DOCSLIB.ORG

Performative Socialization in World Politics: Islamism, Secularism, and Democracy in Turkey and Egypt

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Performative Socialization in World Politics: Islamism, Secularism, and Democracy in Turkey and Egypt PERFORMATIVE SOCIALIZATION IN WORLD POLITICS: ISLAMISM, SECULARISM, AND DEMOCRACY IN TURKEY AND EGYPT A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Ismail Yaylaci IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Raymond D. Duvall August 2014 © Ismail Yaylaci, 2014 Acknowledgements This project came into being thanks to the generous support I received from many individuals and institutions. First and foremost, I am indebted to Bud Duvall, my adviser, for his endless support and encouragement. Bud is truly an intellectual role model. The deep respect with which he engages with his students and colleagues and with their work is exceptional. Bud has come to represent excellence in scholarship and teaching for me. Despite his time-demanding administrative duties over the last seven years, he always made me feel his support and always fostered my ideas and questions. I’m so glad and fortunate to have worked with him. I also thank other members of my dissertation committee—Kathleen Collins, Ron Krebs, and Shaden Tageldin. Kathleen contributed to the development of my project from the very beginning. I am also very grateful for her hospitality. The conversations we had over brunch in her house in the freezing Minnesota winter were truly heart-warming. Ron joined my committee in the very last year, but he carefully read every single chapter and gave substantive feedback. His attentive and thoughtful comments always pushed me to make my arguments more clear and compelling. I thank him for joining my committee and for his serious engagement with my work. Shaden’s comments and suggestions were really helpful, and our conversations with her about postcolonial translation and Egyptian politics were invaluable. I am truly grateful for her endorsement and for her signature kindness, respect and generosity. Michael Barnett served in my committee when he was in Minnesota, and I thank him for his initial contribution. I also thank Nancy Luxon, Ajay Skaria, Kathryn Sikkink, and Margaret L. Werry, whose graduate seminars helped me refine my questions and ideas. My friends in the department also commented on different sections of this project in different occasions. I am particularly grateful to the members of our dissertation group and to the participants of the Minnesota International Relations Colloquium (MIRC), including Robert Assadi, Sema Binay, Charmaine Chua, Chase Hobbs-Morgan, Mark Hoffman, Eli Mayerhoff, Haeri Kim, Garnet Kindervater, Quynh N. Pham, David Temin, and Sergio Valverde (a.k.a. Hafez Greenvalley). I am also grateful to Himadeep Muppidi for sharing his insightful comments and suggestions. I also wish to extend my thanks to the participants of the Religion and International Affairs Dissertation Workshop organized by the Social Science Research Council in California in 2011, particularly to Ebrahim Moosa, R. Scott Appleby, Cecelia Lynch, Danilyn Rutherford and Qamar-ul Huda, for their feedback on an earlier iteration of the project. I was convinced to include AK Party into my discussion after Sidney Tarrow’s suggestion at a workshop in Syracuse. I want to thank him for that. I would not be able to conduct fieldwork research or write my dissertation without the financial support I received from multiple institutions. In that vein, I thank the Department of Political Science for providing me with numerous research and teaching i assistantships, Graduate Research Partnership Fellowship, and Andrew Dickinson Summer Research Fellowship. The Interdisciplinary Center for the Study of Global Change (ICGC) not only funded my fieldwork research with a pre-dissertation fieldwork research grant and then a year-long MacArthur Fellowship, but it also became a second home at the university. I also thank the University of Minnesota Graduate School for the Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship, and Meridyen Derneği and İlim Yayma Cemiyeti for travel support they provided at different stages of my doctoral studies. I also want to express my gratitude to Bilim ve Sanat Vakfı (Foundation for Sciences and Arts) in Istanbul for being my scholarly home since my college years. My fieldwork research in Egypt would not have been as productive and enjoyable if it wasn’t for the support and friendship of many truly remarkable people. There is no way I can name all of them here, but I particularly want to express my gratitude to Abdalla Erfan, Tarık Abdulcelil, Abdelrahman Ayyash, Abdelrahman Hosam and many other Egyptian friends for their support and friendship. Hamdi Yıldız was a wonderful neighbor and an experienced guide in Cairo. I will never forget our long conversations with him in the sha‘bi coffeeshop nearby our residence. I also thank Dr. Heba Raouf of the American University in Cairo and Cairo University for letting me participate in her class and for our conversations. Dr. Nadia Moustafa and Dr. Sayf AbdalFattah and the staff of the Center for Civilization Studies and Dialogue of Cultures were all very welcoming and supportive. I thank them all. And I also want to thank Mesut Özcan for his help during my stay in Ankara. Finally, I thank my wife Fatıma Tuba for making this journey meaningful and beautiful. To her and to our little angel Ayşe Hilal I owe the most and to them I dedicate my dissertation. ii Dedication For my wife Fatıma Tuba and our daughter Ayşe Hilal iii Abstract How do norms and discourses travel across cultural difference? How do actors negotiate the constitutive norms of liberal global governance at the juncture of the domestic and the international? This project provides an answer to these questions by developing a performative account of norm socialization and uses this theoretical framework to analyze Islamist negotiations of secularism and democracy in Turkey and Egypt. I suggest that the International Relations scholarship often takes socialization as a pedagogic process in which the non-West is made to transition into the norms of liberal modernity in a hierarchical relationship of authority. In this perspective, actors either socialize into liberal norms or resist them. After identifying the shortcomings of these narratives, I develop a reading that takes socialization as a performative process of cultural translation and norm appropriation. By so doing, I analyze the ways in which norms can be adopted non-normatively—at once inhabited and resisted. I argue that a performative reading enables a more complex understanding of the dynamics of normalization and resistance in socialization. Then I employ this framework to analyze Turkish AK Party’s and Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s negotiation of secularism and democracy by drawing mainly on the data I collected in my fieldwork research in Turkey and Egypt. More specifically, I examine the performative politics of translation and appropriation in the AK Party’s notions of ‘democratic secularism’ and ‘conservative democracy’ and the Muslim Brotherhood’s notions of ‘civil state within an Islamic framework’ and ‘Islamic democracy.’ iv Table of Contents List of Tables ...…………………………………………………………………………..vi Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………....1 Chapter 2: Pedagogic Socialization in International Relations…………………………..23 Chapter 3: Performative Socialization: Cultural Translation and Appropriation of Norms in Liberal Global Governance………………………………………………..82 Chapter 4: AK Party’s ‘Democratic Secularism’ and ‘Conservative Democracy’……..149 Chapter 5: Muslim Brotherhood and ‘Islamic Democracy’: Negotiating Democracy, Secularism and Shari‘a through the Civil State…………………………….236 Chapter 6: Conclusion………………………………………………………………….316 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………....325 v List of Tables Table 1.1. Islamism and Post-Islamism, derived from Asef Bayat (2007)………………13 Table 1.2. Islamic Democracy and Muslim Democracy, derived from Vali Nasr (2005)……………………………………………………………………....................13-14 vi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In his first visit to post-Mubarak Egypt in the September of 2011, the Turkish Prime Minister R. Tayyip Erdoğan, the founder and chairman of the Islamically-oriented Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AK Party, [Justice and Development Party]) which has been in power since 2002, was welcomed with enormous enthusiasm by thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members at the Cairo International Airport in the middle of the night. During his much-publicized visit Erdoğan made a surprising move. When he was asked about his opinions on Egypt after Mubarak, he stated that secularism should not be seen as atheism or irreligiousness, but as guarantor of religious freedoms, and thus should be enshrined in the constitution. These remarks came at the distaste of the Muslim Brotherhood as the latter has long been calling for an Islamic state that implements the principles of shari‘a (Islamic norms and law) as the law of the land. The spokesperson of the Brotherhood, Mahmoud Ghazlan, immediately responded to Erdoğan by accusing him of interfering in Egypt’s internal affairs and by arguing that Turkey’s and Egypt’s conditions and experiences were very different.1 This was indeed an intriguing moment. Here you had Erdoğan, whose party was convicted by the Turkish Constitutional Court in 2008 for ‘becoming a hub for anti- secular activities’ and who himself served a four-months prison sentence in 1999 and was forced to quit his position as the Mayor of Istanbul for an ‘anti-secularist’ public speech, now advocating for secularism in Egypt, whose constitution takes the principles of 1 “Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood Criticizes
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Selected Works of Chokan Valikhanov Selected Works of Chokan Valikhanov
    SELECTED WORKS OF CHOKAN VALIKHANOV CHOKAN OF WORKS SELECTED SELECTED WORKS OF CHOKAN VALIKHANOV Pioneering Ethnographer and Historian of the Great Steppe When Chokan Valikhanov died of tuberculosis in 1865, aged only 29, the Russian academician Nikolai Veselovsky described his short life as ‘a meteor flashing across the field of oriental studies’. Set against his remarkable output of official reports, articles and research into the history, culture and ethnology of Central Asia, and more important, his Kazakh people, it remains an entirely appropriate accolade. Born in 1835 into a wealthy and powerful Kazakh clan, he was one of the first ‘people of the steppe’ to receive a Russian education and military training. Soon after graduating from Siberian Cadet Corps at Omsk, he was taking part in reconnaissance missions deep into regions of Central Asia that had seldom been visited by outsiders. His famous mission to Kashgar in Chinese Turkestan, which began in June 1858 and lasted for more than a year, saw him in disguise as a Tashkent mer- chant, risking his life to gather vital information not just on current events, but also on the ethnic make-up, geography, flora and fauna of this unknown region. Journeys to Kuldzha, to Issyk-Kol and to other remote and unmapped places quickly established his reputation, even though he al- ways remained inorodets – an outsider to the Russian establishment. Nonetheless, he was elected to membership of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society and spent time in St Petersburg, where he was given a private audience by the Tsar. Wherever he went he made his mark, striking up strong and lasting friendships with the likes of the great Russian explorer and geographer Pyotr Petrovich Semyonov-Tian-Shansky and the writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of the Cultural Grounds in Formation and Growth of Ethnic Challenges in Azerbaijan, Iran
    Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies Copyright 2018 2018, Vol. 5, No. 2, 64-76 ISSN: 2149-1291 A Study of the Cultural Grounds in Formation and Growth of Ethnic Challenges in Azerbaijan, Iran Mansour Salehi1, Bahram Navazeni2, Masoud Jafarinezhad3 This study has been conducted with the aim of finding the cultural bases of ethnic challenges in Azerbaijan and tried to provide the desired solutions for managing ethnic diversity in Iran and proper policy making in order to respect the components and the culture of the people towards increasing national solidarity. In this regard, this study investigates the cultural grounds of the formation and growth of ethnic challenges created and will be created after the Constitutional Revolution in Azerbaijan, Iran. Accordingly, the main question is that what is the most influential cultural ground in formation and growth of ethnic challenges in Azerbaijan? Research method was the in-depth interview, which was followed by an interview with 32 related experts, and after accessing all the results obtained, analysis of interview data and quotative analysis performed with in-depth interview. Findings of the research indicate that emphasis on the language of a country, cultural discrimination, and the non- implementation of Article 15 of the Constitution for the abandonment of Turkish speakers with 39% were the most important domestic cultural ground, and the impact of satellite channels in Turkey and Republic of Azerbaijan with 32% and superior Turkish identity in the vicinity of Azerbaijan with 31%, were the most important external grounds in formation and growth of ethnic challenges in Azerbaijan in Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nineteenth-Century Iran
    publications on the near east publications on the near east Poetry’s Voice, Society’s Song: Ottoman Lyric The Transformation of Islamic Art during Poetry by Walter G. Andrews the Sunni Revival by Yasser Tabbaa The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait of an Shiraz in the Age of Hafez: The Glory of Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century a Medieval Persian City by John Limbert by Zeynep Çelik The Martyrs of Karbala: Shi‘i Symbols The Tragedy of Sohráb and Rostám from and Rituals in Modern Iran the Persian National Epic, the Shahname by Kamran Scot Aghaie of Abol-Qasem Ferdowsi, translated by Ottoman Lyric Poetry: An Anthology, Jerome W. Clinton Expanded Edition, edited and translated The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914–1952 by Walter G. Andrews, Najaat Black, and by Gudrun Krämer Mehmet Kalpaklı Izmir and the Levantine World, 1550–1650 Party Building in the Modern Middle East: by Daniel Goffman The Origins of Competitive and Coercive Rule by Michele Penner Angrist Medieval Agriculture and Islamic Science: The Almanac of a Yemeni Sultan Everyday Life and Consumer Culture by Daniel Martin Varisco in Eighteenth-Century Damascus by James Grehan Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, edited by Sibel Bozdog˘an and The City’s Pleasures: Istanbul in the Eigh- Res¸at Kasaba teenth Century by Shirine Hamadeh Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle Reading Orientalism: Said and the Unsaid East by Ehud R. Toledano by Daniel Martin Varisco Britons in the Ottoman Empire, 1642–1660 The Merchant Houses of Mocha: Trade by Daniel Goffman and Architecture in an Indian Ocean Port by Nancy Um Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nine- by Jonathan P.
