2014 Global Peace Index
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GEF/E/C.59/01 November 11, 2020 59th GEF Council December 7-10, 2020 Virtual Meeting Agenda Item 09 EVALUATION OF GEF SUPPORT IN FRAGILE AND CONFLICT-AFFECTED SITUATIONS (Prepared by the Independent Evaluation Office of the GEF) Recommended Council Decision The Council, having reviewed document GEF/E/C.59/01, Evaluation of GEF Support in Fragile and Conflict- Affected Situations, and the Management Response, endorses the following recommendations: 1. The GEF Secretariat should use the project review process to provide feedback to Agencies to identify conflict and fragility-related risks to a proposed project and develop measures to mitigate those risks. 2. To improve conflict-sensitive programming while also providing flexibility to Agencies and projects, the GEF Secretariat could develop guidance for conflict-sensitive programming. 3. To improve conflict-sensitive design, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of GEF projects, the GEF Secretariat together with the Agencies should leverage existing platforms for learning, exchange, and technical assistance. 4. The current GEF Environmental and Social Safeguards could be expanded to provide more details so that GEF projects address key conflict-sensitive considerations. 5. The GEF Secretariat could consider revising its policies and procedures so that GEF-supported projects can better adapt to rapid and substantial changes common in fragile and conflict-affected situations ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................................................... -
French Foreign Aid Policies in Côte D'ivoire
French foreign aid policies in Côte d’Ivoire: a continuance of colonial legacies and a cause for the Ivorian state’s legitimacy deficit During and after the First Ivorian Civil War and the Second Ivorian Civil War Name: Anke Besseling Student number: 11013729 Course: Foreign Aid, Development and the Politics of Legitimation in Africa Readers: Dr. Michael Onyebuchi Eze & dr. Sebastian Krapohl Date: 24 June 2019 Word count: 8714 words Source: Ballouhey 2010. Table of contents Introduction 3 Literature review 5 Theoretical framework 8 Methodology 13 Data: case description of Côte d’Ivoire 14 Analysis 18 Conclusion 23 Bibliography 24 2 Introduction The cartoon from 2010 on the title page of this thesis represents French president Nicolas Sarkozy choosing between two Ivorian ‘products’: presidential candidates Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara. France indeed chose one of the two ‘products’: that is, France chose to support Ouattara over Gbagbo. France even helped Ouattara’s forces to arrest Gbagbo on 11 April in 2011. As a result, Ouattara became president of Côte d’Ivoire in 2011. ‘Le France Afrique march encore…’ stands for unequal and exploitative economic relationships between France and (former) French African colonies, which are assumed to still be in place. The term France Afrique was first used in 1955 by the former president of Côte d’Ivoire, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, to describe these ‘good’ economic relationships. That is to say, the France Afrique community received a privileged economic status in France and Europe, France protected African regimes, offered aid packages and supplied African elite leaders with European consumer goods (Bovcon 2009: 283 – 284). -
Behavior and Prediction in Cˆote D'ivoire
Violence and cell phone communication: Behavior and prediction in Coteˆ d’Ivoire Daniel Berger∗1, Shankar Kalyanaramany2, and Sera Linardiz3 1Department of Government, University of Essex 2Department of Computer Science, New York University 3Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh November 12, 2014 Abstract We investigate the relationship between low-level incidents of political violence and com- munication patterns seven months after the 2012 Ivorian Civil War using network traffic from all of Orange Telecom’s Coteˆ d’Ivoire cell towers and 500,000 randomly sampled cell phone subscribers. We first show that in the days preceding small violent incidents, mobile phone call volumes increase by 10% and the number of cell phones that are active increases by 6%, while the length of average calls decreases by 4%. These unique communication patterns at- tenuate as the distance from violence increase and strengthen when incidents with no fatalities are excluded. We then use machine learning techniques to explore whether these changes can predict the day of violent events at the cell tower level. The addition of cell phone data to base models appear to improve our ability to predict violent events at very fine spatial and temporal resolution. JEL-Classification: C53, C55, D74 D83, D84, N37 ∗[email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 1 Introduction Does communication behavior change immediately before and after violence? Intuitively, we almost certainly believe so. Whether it is general chatter surrounding rising tensions, plotters conspiring, victims calling for help, confused onlookers searching for understanding, or relatives calling to check on their loved ones afterwards, the behavior of people in proximity to violence is likely different from their behavior in general. -
