 105. 50. Ekberg, Stealing Indian Women, 21. 37. On the license system, see Carolyn Podruchny, 51. Bourgmont purchased Padoucas from the Making the Voyageur World: Travelers and Traders in Kansas during his expedition to the Plains in 1724. the North American Fur Trade (Lincoln: University See "Relation du voyage de Mr. de Bourgmont che­ of Nebraska Press, 2006), 22. For evidence of early valier de l'ordre militaire de St. Louis, Commandant French-Pawnee trade, see Weltfish, Lost Universe, 368. de la Riviere du Missoury et sur Ie chant de celie du

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 60 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012

Arkansas. Du Missoury au Padoucas," Bourgmont trade, see Danial R. Watson, "Euroamerican Trade file, Chicago History Museum Archives. This Material and Related Items," in Holen and Peterson, version, previously unnoted by historians includ­ The Stabaco Site, 193 (quote). ing Bourgmont's biographer, is one of four extant 61. "Diary of Juan de Ulibarri," AC, 70. originals; the other three are located in French 62. Journal of the Bourgmont expedition, in archives. For translation, see Norall, Bourgmont, Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 6:425. 140. Boisbriant reported in 1720 that the Wichitas 63. See the testimony of Miguel Tenorio, a vet­ had taken one hundred Padouca captives. See eran of the UlibarrI Expedition, in AC, 157. Villiers, "Le Massacre de ['expedition Espagnole du 64. See Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 31. Missouri," 250. On the Comanche trade in Apache 65. Waldo R. Wedel, Central Plains Prehistory: captives, see Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 38-39. Holocene Environments and Culture Change in the 52. See "Apache" and "katahkaa" in Douglas Republican River Basin (Lincoln: University of R. Parks and Lula Nora Pratt, A Dictionary of Skiri Nebraska Press, 1986), 139. On the dating (through Pawnee (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, dendrochronology) and identification of the village 2008), 68, 428. On kinship rules, see Weltfish, Lost site, see Gunnerson, "Introduction ro Plains Apache Universe,31. Archeology," 146. 53. Weltfish, Lost Universe, 106-17. See also 66. French guns remained unreliable, especially James F. Brooks, Captives and Cousins: Slavery, compared to British ones, but the Osages wanted Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands them. On the Osages and the French gun trade, (Chapel Hill: Omohundro Institute of Early see Willard Hughes Rollings, The Osage: An American History and Culture and the University Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie­ of North Carolina Press, 2002), 10-19. Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 54. For the role of captives in family wealth and 1995), 86-87, 118. See also Kathleen DuVal, '''A reputation in Pawnee villages, see Brooks, Captives Good Relationship, & Commerce': The Native and Cousins, 16; for a comparable role of women Political Economy of the Arkansas River Valley," captives as laborers in Comanche communities, see Early American Studies (Spring 2003): 81. For Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 252. the Comanche expansion into Apache lands, see 55. Brett Rushforth, "Slavery, the Fox Wars, and Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 32-33, 40. the Limits of Alliance," William and Mary Quarterly 67. For more on Apache-Spanish hostilities before 63, no. 1 (January 2006): 65-66. For more on inter­ the Villasur Expedition, see Kessell, Hendricks, and tribal conflict defining the Fox Wars, see Richard Dodge, eds., Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, New White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Mexico, 6 vols., and specifically "Campaign Journal, Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New New Mexico, 27 March-2 April 1704," in vol. 6, York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 154n19. A Settling of Accounts (Albuquerque: University of 56. Franc;:ois Ie Maire, "Memoire inedit sur la New Mexico Press, 2002), 219-27. Louisiane, 1717," in Extrait des Comptes-Rendus de 68. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, May 27,1720," l'Athenee Louisianais, Septembre et Novembre 1899 AC,155. (New Orleans: s.n., 1899), 23. Copy at Newberry 69. Thomas E. Chavez, "The Villasur Expedition Library, Chicago. and the Segesser Hide Paintings," in Spain and the 57. Le Maire, "Memoire inedit sur la Louisiane," 24. Plains: Myths and Realities of Spanish Exploration and 58. Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 6:316. Settlement on the Great Plains, ed. Ralph H. Vigil, 59. October 5, 1720, letter by Boisbriant, qtd. Frances W. Kaye, and John R. Wunder (Boulder: in Villiers, "Le Massacre de ['expedition Espagnole University Press of Colorado, 1994), 94. du Missouri," 250. See also Giraud, Histoire de 70. For the enlistment of the Carlana Apaches as La Louisiane Franc;aise, 3:382; A. P. Nasatir, ed., guides, see "Declaration of Tamariz, Santa Fe, April Before Lewis and Clark: Documents Illustrating the 21,1724," AC, 251; and "Declaration of Alva, Santa History of the Missouri, 1785-1804, vol. 1 (Lincoln: Fe, April 23, 1724," AC, 255. See also Hotz, Indian University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 17. Skin Paintings, 185. 60. For Pawnee hunting camps and climate 71. For a day-to-day account of the Villasur changes, see John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, Expedition, see Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings. For and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and the route of the expedition, see Blakeslee, Blasing, Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist and Garcia, Along the Pawnee Trail, 106, 109, 153; 40, no. 152 (1995): 155, 158-59. For the lithic M. A. Shine, "The Platte-Loup Site," in Nebraska assemblages, see Steven R. Holen and Danial R. History and Record of Pioneer Days 7, no. 3 (1924): Watson, "Skidi-French Interactions: Evidence from 85; Sheldon, "Nebraska Historical Expedition," 91; the Stabaco Site," in Holen and Peterson, The and Villiers, "Le Massacre de l'expedition Espagnole Stabaco Site, 213. For the evidence of French-Pawnee du Missouri," 246. For an opposing interpretation of

