Understanding Political Giving

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Understanding Political Giving PARADIGM POLITICAL & PHILANTHROPIC MANAGEMENT This publication provides guidance on certain aspects of federal campaign finance law. Use this guide in conjunction with the FEC and local and state regulations. Understanding 1 1 Political Giving NOT ALL POLITICAL DOLLARS ARE EQUAL 2020 1 SOFT VS. HARD CONTRIBUTIONS You will hear the various terms of “soft” and “hard” dollars used in the campaigns world that reference the varying levels of campaign finance rules and limitations. In short, “Hard” contributions are limited, direct contributions to a candidate or committee. “Soft” contributions do not have restrictions on the aggregate amount that one can donate or sometimes, the source of the contribution. All federal campaigns and committees (campaigns for US House, Senate, President and the national parties) are subject to various “Hard” contribution limits as determined by the Federal Election Commission (FEC, see federal contribution section below). “Soft” contributions are common for state and local party committees and for many state level offices. Soft contributions are also found at state and national issue advocacy organizations (501(c)4s), SuperPACs and 527s. SO, WHAT ARE THE LIMITS? FEDERAL CONTRIBUTION LIMITS All candidates for federal office are subject to campaign contributions regulated by the Federal Election Commission (FEC). These limits are a result of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law enacted in 2002. These limits are adjusted with inflation every two years by the FEC. Although the 2010 McCutchen Supreme Court decision removed the aggregate cap, these limits of the max contribution to the campaigns and committees still exist. The limits are listed in the following pages for candidates for US House and US Senate, the national parties, political action committees (PACs) and federal account of state parties (that work to elect in state members of Congress). 2 This publication provides guidance on certain aspects of federal campaign finance law. For the most updated and current information, reference the FEC and local, state regulations directly. FEC CONTRIBUTION LIMITS FOR 2019-20 FEDERAL ELECTIONS *– Indexed for inflation in odd-numbered years. 1. “PAC” here refers to a committee that makes contributions to other federal political committees. Independent-expenditure only political committees (sometimes called “super PACs”) may accept unlimited contributions, including from corporations and labor organizations. 2. The limits in this column apply to a national party committee’s accounts for: (i) the presidential nominating convention; (ii) election recounts and contests and other legal proceedings; and (iii) national party headquarters buildings. A party’s national committee, Senate campaign committee and House campaign committee are each considered separate national party committees with separate limits. Only a national party committee, not the parties’ national congressional campaign committees, may have an account for the presidential nominating convention. 3. Additionally, a national party committee and its Senatorial campaign committee may contribute up to $49,600 combined per campaign to each Senate candidate. This publication provides guidance on certain aspects of federal campaign finance law. This publication is not intended to replace the law or to change its meaning, nor does this publication create or confer any rights for or on any person or bind the Federal Election Commission (Commission) or the public. The reader is encouraged also to consult the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended, Commission regulations, Commission advisory opinions, and applicable court decisions. SOURCE: Federal Election Commission. Contribution Limits for 2019-20. FEC.gov https://www.fec.gov/ 3 resources/cms-content/documents/contribution_limits_chart_2019-2020.pdf (Feb.2019) STATE CONTRIBUTION LIMITS There are just twelve states that do not impose contribution limits on individual donors: WA ND MT MN ME SD ID WI VT Alabama, Indiana, Iowa, Mississippi, OR MI NH WY NY MA NE IA RI CT PA Missouri, Nebraska, NJ IN OH IL UT CO DE NV WV MD KS DC WASHINGTON, D.C. North Dakota, Oregon, Pennsylvania, MO VA KY CA Texas, Utah, and Virginia. TN NC OK AR AR NM SC MS AL GA TX LA CA FL The other 38 states restrict the amount of money that any one individual can contribute to a state campaign; however, these regulations that vary widely state to state and the limits are typically dependent upon the office the candidate seeks For example, Connecticut restricts individual spending to $1,000 for a candidate in a state Senate race and $250 for a candidate for a state house seat. LOCAL AND MUNICIPAL LIMITS All local offices and municipal offices are regulated by state regulation or any superseding local law. For example, all candidates for state representative, state senate, mayor, school board, etc. are subject to state or local limits. These limits and the disclosure vary widely according to the states. 