The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea
https://doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4564.59-72 The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea Muhammad Sandy Ilmi Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, Indonesia, [email protected] ABSTRACT What started as a movement to demand a distributive justice in mining revenue in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, the conflict turned into the struggle for secession. From 1970’s the demand for secession have been rife and despite early agreement for more autonomy and more mining revenue for the autonomous region, the demand never faded. Under Francis Ona’s Bougainville Revolutionary Army, the movement take a new heights. Bougainville Revolutionary Army took coercive measure to push the government to acknowledge their demands by taking over the mine at Panguna. Papua New Guinean government response was also combative and further exacerbate the issue. Papua New Guinean Defense Force involvement adding the issue of human rights into the discourse. This paper will seek to analyze the normative question surrounding the legitimacy of the right to secession in Bougainville Island. The protracted conflict has halted any form of development in the once the most prosperous province of Papua New Guinea and should Bougainville Island become independent, several challenges will be waiting for Bougainvilleans. Keywords: Bougainville secession; Papua New Guinea conflict; mining injustice; human rights violation ABSTRAK Berawal dari bentuk perlawanan untuk mencapai keadilan dalam pembagian keuntungan dari sektor pertambangan, kemudian berubah menjadi perjuangan untuk memisahkan diri dari Papua Nugini. Sejak 1970an, dukungan untuk pemisahan diri telah mendominasi diskursus politik di Bougainville dan walaupun perjanjian sempat tercapai, keinginan untuk pemisahan diri tidak pernah padam. -
25 Years of Building Peace
25 YEARS OF BUILDING PEACE Annual Review 2019 Conflict is difficult, complex and political. The world ABOUT urgently needs to find different ways to respond. Conciliation Resources is an international organisation CONCILIATION committed to stopping violent conflict and creating more peaceful societies. We work with people impacted by war RESOURCES and violence, bringing diverse voices together to make change that lasts. We connect the views of people on the ground with political processes, and share experience and expertise so others can find creative responses to conflict. We make peace possible. OUR VISION OUR VALUES Our vision is to transform the way the COLLABORATION world resolves violent conflict so that people work together to build peaceful We work in partnership to tackle and inclusive societies. violence, exclusion, injustice and inequality. OUR PURPOSE CREATIVITY Our purpose is to bring people together We are imaginative and resourceful to find creative and sustainable paths in how we influence change. to peace. CHALLENGE We are not afraid to face difficult conversations and defy convention. COMMITMENT We are dedicated and resilient in the long journey to lasting peace. 2 | CONCILIATION RESOURCES WELCOME I am proud to share Conciliation Resources’ 2019 Annual Review, which marks our 25th year. We started out with two second hand computers and a vision to support people working to bring peace to their war-torn societies. We have grown into an organisation of over 60 skilled and committed staff, with a network of more than 80 partners, that is integrated into a global community of peer organisations – people who every day make building better peace a reality. -
Challenges to Economic Growth in Post-Conflict Environments
CHALLENGES TO ECONOMIC GROWTH IN POST-CONFLICT ENVIRONMENTS NEW TRENDS IN HUMAN CAPITAL LOSS, AID EFFECTIVENESS, AND TRADE LIBERALIZATION Jonathan D. Brandon Tutor: Xavier Fernández Pons Treball Final de Màster Màster d’Internacionalització Facultat d'Economia i Empresa Universitat de Barcelona Abril 2018 Abstract: The UNDP estimates that 526,000 people die each year as a result of violent conflict, making conflict deterrence a top priority for the international community. Immediately following a major conflict, countries that stagnate in economic growth have a 40% risk of conflict recurrence, yet those who successfully maintain high economic growth see their risk reduced to 25%. Due to this, stimulating growth should be a top priority in any economic reconstruction model. This paper aims to measure the effectiveness and efficiency of selected stimulants of economic growth: foreign direct investment, trade and financial liberalization, developmental assistance, and humanitarian aid. The subsequent macroeconomic responses are evaluated throughout the sample of 30 conflicts terminated between 1989 and 2014. This paper also explores the social and economic impacts of conflict and violence and develops a new indicator, the Human Capital Loss index, to quantify conflict intensity levels within the sample. Post-conflict countries require strong surges of investment, aid, and debt relief immediately following war, and those in the low income country (LIC) grouping require substantially greater efforts on the part of the international community -
West Africa: Regional Context and Susceptibility to Criminal Economies – 31
2. WEST AFRICA: REGIONAL CONTEXT AND SUSCEPTIBILITY TO CRIMINAL ECONOMIES – 31 Chapter 2. West Africa: Regional context and susceptibility to criminal economies This chapter reviews the key characteristics of the West African region that are relevant both to understanding the growth of criminal economies, and their interactions with citizens and the state. These issues include the development and demographic status of West African countries, and the dynamics of the region’s economy and trade. The chapter provides an overview of the region’s governance and democracy, and highlights salient features of its peace and security, or instability. Taken together, these characteristics impact on the way criminality develops in the region. Consequently, they are relevant for developing responses to criminality and illicit financial flows, and working to mitigate the impact of these factors on development. ILLICIT FINANCIAL FLOWS: THE ECONOMY OF ILLICIT TRADE IN WEST AFRICA © OECD 2018 32 – 2. WEST AFRICA: REGIONAL CONTEXT AND SUSCEPTIBILITY TO CRIMINAL ECONOMIES Introduction This report focuses on West Africa and the 15 countries covered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS): Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo. ECOWAS brings these countries together around the shared commitment to build a “borderless, peaceful, prosperous and cohesive region, built on good governance” (ECOWAS, 2011). This commitment recognises that owing to a range of systemic factors, West African nations and peoples are uniquely bound together, with highly homogenous societies and interwoven, complementary economies. As borders between these states are highly porous, freedom of movement and trade sits at the cornerstone of a shared understanding of resilience, economic growth and development. -
'The Bougainville Conflict: a Classic Outcome of the Resource-Curse
The Bougainville conflict: A classic outcome of the resource-curse effect? Michael Cornish INTRODUCTION Mismanagement of the relationship between the operation of the Panguna Mine and the local people was a fundamental cause of the conflict in Bougainville. It directly created great hostility between the people of Bougainville and the Government of Papua New Guinea. Although there were pre-existing ethnic and economic divisions between Bougainville and the rest of Papua New Guinea, the mismanagement of the copper wealth of the Panguna Mine both exacerbated these existing tensions and provided radical Bougainvilleans an excuse to legitimise the pursuit of violence as a means to resolve their grievances. The island descended into anarchy, and from 1988 to 1997, democracy and the rule of law all but disappeared. Society fragmented and economic development reversed as the pillage and wanton destruction that accompanied the conflict took its toll. Now, more than 10 years since the formal Peace Agreement1 and over 4 years since the institution of the Autonomous Bougainville Government, there are positive signs that both democracy and development are repairing and gaining momentum. However, the untapped riches of the Panguna Mine remain an ominous issue that will continue to overshadow the region’s future. How this issue is handled will be crucial to the future of democracy and development in Bougainville. 1 Government of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea and Leaders representing the people of Bougainville, Bougainville Peace Agreement , 29 August 2001 BACKGROUND Bougainville is the name of the largest island within the Solomon Islands chain in eastern Papua New Guinea, the second largest being Buka Island to its north. -
Counterinsurgency in a Test Tube
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Counterinsurgency in a Test Tube Analyzing the Success of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) Russell W. Glenn Prepared for the United States Joint Forces Command Approved for public release; distribution unlimited NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE The research described in this report was prepared for the United States Joint Forces Command. -
Ethnic Conflict in Papua New Guinea
Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 49, No. 1, April 2008 ISSN 1360-7456, pp12–22 Ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea Benjamin Reilly Centre for Democratic Institutions, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia. Email: [email protected] Abstract: On many measures of ethno-linguistic diversity, Papua New Guinea is the most frag- mented society in the world. I argue that the macro-level political effect of this diversity has been to reduce, rather than increase, the impact of ethnic conflict on the state. Outside the Bougainville conflict, and (to a lesser extent) the recent upsurge of violence in the Southern Highlands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea have not presented a threat to national government. In contrast to most other ethnically diverse societies, the most consequential impacts of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea are at the local level. This paper therefore examines the disparate impacts of local- and national-level forms of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea. Keywords: diversity, elections, ethnic conflict, Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea combines two unusual fea- impact of ethnic conflict on the state. The reason tures which should make it a case of special for this is relatively straightforward: outside the interest to scholars of ethnicity and ethnic con- Bougainville conflict and (to a lesser extent) the flict. First, it boasts one of the developing recent upsurge of violence in the Southern High- world’s most impressive records of democratic lands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea longevity, with more than 40 years of continu- have not presented a threat to national govern- ous democratic elections, all of them chara- ment. -
2012-2013 National Peace Essay Contest
2012-2013 National Peace Essay Contest Womanhood in Peacemaking: Taking Advantage of Unity through Cultural Roles for a Successful Gendered Approach in Conflict Resolution by Bo Yeon Jang Overseas United States Institute of Peace page 1 / 11 2012-2013 National Peace Essay Contest "Womanhood in Peacemaking: Taking Advantage of Unity through Cultural Roles for a Successful Gendered Approach in Conflict Resolution" In January 1998, 50 women from opposing sides of the Bougainville Conflict successfully presented a female perspective in the negotiations of the Lincoln Agreement.[1] Consistent participation of women helped establish a permanent peace through collectively using their roles in society for unified initiatives. Conversely, Cote d’Ivoire failed to achieve resolution for its 2002 civil war[2]. Though Cote d’Ivoire struggled for a gendered approach to peacemaking, polarization around ethnicity and perceived deviation from cultural roles hindered its effectiveness. Inclusion of women in peacemaking was attempted in both the Bougainville Conflict and the First Ivorian Civil War, but their relative successes were determined significantly by the degree of unity in gendered actions and deference to cultural norms. These two cases show that gender inclusion contributes greatly to peacemaking processes and is essential to sustainable conflict resolution. Bougainville is an autonomous region of Papua New Guinea which completed its weapons disposal program and held a transparent first election in May 2005[3], finally stepping into long-term stability. From 1989 to 1998, a violent conflict sparked by mining rights between the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) and the Papua New Guinea Defense Forces (PNGDF) raged in the region, leaving over 15,000 dead[4]. -
Beyond Greed and Grievance: Policy Lessons from Studies in the Political Economy of Armed Conflict
International Peace Academy Program on Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (EACW) Beyond Greed and Grievance: Policy Lessons from Studies in the Political Economy of Armed Conflict IPAPolicy Report Karen Ballentine and Heiko Nitzschke October 2003 About the EACW Program Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (EACW) Senior Associate: Karen Ballentine [email protected] Senior Program Officer: Heiko Nitzschke [email protected] Program Officer: Kaysie Studdard [email protected] Duration: September 2000 – December 2003 Initiated in September 2000, the EACW program follows from a conference held in London in 1999, which produced the seminal volume, Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, Mats Berdal and David M. Malone (eds.) (Lynne Rienner, 2000). The program addresses the critical issue of how the economic agendas of armed factions sustain violent conflict and inhibit durable peace, while also assessing the role of globalization in creating new opportunities for combatants to finance their military operations. This hitherto under-developed field of research holds particular promise of policy relevance for those international and national actors seeking more effective strategies for both conflict prevention and conflict termination. Beginning with an overall commitment to durable conflict resolution, the broad aims of the program are: • to improve understanding of the political economy of civil wars through a focused analysis of the economic behaviors of competing factions, their followers, and external economic actors in