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln THE PAWNEE HOMELAND, COUREURS DE BOIS, AND THE VILLASUR EXPEDITION OF 1720 61 the expedition route, see Alfred Barnaby Thomas, eighteenth century. For a broader discussion of the "Massacre of the Villasur Expedition," Nebraska military realities confronting Spain on its North History and Record of Pioneer Days 7, no. 3 (1924): and South American frontiers by midcentury, see 75-76; AC, 270n79. Thomas, however, did not take Weber, Barbaros, 68-82. into account magnetic declination, as Blakeslee 81. The priest accompanying Villasur was named notes. See Blakeslee, Blasing, and Garcia, Along the Father Juan Minguez. Father Charlevoix would later Pawnee Trail, 106. report erroneously that Minguez had escaped the 72. The Cuartelejo Apaches told Ulibarri that massacre but was captured by Indians; the Spanish, the Indian tribes to the northeast lived on five however, knew he had died. See Dumont de rivers, including the "Sitascahe, and on this live Montigny, Memoires historiques sur la Louisiana, vo!' the Pawnees in two large rancherias." This river 2 (Paris: n.p., 1753),287; AC, 39n105; "Valverde to was possibly the Republican or the Platte. See "The Valero, Santa Fe, October 8, 1720," AC, 164; Ralph Diary of Juan de Ulibarri to EI Cuartelejo, 1706," Emerson Twitchell, ed., The Spanish Archives of New AC, 73. Gottfried Hotz suggests that Sistaca's name Mexico, vo!' 2 (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark perhaps was derived from the Pawnee words Chais, Company, 1914), 171. meaning "man," and taka, or "white," implying that 82. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, October 8, he himself was captured from Chawi Pawnees, who 1720," AC, 167; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's painted their bodies white. Roger Echo-Hawk also Worlds, 250. proposes that he may have been a Chawi Pawnee. See 83. "Declaration of Tamariz," AC, 251 (quote). Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings, 197n43; and Echo-Hawk, See also "Testimony of Aguilar," AC, 227 "Skidi Pawnee History on the Loup River," 26. 84. VilHers, "Le Massacre de l'expedition Espagnole 73. Villiers, "Le Massacre de l'expedition Espagnole du Missouri," 250. du Missouri," 249. 85. VilHers, "Le Massacre de l'expedition Espagnole 74. "Testimony of Aguilar, Santa Fe, July 1,1726," du Missouri," 250, 251, 252. AC, 227; "Martinez to Valero, Mexico 1720," AC, 86. Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 6:387; 184. On the illiteracy of most coureurs de bois and Father de Charlevoix, Journal d'un Voyage Fait par the difficulty of finding written sources about them, Ordre du Roi, vo!' 3 (Paris: Rollin Fils, 1744), 293-94. see Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 4-10. 87. For Boisbriant, see VilHers, "Le Massacre de 75. Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings, 199. For Spanish l'expedition Espagnole du Missouri," 251, 252; for reports on contact with the Pawnees and the ensu­ Bienville, see Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, ing retreat, see "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, 6:387. October 8, 1720," AC, 163-64; "Martinez to Valero, 88. Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 171; Mexico 1720," AC, 184; "Testimony of Aguilar, John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds, 250. On Santa Fe, July 1, 1726," AC, 227; and the "Testimony the consequences of abandoning the presidio at La of Tamariz, Santa Fe, July 2,1726," AC, 229. Jicarilla, see Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 36-37. 76. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, October 8, 89. For Bourgmont's instructions, see "Memoire 1720," AC, 164-65. pour Ie sieur de Bourgmont approuve par S.A. 77. "Testimony of Tamariz, Santa Fe, July 2, Royale," in Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 1726," AC, 230. 6:389; and "Instruction pour Ie dit Bourmont," 78. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, October 8, January 17, 1722 (one of at least two extant originals), 1720," AC, 165. Physical remains of the Spanish­ Bourgmont file, Chicago History Museum Archives. Pawnee skirmish have proved difficult to find. See also Waldo R. Wedel, An Introduction to Kansas Excavations at the Eagle Ridge site in eastern Archeology, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin Nebraska revealed Spanish olive jar fragments that 174 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, may have come from the expedition. Students at 1959), 28; and Norall, Bourgmont, 20, 24. the Genoa Indian school reportedly found Spanish 90. Marc de Villiers du Terrage, La decouverte du artifacts near the Loup River, as did white farmers. Missouri et l'histoire du Fort d'Orleans (1673-1728) See Gayle F. Carlson and John R. Bozell, ed., "The (Paris: Librarie Ancienne Honore Champion, Eagle Ridge Site and Early Eighteenth Century 1925), 98n1; Giraud, Histoire de La Louisiane Indian-European Relations in Eastern Nebraska," Fran<;aise, 5:448. Central Plains Archaeology 12, no. 1 (2010): 134, 188; 91. Qtd. in Noral!, Bourgmont, 45; see also and Sheldon, "Nebraska Historical Expedition," 96. Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 6:391-92. 79. Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings, 204. 92. Qtd. in Noral!, Bourgmont, 48. 80. "Valverde to Valero, Santa Fe, October 8, 93. Noral!, Bourgmont, 42, 43 (quote). 1720," AC, 165. By emphasizing French involve­ 94. Kaskaskia Manuscripts 24:12:14:1 (December ment, Valverde refused to acknowledge the growing 14, 1724), microfilm, originals at Randolph County military superiority of indigenous peoples in the Courthouse, Chester, Illinois.