    [Show full text]
  • Xvi. Yüzyil Anadolusu'nda Oğuz Boylarinin
    Ç.Ü. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Cilt 26, Sayı 3, 2017, Sayfa 45-59 XVI. YÜZYIL ANADOLUSU’NDA OĞUZ BOYLARININ YERLEŞTİKLERİ YERLERİN SANCAKLARA DAĞILIMI Mehibe ŞAHBAZ* ÖZ Coğrafi konumu itibarıyla Anadolu tarihin her safahatında pek çok milletin ilgisini çekmiş ve bu yüzden dolayı da sayısız istilalara sahne olmuştur. Değişik din ve kültürlerin etkisi altında kalmıştır. Ancak bu istila ve kültür değişiklerinden hiç biri XI. yüzyılda başlayan ve Anadolu’nun Türkleşmesi ve İslâmlaşması ile sonuçlanan Oğuz (Türkmen) istilası kadar derin izler bırakamamıştır. Türk’ler tarihte birçok kollara ayrılır, Bu kollardan birisi olan Oğuz (Türkmen) adıyla bilinen kitlenin göç etmesi ve Anadolu’ya yerleşmesi, Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu’ndaki siyasî ve demografik gelişmeleriyle ilgilidir. Bu gelişmeleri daha iyi anlayabilmek için Oğuzların Anadolu’ya gelmeden önceki durumlarına ve Anadolu’ya doğru yönelmelerinin sebeplerine kısada olsa temas etmek gerekir. Göktürk ve Uygur devletlerinin önemli bir unsuru olan Oğuzların boy teşkilatları, Selçuklu ve Osmanlı döneminde hüküm sürdükleri yerlere kültürlerini, gelenek ve göreneklerinin yanı sıra ruhi davranışlarını da getirerek, yerleştikleri bölgelerde mensup oldukları boyun oymağının adıyla anılmaktadırlar. Çalışmamızda Oğuzların Anadolu’ya nereden ve ne sebeple göç ettiğini ele almanın ötesinde başta Anadolu olmak üzere Oğuzların değişik coğrafyaları yurt edinmeleri üzerinde durulmuştur. X. asırdan XVI. asır’a kadar Anadolu’da yaşayan Oğuz boylarına mensup oymakların adlarının sancaklara dağılımını ulaşabildiğimiz kaynakların ışığı altında tespit etmeye çalıştık. Anahtar kelimeler: Oğuz, Türkmen, Boy, Yerleşim, Anadolu 16th CENTURY ANATOLIA OGHUZ TRIBES SETTLED TO STARBOARD OF THE PLACES DISTRIBUTION ABSTRACT Due to its geographical location, Anatolia has attracted many nations at every pace of history, and due to this, countless invasions have been the scene.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Comprehension Skills of Bilingual Children in Turkey
    European Journal of Education Studies ISSN: 2501 - 1111 ISSN-L: 2501 - 1111 Available on-line at: www.oapub.org/edu doi: 10.5281/zenodo.572344 Volume 3 │ Issue 6 │ 2017 READING COMPREHENSION SKILLS OF BILINGUAL CHILDREN IN TURKEY Seher Bayati University of Ordu, Turkey Abstract: This study aims to compare the reading comprehension skills of the bilingual students studying at the 4th Grade of the Primary School with the monolingual students studying at the 4th Grade. With this purpose, 303 students were included from the Black Sea Region, where mainly monolingual students studied and 247 students were included from the Eastern and South-eastern Regions, where bilingual students studied. Furthermore, in order to expand the scope of the research, it was intended to find out the views of class teachers about the reading comprehension skills of bilingual students. So in the research, the mixed method and the parallel pattern converging from the patterns of the mixed method were used. The research result presented a significant difference between the reading comprehension skills of the monolingual 4th grade students from the Black Sea Region and the students from the Eastern and South- eastern Regions. This difference was in favour of the monolingual students. On the other hand, reading comprehension skills of the 4th graders in the Eastern and South- eastern Regions did not significantly differ within itself depending on bilingualism. Keywords: bilingual children, native language, reading comprehension, Turkish, Kurdish, Arabic 1. Introduction The official language and medium of instruction is Turkish in Turkey. According to Article 42 of the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, “No language other than Turkish shall be taught as a mother tongue to Turkish citizens at any institutions of training or education.
    [Show full text]
  • Marat Grebennikov, Concordia University the Puzzle of a Loyal Minority: Why Do Azeris Support the Iranian State? Abstract Ever
    Marat Grebennikov, Concordia University The Puzzle of a Loyal Minority: Why Do Azeris Support the Iranian State? Abstract Ever since its inception, the state of Iran has been pressed with the challenge of integrating the multiple ethnic identities that make up its plural society. Of a population exceeding 70 million, only 51% belongs to the Persian majority, while the single largest minority group are the Azeris numbering nearly 25 million (24%). In contrast to a number of other minorities like the Kurds and the Baluchis, the Azeris have shown loyalty to the Iranian state to the surprise of foreign scholars (Shaffer 2002, 2006). They have done so even in spite of a number of potentially favourable political and economic conditions that could support the realization of national aspirations. The paper addresses this puzzle: why, against seemingly favourable odds, Iranian Azeris have refrained from asserting their national ambitions and joining their newly independent kin north of the border? In an attempt to solve this puzzle, the paper will examine the triadic relationship among the Azeri minority in Iran, their home state (Iran), and their kin state (Azerbaijan). Although the Azeris constitute the titular majority in the Republic of Azerbaijan (91%), their articulation of national identity has diverged sharply from that of their kin brethren in Iran. Drawing on the works of Brubaker (2000, 2009), James (2001, 2006), Horowitz (1985), Saideman (2007, 2008) and Laitin (1998, 2007), the paper explores the hypothesis that the main reason for Azeri loyalty is the consistent and successful cooptation of the Azeri leadership into political and economic elite by the Iranian state.
    [Show full text]
  • Sinai Conflict Analysis
    Helpdesk Report Sinai Conflict Analysis Iffat Idris University of Birmingham 02. 03. 2017 Question What does the literature indicate about the current conflict dynamics in the Sinai region of Egypt, including key actors, proximate and structural causes, dynamics and triggers, and opportunities for peace and institutional resilience? Contents 1. Overview 2. Sinai conflict 3. Structural causes 4. Proximate causes 5. Looking ahead 6. References 1. Overview The Sinai conflict has been underway since 2011 and has become progressively more intense and violent, fuelled by localised grievances as well as wider regional developments (Hart, 2016). The key actors involved are militant jihadist groups, local Bedouin tribes and the Egyptian government/military; others such as Israel, Gaza and the Multinational Forces and Observers (MFO) have varying influence on the conflict. This report looks at these actors, the underlying and proximate causes of the conflict and opportunities for peace. The literature reviewed largely comprised newspaper, magazine and think-tank articles rather than academic journals. More research is needed on militant groups involved in the conflict and on their relationship with Bedouin tribes. Key messages . Conflict caused by Egyptian neglect of Bedouin needs: The major underlying cause of the conflict is Bedouin anger at the Egyptian state’s long-standing economic, social and political policies which serve to discriminate against and marginalise the Bedouin. The K4D helpdesk service provides brief summaries of current research, evidence, and lessons learned. Helpdesk reports are not rigorous or systematic reviews; they are intended to provide an introduction to the most important evidence related to a research question. They draw on a rapid desk-based review of published literature and consultation with subject specialists.
    [Show full text]
  • The Oghuz Turks of Anatolia
    THE OGHUZ TURKS OF ANATOLIA İlhan ŞAHİN The migration and settlement of Oghuz groups, who were also known as Turkmens in Anatolia, were closely related with the political and demographic developments in the Great Seljuk Empire. But in order to understand these developments better, it would be reasonable to dwell first a little on the conditions under which the Oghuz groups lived before migrating to Anatolia, and look to the reasons behind their inclination towards Anatolia. The Oghuz groups, who constituted an important part of the Göktürk and Uygur states, lived along the banks of the Sır Darya River and on the steppes lying to the north of this river in the first half of the tenth century1. Those were nomadic people, and they made a living out of stock breeding, so they needed summer pastures and winter quarters on which they had to raise their animals and survive through cold winter days comfortably. In addition to them, there were sedentary Oghuz groups. In those days, the sedentary Oghuz groups were called "yatuk"2 which means lazy. This indicates that leading a nomadic life was more favorable then. Although most of the Oghuz groups led a nomadic life, they did have a certain political and social structure and order. There are various views about the meaning of the word “Oghuz”, and according to dominant one among them, the word means “tribes”, and “union of tribes” or “union of relative tribes”3. So, in other words, the word had organizational and structural connotations in the political and social sense. The Oghuz groups, consisting of a number of different boys or tribes, can be examined in two main groups since the earlier periods in the most classical age of Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946)
    Revista Humanidades ISSN: 2215-3934 [email protected] Universidad de Costa Rica Costa Rica Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Soleimani Amiri, PhD. Mohammad Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Revista Humanidades, vol. 10, no. 1, 2020 Universidad de Costa Rica, Costa Rica Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=498060395015 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15517/h.v10i1.39936 Todos los derechos reservados. Universidad de Costa Rica. Esta revista se encuentra licenciada con Creative Commons. Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 3.0 Costa Rica. Correo electrónico: [email protected]/ Sitio web: http: //revistas.ucr.ac.cr/index.php/humanidades This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 International. PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative PhD. Mohammad Soleimani Amiri. Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Desde las ciencias sociales, la filosofía y la educación Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Partido Demócrata de Azerbaiyán: altibajos (1945-1946) PhD. Mohammad Soleimani Amiri DOI: https://doi.org/10.15517/h.v10i1.39936 University of Sapienza, Italia Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? [email protected] id=498060395015 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0554-6964 Received: 19 June 2019 Accepted: 23 November 2019 Abstract: Democratic Party of Azerbaijan's movement is one of the most important events in the history of Iran and the world. It was for the first time in the history of Iran that a political party seriously stressed the issue of autonomy. In addition, this movement as liberation movement prioritized several decisive and fundamental reform.
    [Show full text]
  • Dulkadiroğlu Beyliği Alâüddevle Bey Dönemi (1480- 1515) Safevi - Osmanli Ilişkilerine Bir Bakiş
    DULKADİROĞLU BEYLİĞİ ALÂÜDDEVLE BEY DÖNEMİ (1480- 1515) SAFEVİ - OSMANLI İLİŞKİLERİNE BİR BAKIŞ Vural KÖKER Araştırmacı/Tarih Öğretmeni, Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı Kahramanmaraş, [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0001-6521-0752 Özet Dulkadir Beyliğini 1480-1515 yılları arasında yöneten, beyliğin en kudretli hükümdarı Alâüddevle Bozkurt Bey dönemi Dulkadir Beyliği tarihi açısından gerek siyasi olayları yönünden gerekse sosyal ve kültürel özellikleri yönünden oldukça önemlidir. Süleyman Bey’in çocuklarından biri olan Alaüddevle Bozkurt Bey 1480-1515 yılları arasında yaklaşık 36 yıl Dulkadirli tahtında kalır. Hükümdarlığı boyunca Beyliğin bağımsızlığı ve sınırlarını genişletmek için mücadele etmektedir. Alaüddevle Bey, Osmanlı ve Safevi devletlerinin kuvvetini çok iyi bilmektedir. Bu iki güçlü devletin mücadele ettiği alan haline gelen beyliğinin topraklarını korumaya çalışmıştır. Bununla birlikte, 14. Yüzyılın sonlarında Akkoyunlu Devletinin yıkılma sürecine girmesiyle Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgesinde beyliğin sınırlarını genişletme politikası izlemiştir. Ancak 15. Yüzyıldan başlarında bölgede Safevi Devletinin kurulması itibaren Dulkadirli toprakları ve Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgesi Osmanlı Safevi rekabetinin odaklandığı bir bölge olmuş, bu nedenden Osmanlı ve Safevi Devletleri Dulkadir Beyliği’ni birbirlerine karşı himaye etmek isteyerek bölgede etkili olmaya çalışmışlardır. Böyle bir çalışma yapmaktaki amacımız Alaüddevle Bey döneminde Dulkadir Beyliğinin Doğu Anadolu Bölgesindeki faaliyetleri ile Osmanlı ve Safevilerle olan ilişkelirini objektif ve ayrıntılı bir şekilde incelemeye çalışmaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Dulkadir Beyliği, Alaüddevle Bey, Osmanlı, Safevi. DULKADİROĞLU BEYLİĞİ ALÂÜDDEVLE BEY PERIOD (1480- 1515) AN OVERVIEW OF THE SAFEVI - OTTOMAN RELATIONS Abstract The period of the most powerful ruler of the principality, Alaüddevle Bozkurt, who ruled the Dulkadir Principality between 1480-1515, is very important in terms of the history of the Dulkadir Principality, both in terms of political events and social and cultural characteristics.
    [Show full text]
  • Asirtmali Aba Wrestling in Turkish Sports History and Culture
    Turkish Journal of Sport and Exercise www.turksportexe.org Year: 2013 - Volume: 15 - Issue: 3 - Pages: 48-55 ISSN: 2147-5652 Asirtmali Aba Wrestling in Turkish sports history and culture H. Murat SAHIN School of Physical Education and Sports, Batman University, Batman, Turkey. Address correspondence to H. Murat Sahin, [email protected]. Abstract Aşırtmalı Aba Wrestling, which is one of the wrestling types that is made with wearing clothes, expresses itself as an outward reflection of spiritual and physical needs of people as a whole both in previous times and today. It also faces us as a cultural accumulation of Turkish people in their daily lives and values within social dimensions. In other words, practicing wrestling in times when Turks have lived in Central Asia has grown out of the need for the unity of spiritual sentiments and thoughts with body by remaining bound to their living standards and cultural norms of those times. In this research the traditional wrestling of Turks, aşırtmalı aba wrestling, which is performed in Gaziantep, has been analyzed with its historical background, clothing, rules and techniques. In the research, terminologies have been noticed which originated from aşırtmalı aba wrestling and gradually gained technical meanings and contributed to the enrichment of the language. Aşırtmalı aba wrestling receives its name from clothing made by aba, a loose-fitting garment woven of camel or goat hair, which pehlivan, a wrestler of Turkish traditional wrestling, has worn as well as from technical term called ‘el aşırma’, an act performed by the attacker to grab the belt of his opponent in the back by moving his hand over opponent’s shoulder and reaching his hand to opponent’s belt in the back.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ethnic Question in Iran Author(S): Kaveh Bayat Source: Middle East Report, No
    The Ethnic Question in Iran Author(s): Kaveh Bayat Source: Middle East Report, No. 237 (Winter, 2005), pp. 42-45 Published by: Middle East Research and Information Project Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30042475 . Accessed: 02/10/2011 17:05 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Middle East Research and Information Project is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Middle East Report. http://www.jstor.org The Ethnic Question in Iran Kaveh Bayat A cafe in Kurdistanprovince, Iran, in the 19808. MICHELSETBOUN/CORBIS ran is not a Persianmonolith, as it is often portrayed.Ow- Out of this mix of linguistic and religious groups, how- ing to wavesof migrationand foreigninvasion over its long ever, only a few have been designated as "minority" or I history, the Iranianplateau has become home to a diverse "ethnic."These are the Azeris, the Turkish-speakingShi'a in assortment of people speaking a range of languagesand ad- the northwestern province of Azerbaijan; the Sunni Turk- hering to numerouscreeds. The "Iranian"languages spoken in men of the northeast; the mostly Sunni Kurds; the Arabs Iraninclude Persian,Kurdish, Luri, Gilaki, Mazandarani,Tat of Khuzestan; and the Baluch of the southeastern province and Talish.
    [Show full text]