4 The other 38 states restrict the amount of money that any one individual can contribute to a state campaign; however, these regulations that vary widely state to state and the limits are typically dependent upon the office the candidate seeks For example, Connecticut restricts individual spending to $1,000 for a candidate in a state Senate race and $250 for a candidate for a state house seat. 5 5 GLOSSARY 5 PAC, DSCC, DCCC, DGA, C3, C4, 527, SUPERPACS This is the alphabet soup of entities and acronyms in campaign finance. Additionally, political campaigns committees, independent expenditures, advocacy organizations, ballot initiatives or even non-partisan educational or civic engagement efforts vary in their ability to have a political impact. The definitions below will explain this further. PAC Political Action Committee (PAC) is a popular term for a political committee organized for raising and spending money to elect and defeat candidates. Most PACs represent business, labor or ideological interests. PACs can give $5,000 to a candidate committee per election (primary, general or special). They can also give up to $15,000 annually to any national party committee, and $5,000 annually to any other PAC. PACs may receive up to $5,000 from any one individual, PAC or party committee per calendar year. A PAC must register with the FEC within 10 days of its formation, providing name and address for the PAC, its treasurer and any connected organizations. PACs also disclose all their receipts (contributions) and expenditures (spending) to the FEC at regular intervals. SUPER A Super PAC is a political action committee that can raise and spend unlimited PAC amounts from individuals, corporations, and labor unions as they stay independent from that candidate. Unlike traditional 527 groups, can call for the election or defeat of specific candidates Super PACs, known officially as “independent expenditure-only committees,” were first created in the 2010 campaign cycle in the wake of a pair of Supreme Court decisions, including the Citizens United case. Super PACs are required to disclose their contributors and spending activity in regular filings. They cannot not make contributions to candidates, parties or other political committees. 6 SuperPACs are limited in their coordination with candidates or parties. SUPER The three most prominent Super PACs that provide independent PAC expenditures for federal electoral races are Priorities USA, Senate (cont.) Majority PAC and House Majority PAC. Because coordination is limited between campaigns and Super PACs, these are the three major players that are run by former senior House, Senate, Presidential staff. These political action committees are established by individual LEADERSHIP P A C politicians or aspiring candidates, allowing them to raise and spend money separate from an actual campaign account. Funds raised in a leadership PAC can be used to pay for various political expenses such as travel, polling, staff, and campaign contributions to state and local politicians across the country. They used to be reserved for leadership but now are very commons with almost all federal members to supplement their political operation, elevate their profiles and help their colleagues. The funds are usually spent to cultivate relationships and curry favor with local power-brokers and activists with an eventual White House bid in mind. Leadership PAC funds cannot be spent directly on sponsoring a politician’s own presidential campaign activity and cannot be transferred later to a campaign account (beyond a $5,000 contribution limit). 7 LEADERSHIP Individual donors may contribute up to $5,000 per calendar year PAC to a leadership PAC (or to any other political action committee). (cont.) In turn, a leadership PAC may contribute up to $5,000 per year to an unlimited number of candidates and up to $15,000 a year to the national party. Leadership PACs were originally used primarily by members of the congressional leadership or those seeking leadership positions, but they are much more widely used today. E.G. Kirsten Gillibrand’s Off the Sidelines and Tim Kaine’s Common Ground Simply, this is the primary campaign account for a candidate CANDIDATE COMMITTEE running for municipal, state or federal office. Contributions made to a candidate are regulated by the corresponding state or federal regulations. Most are required to disclose all contributions and expenditures but the availability of this information varied widely. All 2020 candidates will have one of these. E.G. Joe Biden for President and Amy McGrath
Recommended publications
  • Race, Gender, and Party Support of Congressional Primary Candidates∗
    The Party’s Primary Preferences: Race, Gender, and Party Support of Congressional Primary Candidates∗ Hans J.G. Hasselly Neil Visalvanichz Short Title: The Party’s Primary Preferences. Keywords: Primary Elections, Race, Gender ∗We would like to thank Zoli Hajnal, Eric Gonzalez-Jeunke, Jamil Scott, Paru Shah, Keith Schnakenburg, David Searle, the North-East Research Development Workshop, participants at the American Political Science Association conference in 2015 and the Midwest Political Science Association Conference in 2019, and three anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions. We are also grateful for the research assistance of Emily Goldman. Author order is alphabetical. Both authors contributed equally to this project. yAssistant Professor, Florida State University. 600 W. College Ave., 531 Bellamy, Tallahassee, FL 32309, USA. Email: [email protected]. zAssistant Professor, Durham University. The Al Qasimi Building, Elvet Hill Road, Durham, DH1 3TU, United Kingdom. Email: [email protected] Abstract Party support has a strong influence on candidate success in the primary. What remains unexplored is whether party actions during the primary are biased along racial and gender lines. Using candidate demographic data at the congressional level and measures of party support for primary candidates, we test whether parties discriminate against women and minority candidates in congressional primaries and also whether parties are strategic in their support of minority candidates in certain primaries. Our findings show parties are not biased against minority candidates and also that white women candidates receive more support from the Democratic party than do other types of candidates. Our findings also suggest that parties do not appear to strategically support minority candidates in districts with larger populations of minorities.
    [Show full text]
  • No Radical Hangover: Black Power, New Left, and Progressive Politics in the Midwest, 1967-1989
    No Radical Hangover: Black Power, New Left, and Progressive Politics in the Midwest, 1967-1989 By Austin McCoy A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Matthew J. Countryman, Co-Chair Associate Professor Matthew D. Lassiter, Co-Chair Professor Howard Brick Associate Professor Stephen Ward Dedicated to Mom, Dad, Brandenn, Jeff, and K.C., all of the workers who have had their jobs stolen, and to all of the activists searching for answers. ii Acknowledgements Since I have taken the scenic route to this point, I have many thanks to give to family, friends, and various colleagues, collaborators, and communities that I have visited along the way. First, I would like to thank my dissertation committee—Howard Brick, Stephen Ward, Matt Lassiter, and Matthew Countryman. Your guidance and support enhanced this my dissertation. Your critical comments serve a cornerstone for this project as I proceed to revise it into a book manuscript. Howard, your classes and our conversations have expanded my thinking about the history of the left and political economy. Stephen, I appreciate your support for my scholarship and the fact that you always encouraged me to strike a balance between my academic and political work. Matt, I have learned much from you intellectually and professionally over the last seven years. I especially valued the fact that you gave me space and freedom to develop an ambitious project and to pursue my work outside of the classroom. I look forward to your continued mentorship.
    [Show full text]
  • Read the Full PDF
    The Permanent Campaign and Its Future The Permanent Campaign and Its Future Norman J. Ornstein Thomas E. Mann Editors American Enterprise Institute and The Brookings Institution WASHINGTON, D.C. 2000 Available in the United States from the AEI Press, c/o Publisher Resources Inc., 1224 Heil Quaker Blvd., P.O. Box 7001, La Vergne, TN 37086-7001. To order, call 1-800-937-5557. Distributed outside the United States by arrangement with Eurospan, 3 Henrietta Street, London WC2E 8LU, England. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The permanent campaign and its future / Norman J. Ornstein, Thomas E. Mann, editors. p. c. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8447-4133-7 (cloth: alk. paper)—ISBN 0-8447-4134-5 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Political campaigns—United States. 2. Democracy—United States. I. Ornstein, Norman J. II. Mann, Thomas E. JK2281.P395 2000 324.7N0973—c21 00-058657 ISBN 0-8447-4133-7 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN 0-8447-4134-5 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 © 2000 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C., and the Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute and the Brookings Institution except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute and the Brookings Institution are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of the staff, advisory pan- els, officers, or trustees of AEI or Brookings.
    [Show full text]
  • Congress Reconsidered
    CONGRESS RECONSIDERED Do not copy, post, or distribute Copyright ©2016 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. Do not copy, post, or distribute Copyright ©2016 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. CONGRESS RECONSIDERED Tenth Edition LAWRENCE C. DODD University of Florida BRUCE I. OPPENHEIMER Vanderbilt University Do not copy, post, or distribute Copyright ©2016 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. FOR INFORMATION: Copyright © 2013 by CQ Press, an Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc. CQ Press is a registered trademark of Congressional Quarterly Inc. CQ Press An Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be 2455 Teller Road reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, Thousand Oaks, California 91320 electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, E-mail: [email protected] recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. SAGE Publications Ltd. 1 Oliver’s Yard Printed in the United States of America 55 City Road Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 India SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd. 3 Church Street #10-04 Samsung Hub Singapore 049483 This book is printed on acid-free paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record-Senate
    2380 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE.. OCTOBER 11, manufactured glass bottles-to the Committee on Ways and Mr. QUAY. I present the petition of a very large number Means. of business men of the city of Wilkesbarre, Pa., not one of the By Mr. CLANCY: Resolutions adopted by the Scandinavian petitioners being a banker, praying for the repeal of the so­ Democratic Club, of Kings County, expressing their loyalty to called Sherman silver law. I move that the pet1tion lie on the the great and honorable principles of which the President of table. the United States is the standard-bearer-to the Committee on The motion was agreed to. Banking and Currency. Mr. HUNTON. I present a petition of business men of Nor­ By Mr. HITT: Petition of the Puget Sound Annual Confer­ folk, Va., praying for the prompt and unconditional repeal of the ence of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 7,000 members, of Seat. purchasing clause of the Sherman law. I would unroll the peti­ tle, Wash., for the repeal of the Geary anti-Chinese law-to the tion, but I fear there is not room enough in the Chamber. As Committee on Foreign Atl'airs. the bill to which the petition relates is now pending before the By Mr. HOOKER of New York: Petition of 34 citizens of Senate, I move that the petition lie on the table. Jamestown, N.Y., protesting against the official recognition of The motion was agreed to. Sig. Francisco Satolli as the official representative of the Papacy Mr. HUNTON presented petitions of the Chamber of Com­ in this country-to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Where the Money Goes: Party Spending in Congressional Elections