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 62 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2012

95. Kaskaskia Manuscripts 24:9:2:1 (September 101. "Memoir on Louisiana, the Indians and the 2, 1724). Commerce that Can Be Carried on with Them," 96. Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements, 6:397, (1726) in Dunbar Rowland and A. G. Sanders, eds., trans. in Norall, Bourgmont, 49. MississiPPi Provincial Archives, French Dominion, vol. 97. "Relation du voyage de Mr. de Bourgmont," 3 (Jackson: Press of the Mississippi Department of Chicago History Museum Archives. For translation, Archives and History, 1927), 532; Ekberg, Stealing see Norall, Bourgmont, 140. Indian Women, 21-22. 98. The Padoucas lived in large houses 102. Roper, "Pawnee Hunting Practices," 359-60. ("cabanes") and were semisedentary, spending 103. Wedel, Central Plains Prehistory, 139; Wedel, part of the year raising crops, suggesting they were Introduction to Pawnee Archeology, 4; White, Roots of Apaches, not Comanches. See George Grinnell, Dependency, 152; Wishart, Unspeakable Sadness, 4; "Who Were the Padouca?" 253; Wedel, Introduc­ George A. Dorsey, The Pawnee Mythology (Lincoln: tion to Kansas Archeology, 73; Hyde, Indians of the University of Nebraska Press, 1997),8. High Plains, 84. 104. Roper, "Pawnee Hunting Practices," 359-60. 99. "Relation du voyage de Mr. de Bourgmont," 105. For more on the provenance of Segesser I Chicago History Museum Archives; Journal of the and II, see Thomas E. Chavez, 'The Segesser Hide Bourgmont expedition, in Margry, Decouvertes et Paintings: History, Discovery, Art," Great Plains etablissements, 6:425. Quarterly 10, no. 2 (Spring 1990): 96-109. 100. See Riding In, "Keepers of Tirawahut's 106. For the distinct portrayal of the Pawnees Covenant," 49 (quote), 83. and Valverde's possible role, see Hotz, Indian Skin Paintings, 81-150, 204, 228.

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln