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Intelligence Memorandum
Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 ,E .._, ....,, TolLSect:ef: -1L_____ -------' 3.5(c) DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Memorandum CAMBODIAANDTHE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS ... 3.5(c) 3.5(c) 29 January 1968 I Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 3.5(c) Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 3.5(c) CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY Directorate of Intelligence 29 January 1968 INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM Cambodia and the Vietnamese Communists A Monthly Report Contents I. Military Developments: Communist battal~ ion and regimental size units continue to operate in Cambodian territory (Paras. 1-5). It is clear that North Vietnamese forces have had bases in the Cam bodian salient since mid-1965 (Paras. 6-8). The salient, however, has never been one of the major Communist base areias .in Cambodia (Paras. 9-12). A 3.3(h)(2) Cambodian~-----~ reports Communist units in South Vietnam are receiving Chinese arms and ammuni tion from Cambodian stocks (Paras. 13--16) . More reports have been received on Cambodian rice sales to the Corru:nunists (Paras. 17-20). Cambodian smug glers are supplying explosive chemicals to the Viet Cong (Para. 21). II. Poli ti cal Developments: Sihanouk"' con cerned over possible allied action against Communists in Cambodia for sanctuary, has reverted to diplomacy to settle the cris:is (Paras. 22-27). Sihanouk has again attempted to get a satisfactory border declara tion from the US (Para. 28). Cambodia, still believ ing the Communists will prevail in South Vietnam, sees short-term advantages to an opening to the West (Para. -
Vietnamese and Cambodian Refugee Crisis Cecilia Bobbitt, Paige Amico, Emily Poehlein, Sara Seper, Megan Caveny, Bianca Zarrella, Shiqi Lin, Ashley Lamere
Vietnamese and Cambodian Refugee Crisis Cecilia Bobbitt, Paige Amico, Emily Poehlein, Sara Seper, Megan Caveny, Bianca Zarrella, Shiqi Lin, Ashley LaMere Introduction and Causes of Crisis: The Vietnamese and Cambodian refugee crisis spanned from 1969 to 1973. During the 1960’s, America and Vietnam were participating in the Vietnam War, which, along with internal conflict, was responsible for the displacement of not only Vietnamese but also Cambodian people. Due to the violent conditions from the war, many Vietnamese fled the country. Many were referred to as “boat people” because they escaped by boat on a dangerous trip to refugee camps in neighboring countries like Thailand. The Vietnam war also strongly had an effect on the lives of Cambodian citizens. Cambodia served as a transport route between North and South Vietnam. Cambodia remained neutral during the war; however, they were bombed heavily due to the presence of Vietcong Army bases. In 1975, a communist group called the Khmer Rouge that was led by Pol Pot took control of Cambodia and attempted to create an agrarian utopia. Cities were evacuated and destroyed. 1.5 million Cambodians (~20% of the country’s population) was murdered by the Khmer Rouge. In 1979, the Vietnamese army invaded Cambodia, causing many to flee the country to refugee camps in Thailand. Over 100,000 refugees relocated in the United States. Lived Experiences of Refugees: https://www.ted.com/talks/tan_le_my_immigration_story?language=en https://www.ted.com/talks/sophal_ear_escaping_the_khmer_rouge The Life We Were Given, Dana Sachs South Wind Changing, Jade Ngoc Quang Huynh US Government Response to the Refugee Crisis: On April 28th, 1970 President Nixon approved the Cambodian incursion, against the requests of Secretary of State William Rogers and Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird. -
Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia
KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA Nation-Religion-King THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA This Constitution was adopted by the Constitutional Assembly in Phnom Penh on September 21, 1993 at its 2nd Plenary Session. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA This Constitution was adopted by the Constitutional Assembly in Phnom Penh on September 21, 1993 at its 2nd Plenary Session. PREAMBLE ***** WE, THE PEOPLE OF CAMBODIA Having known a grand civilization of a prosperous, powerful, and glorious nation whose prestige radiates like a diamond, Having endured sufferings and destructions and having experienced a tragic decline in the course of the two decades, awakened, stood up with a resolute determination to strengthen the national unity, to preserve and defend Cambodia’s territory and its precious sovereignty and the prestige of Angkor civilization, and to restore Cambodia into an "Island of Peace" based on a multi-party liberal democratic regime guaranteeing human rights and the respect of law, and responsible for the destiny of the nation always evolving toward progress, development, prosperity, and glory, WITH THIS RESOLUTE WILL We inscribe the following as the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia: CHAPTER I: SOVEREIGNTY CHAPTER II: THE KING CHAPTER III: THE RIGHTS AND OBLIGATIONS OF KHMER CITIZENS CHAPTER IV: ON POLICY CHAPTER V: ECONOMY CHAPTER VI: EDUCATION, CULTURE, SOCIAL AFFAIRS CHAPTER VII: THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY NEW CHAPTER VIII: THE SENATE NEW CHAPTER IX: THE CONGRESS OF THE ASSEMBLY AND SENATE NEW CHAPTER X: THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT NEW CHAPTER XI: THE JUDICIARY NEW CHAPTER XII: THE CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL NEW CHAPTER XIII: THE ADMINISTRATION NEW CHAPTER XIV: THE NATIONAL CONGRESS NEW CHAPTER XV: EFFECTS, REVISION AND AMENDMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTION NEW CHAPTER XVI: TRANSITIONAL PROVISIONS CHAPTER I: SOVEREIGNTY 2 Article 1: Cambodia is a Kingdom with a King who shall rule according to the Constitution and to the principles of liberal democracy and pluralism. -
A New Date for the Phnom Da Images and Its Implications for Early Cambodia
A New Date for the Phnom Da Images and Its Implications for Early Cambodia NANCY H. DOWLING SCHOLARS FAMILIAR WITH SOUTHEAST ASIAN ART HISTORY are well aware of a confusing chronology for early Cambodian sculpture. One reason for this situa tion is obvious. For nearly fifty years, Cambodian art history has been wed to the work of George Coedes. Praised as the dean of Southeast Asian history, he was a member of an elite group of French scholars who worked in Cambodia for decades before World War II. In 1944, he wrote Histoire ancienne des hats hindouses d'Extreme-Orient, in which he established a chronological framework for early Southeast Asian history based on an interplay of Chinese texts and indigenous inscriptions. Most Southeast Asian historians readily admit that "his book remains the basic source for early South East Asian history, and while much recent re search, based upon new inscriptional evidence or re-readings, modifies some of Coedes' specific conclusions, the structure remains his" (Brown 1996: 3). Such a singular dependency on Coedes had a stifling effect on Cambodian art history. When Jean Boisselier, carrying on the work of Philippe Stern and Gilberte de Coral-Remusat, made a comprehensive attempt to set in order Cambodian sculpture, the French art historian fitted the works of art into Coedes' ready made chronology. Unfortunately, this all happened as if it were preferable to adjust Cambodian sculpture to a preconceived notion of history rather than ques tioning the model. In this way, some basic mistakes have been made, and these seriously affect the chronology and interpretation of early Cambodian sculpture. -
Culture & History Story of Cambodia
CHAM CULTURE & HISTORY STORY OF CAMBODIA FARINA SO, VANNARA ORN - DOCUMENTATION CENTER OF CAMBODIA R KILLEAN, R HICKEY, L MOFFETT, D VIEJO-ROSE CHAM CULTURE & HISTORY STORYﺷﻤﺲ ISBN-13: 978-99950-60-28-2 OF CAMBODIA R Killean, R Hickey, L Moffett, D Viejo-Rose Farina So, Vannara Orn - 1 - Documentation Center of Cambodia ζរចងាំ និង យុត្ិធម៌ Memory & Justice មជ䮈មណ䮌លឯក羶រកម្宻ᾶ DOCUMENTATION CENTER OF CAMBODIA (DC-CAM) Villa No. 66, Preah Sihanouk Boulevard Phnom Penh, 12000 Cambodia Tel.: + 855 (23) 211-875 Fax.: + 855 (23) 210-358 E-mail: [email protected] CHAM CULTURE AND HISTORY STORY R Killean, R Hickey, L Moffett, D Viejo-Rose Farina So, Vannara Orn 1. Cambodia—Law—Human Rights 2. Cambodia—Politics and Government 3. Cambodia—History Funding for this project was provided by the UK Arts & Humanities Research Council: ‘Restoring Cultural Property and Communities After Conflict’ (project reference AH/P007929/1). DC-Cam receives generous support from the US Agency for International Development (USAID). The views expressed in this book are the points of view of the authors only. Include here a copyright statement about the photos used in the booklet. The ones sent by Belfast were from Creative Commons, or were from the authors, except where indicated. Copyright © 2018 by R Killean, R Hickey, L Moffett, D Viejo-Rose & the Documentation Center of Cambodia. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. -