    1 Where the Money Goes: Party Spending in Congressional Elections Robin Kolodny Associate Professor Department of Political Science Temple University 1115 W. Berks Street Philadelphia, PA 19122 [email protected] David A. Dulio Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies American University 4400 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20016 [email protected] Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the Midwestern Political Science Association, Palmer House, Chicago, Illinois, April 19-22, 2001. [DRAFT – Please do not quote without permission.] This research was generously supported by a grant from The Pew Charitable Trusts to American University’s Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies and Campaign Management Institute. Thanks to Jim Thurber and Candy Nelson for their support. 2 The media and academics are obsessed with campaign fundraising in the United States. Indeed, the current debate on campaign finance legislation in Congress is focused primarily on limiting the inputs to the campaign finance system: how soft money can be raised (or whether it can be raised at all), and limits on hard dollar contributions. Any discussion of how money is spent has mainly been in the context of regulating electioneering activity, such as limiting the use of issue advocacy broadcasts by parties and interest groups. The topics of how the vast amounts of money being raised is spent and where that money goes, fall well below the radar. We all assume that campaigns are expensive, but that the increased amounts of money in the system has more to do with corporations and wealthy individuals wanting to buy better and better access than an increased rise in the cost of campaigning.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Campaigns
    CHAPTER 4 Congressional Campaigns t should be apparent by now that much of the action in congressional ­election politics takes place outside of the formal campaigns and election periods. IThis in no way implies that campaigns are inconsequential. The bottom line is that votes must be sought and the most concentrated work to win them takes place through the campaign. The formal campaign is, of course, crucial to those ­candidates, including most nonincumbents, who have not been able to match the more-or-less incessant campaigning now typical of congressional incumbents. Despite the dramatically expanded involvement of national organizations in recent years, congressional election campaigns have not lost their predominantly­ candidate-centered focus. To be sure, party committees, political action ­committees (PACs), and other types of organizations have become major players, but mainly by learning to operate effectively in an electoral system where candidates rather than parties are normally the centers of attention. Credit belongs to parties and PACs, along with independent professional campaign consultants, for the ­continuing stream of innovations in campaign technology and strategy that have transformed congres- sional campaigning in recent years. They also, consequently, share ­responsibility for higher costs, harsher rhetoric, greater partisan polarization,­ and the effects that all of these things have had on how members of Congress do their job. Election campaigns have a simple dominant goal: to win at least a plurality of the votes cast and thus the election. Little else is simple about them, however. Campaigns present candidates difficult problems of analysis and execution, which, even in the best of circumstances, are mastered only imperfectly.
    [Show full text]
  • The Parties' National Organizations
    CHAPTER 4 The Parties’ National Organizations everal decades ago, the national organizations of both major parties were like many college students: chronically short of cash and searching for Snew housing. Their small staffs moved back and forth between New York and Washington, and their activity was visible mainly during presiden- tial ­campaigns. Leading students of the national committees could accurately describe them as “politics without power.”1 The real power in the party system was decentralized, collected in the local party organizations. There is good reason why the parties have long been decentralized, as Chapter 3 indicated. Almost all American public officials are chosen in state and local elections; even the voting for president is conducted mainly under state election laws. In years past, most of the incentives parties had to offer, such as patronage jobs, were available at the state and local levels, and the state governments have been the chief regulators of parties. All these forces have given the parties a powerful state and local focus that can restrain any centralization within the party organizations. So state and local party organi- zations have chosen their own officers, taken their own stands on issues, and raised and spent their own funds, usually without much interference from the national party. In recent years, however, both parties have responded to the ­powerful nationalizing forces that have affected most other aspects of American ­politics. Since the 1970s, the two parties have reacted to a series of challenges by strengthening their national committees. Their resources and staffs have grown; both the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican­ National Committee (RNC) are now multimillion-dollar fund-raising and ­candidate-support operations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of the Party Hill Committees in Primary Elections for T
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO The Party’s Primary: The Influence of the Party Hill Committees in Primary Elections for the House and Senate A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Hans J.G. Hassell Committee in charge: Professor Gary C. Jacobson, Chair Professor James Fowler Professor Samuel Kernell Professor Edmund Malesky Professor James Rauch 2012 Hans Hassell, 2012 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Hans Hassell is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2012 iii For my parents, who never talked politics at home, but made it clear to me that political participation and involvement was important iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page .............................................................................................................. iii Dedication ...................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents ............................................................................................................ v List of Figures ................................................................................................................ vi List of Tables .............................................................................................................. viii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]