Bombs Over Cambodia
the walrus october 2006 History Bombs Over Cambodia New information reveals that Cambodia was bombed far more heavily during the Vietnam War than previously believed — and that the bombing began not under Richard Nixon, but under Lyndon Johnson story by Taylor Owen and Ben Kiernan mapping by Taylor Owen US Air Force bombers like this B-52, shown releasing its payload over Vietnam, helped make Cambodia one of the most heavily bombed countries in history — perhaps the most heavily bombed. In the fall of 2000, twenty-five years after the end of the war in Indochina, more ordnance on Cambodia than was previously believed: 2,756,941 Bill Clinton became the first US president since Richard Nixon to visit tons’ worth, dropped in 230,516 sorties on 113,716 sites. Just over 10 per- Vietnam. While media coverage of the trip was dominated by talk of cent of this bombing was indiscriminate, with 3,580 of the sites listed as some two thousand US soldiers still classified as missing in action, a having “unknown” targets and another 8,238 sites having no target listed small act of great historical importance went almost unnoticed. As a hu- at all. The database also shows that the bombing began four years earlier manitarian gesture, Clinton released extensive Air Force data on all Amer- than is widely believed — not under Nixon, but under Lyndon Johnson. ican bombings of Indochina between 1964 and 1975. Recorded using a The impact of this bombing, the subject of much debate for the past groundbreaking ibm-designed system, the database provided extensive three decades, is now clearer than ever. -
Gender-Based Violence During the Khmer Rouge Regime
Gender-Based Violence During the Khmer Rouge Regime Stories of survivors from the Democratic Kampuchea (1975-1979) Nakagawa Kasumi March 2008 1 Cover Photo Mrs. LY Vanny, born in 1944 and she was lecturer at Faculty of Khmer Literature and her children; 1. KE Kanpiseth, Born 1966 2. KE Kannika, Born 1967 3. KE Dannine, Born 1969 4. KE Karpraneth, Born 1972 The family was last seen at the end of 1976, in Spean Tren village, Phnom Srok, Battambang province. Mrs. LY Vanny was a first daughter of Mr. LY Kvang Pann, former minister of Justice during Khmer Republic. If somebody knows about this family, please do not hesitate to contact: Ms LY Vichuta e mail: [email protected] English edition first published in July 2007 The first edition was published in the Asia Pacific Year Book of International Humanitarian Law, Volume 2, 2006 Second edition, March 2008 Phnom Penh Cambodia 2 “I tried to protect myself by keeping my legs next to each other, but they forced open them. So I dared not move because I was afraid they would break my legs. I just let them do whatever they wanted to. Only one of them could put his penis inside me. The first man could not because his sexual organ was so big that he could not insert it. The first man said, “Today I couldn‟t succeed, but next time I will make the vagina wider open.” Then, he let the other man have sex with me. After the rape, they said, “If you tell anybody about this story, your whole family will be killed because all of you have been classified as the Angkar‟s enemies already.” - A woman who was 12 years old when she was raped 3 Preface to the second edition It is my honor to present the second edition of Gender-based violence during the Khmer Rouge regime. -
Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide Abby Coomes, Jonathan Dean, Makinsey Perkins, Jennifer Roberts, Tyler Schroeder, Emily Simpson Abstract Indochina Implementation In the 1970s Pol Pot devised a ruthless Cambodian regime Communism in Cambodia began as early as the 1940s during known as the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge adopted a strong the time of Joseph Stalin. Its presence was elevated when Pol Pot sense of nationalism and discriminated against the Vietnamese and became the prime minister and leader of the Khmer Rouge. In 1975, other racial minorities in Cambodia. This form of radical Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge implemented their new government communism led to the Cambodian genocide because the Khmer the Democratic Kampuchea. This government was meant to replace Rouge cleansed the minorities of their culture and committed mass the existing one in every way possible by any means necessary. murder amongst their people in order to establish power. Pol Pot The Khmer Rouge imposed a forced cleansing of Cambodia, both in established the Democratic Kampuchea which forced what he culture and race. This meant that the Cambodian minorities were to called the “New People” to work on the farms and in the factories. be weeded out, tortured, and murdered. This was called the Four The Khmer Rouge went as far as to convert the schools into Year Plan. prisons and destroyed all traces of books and equipment to rid The Khmer Rouge started by separating the minority groups Cambodia of their education system. This project will analyze how within the country. The Khmer Rouge wedged a division between Pol Pot’s regime created systematic racism amongst the the urban and rural populations, categorizing between the “New Cambodian minorities and developed a social hierarchy. -
Reclamation and Regeneration of the Ancient Baray
RECLAMATION AND REGENERATION OF THE ANCIENT BARAY A Proposal for Phimai Historical Park Olmtong Ektanitphong December 2014 Submitted towards the fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Architecture Degree. School of Architecture University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa Doctorate Project Committee Kazi K. Ashraf, Chairperson William R. Chapman, Committee Member Pornthum Thumwimol, Committee Member ACKNOWLEDMENTS I would like to express the deepest appreciation to my committee chair, Professor Kazi K. Ashraf, who has the attitude and the substance of a genius: he continually and convincingly a spirit of adventure in regard to research and the design, and excitement in regard to teaching. Without his guidance and persistent help this dissertation would not have been possible. I would like to thank my committee members, Professor William R. Chapman and Dr. Pornthum Thumwimol, whose work demonstrated to me that concern for archaeological aspects of Khmer and Thai culture. They supported me immensely throughout the period of my dissertation. Their valuable advice and discussions guided me to the end-result of this study. I highly appreciated for their generally being a good uncle and brother as well as a supervisor. In addition, a thank you to the director, archaeologists, academic officers and administration staff at Phimai Historical Park and at the Fine Arts Department of Thailand, who gave me such valuable information and discussion. Specially, thank you to Mr. Teerachat veerayuttanond, my supervisor during internship with The Fine Arts Department of Thailand, who first introduced me to Phimai Town and took me on the site survey at Phimai Town. Last but not least, I would like to thank University of Hawaii for giving me the opportunity for my study research and design. -
Why Did Chinese Call Cambodia Chenla
[email protected] The History of Cambodia from 1st Century to 20th Century [5] Why did Chinese call Cambodia “Chenla[s]”? SLK 05/02/2009 The architectural style of the shrine, which scholars call the pre-Angkorian Khmer style, is the progenitor of the Rolous group of monuments built in the ninth century in the vicinity of Angkor. Today it is still possible to visit the ruins of the two palaces on either side at the foot of the hill. Naga-shaped staircases are attached to the sides of the palaces and rise to the hilltop in the company of enormous trees. Human sacrifices were performed at the temple, ministered at night by the king of Zhenla. SLK v.2 [5] Why did Chinese call Cambodia “Chenla[s]”? Zhenla Period (550-802) THE first classical Chinese text to provide any detailed information on Zhenla is the Sui Annals, written in 627, seventy-seven years after the kingdom became established in 550. The Kingdom of Zhenla is south-west of Linyi (Champa). It was originally a vassal kingdom of Funan. It bordered Chequ on the south. The kingdom of Chu-ch’uang (Red River) on the west, and took six days’ travel by sea from Rinan. The family name of the king was Ch’a-li (Kshtriya); his personal name was She-to-ssu-na [Chitrasena]; his ancestors had gradually increased the power of the country. Chitrasena seized Funan and subdued it. Chitrasena died, and his son, Prince Isanavarman, succeeded him as king. This prince makes his residence in the city of I-she- na (Isanapura), which contains more than twenty thousand families. -
Vietnam at the Khmer Frontier: Boundary Politics, 1802–1847
Vietnam at the Khmer Frontier: Boundary Politics, 1802–1847 Vũ Đức Liêm, Hanoi National University of Education Abstract This article addresses the challenging spatial organization of Nguyễn Vietnam: the binary relationship between civilizational expansion and the construction of a state boundary at the Khmer frontier. It examines the process whereby the Vietnamese moved southwest into the Khmer world and territorialized a contested terrain as part of a civilizational and imperial project. The process employed the state’s administrative infrastructure and cultural institutions to erase ethnic, political, and cultural diversity in the lower Mekong. This article argues that Vietnamese expansion was not simply an attempt to carry out the will of heaven and Confucian cultural responsibility; rather, it was a search for peripheral security and a response to regional competition. In fact, the seesawing between civilizational mission and territorial consolidation confused the Nguyễn bureaucracy with regard to Cambodia’s political and cultural status and affected Hue’s frontier management. As a result, the Vietnam-Cambodia boundary was the object of frequent shifts and negotiations. Only after facing Siamese invasion and experiencing fierce Khmer resistance did the Vietnamese court gradually replace its civilizational perspective with a more practical approach to border management, out of which emerged the modern borderline. Keywords: Nguyễn dynasty, Vietnam-Cambodia boundary, history of cartography, lower Mekong Introduction For the early Nguyễn emperor Gia Long (r. 1802–1820), who emerged victorious from three decades of war following two centuries of division, and his heir, Minh Mệnh (r. 1820–1841), several urgent priorities were to unify Vietnam, extend the reach of the state, and secure the country’s borders, which entailed gaining control over both land and people. -
Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge Views from the Inside
Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge Views from the Inside Content 1 Introduction Ratana Ly 2 Historical Background 3 The ECCC 4 The Different Actor Groups and their Relations to the ECCC 5 Patterns, Dynamics, Drivers of Acceptance and Rejection of the ECCC 6 Conclusion Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge: Views from the Inside Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge: Views from the Inside Ratana Ly1 ‘Justice, peace and democracy are not mutually exclusive objectives, but rather mutually reinforcing imperatives’ (United Nations Secretary General 2004). 1. Introduction Out of Cambodia’s total population of approximately 7 to 8 million, it is estimated that 1.5 to 2 million died of starvation, disease, and execution during the reign of the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime, which lasted from 17 April 1975 to 6 January 1979 (Kiernan 1996, 456-460). Following the fall of the DK (also known as the Khmer Rouge Regime), ‘a truth commission, lustration policies, amnesty programmes, and domestic or international trials were all considered or attempted’ to provide justice and peace for Cambodians (Ciorciari and Heindel 2014, 14). Out of these responses, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), a hybrid court established jointly by Cambodia and the United Nations (UN) is the only internationally recognised judicial mechanism established to address Khmer Rouge crimes.2 The ECCC is, however, the product of a political compromise, resulting from protracted negotiations between the Cambodian government and the UN, whose relationship was characterised by ‘bitter