The Chulyms and Their Language. an Attempt at a Description of Chulym Phonetics and Nominal Morphology*

Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları 11 (2001): 75-123

The Chulyms and Their Language. An Attempt at a Description of Chulym Phonetics and Nominal Morphology*

Marzanna Pomorska (Krakôw)

1 Introduction; 2 Chulym in the classijication of Turkic languages; 3 References and abbreviations; 4 Alphabet and transcription; S Phonology: S.l Vowels; S.2 Consonants; 6 Nominal morphology: 6.1 Declension; 6.2 Plural; 6.3 Possessivity; 6.4 Pronouns; 6.S Numerals; 7 Texts.

1 Introduction 1.1 Chulym is a Turkic language spoken in the basİn of the Chulym River, a tributary of the Ob River (the Tomsk and Kemerovo Provinces and the Achinsk and Birilyussy Regions of Krasnoyar Krai) in the neighbourhood of Shor and Kyzyl-Khakas in the South, Ob-Tatar and Lower-Tom Turkic (Kalmak, Chat) in the West and Selkup in the North. According to O. Pritsak: "Ihre [i.e. the Chulyms '] Zahl betrug im lahre 1897 11125 Seelen [... ]. Da nach A. P. Dul 'zon (Angaben aus den lahren 1946-1950) die jüngere Generation durchweg Russisch spricht und das Culymische nur passiv beherrscht, hat man mit dem baldigen Aussterben dieses türkischen Idioms zu rechnen." (ÇT 622). Ivanov (1928) stated only 41 families speaking Lower-Chulym (ÇTYa 447). According to the newest sources, in the early 1950s, only ca. 250 Chulyms were living in the area of LÇ but İn the early 1990s, only two persons were speaking Lower-Chulym (Alekseev 1991: 5). The Turkic population living there is nowadays practicaly totally Russified (ibid. 6). In the 1970s, the Middle-Chulyms numbered ca. 750 people, together

* i am very much indebted to M. Stachowski for his comments and discussions on this paper.

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 76 MARZANNAPOMORSKA with the population living in Krasnoyarskiy Krai (ibid. 4). Most of them were bilingual. In 1979, 388 of them regarded MÇ as their mother-tongue, while 281 of them regarded Russian as a mother-tongue (ibid.). 1.2 Chulym has no literary form, its dialects and subdialects (Russ. govory) are as follows: 1.2.a the Lower-Chulym dialect (= LÇ!) with its subdialects Yachi (= Y ç.), Yezhi (= Yj.) and Turgay (= Tg.), described mainly by A. P. Dul'zon (Dul'zon 1966, Dul'zon 1973) and R. Biryukovich (Biryukovich 1984); 1.2.b the Middle-Chulym dialect (= MÇ) with its subdialects Melet (= M) and Tutal (= T), described by R. Biryukovich (Biryukovich 1979). The border line between LÇ and MÇ connects the villages Perevoz [with its so called Chibinskiy subdialect (= Çib.)] and Koldaevo; 1.2.e Küerik (= K), lexical material has been collected by W. Radloff (Radloff 1868, Radloff 1893-1911); 1.2.d Ketsik, we have no lexical materials of it at our command. The dialects of çul. differ from each other phonetically (cf. 5.2.2); morphologically (cf. e.g. 6.1.5; 6.1.7) and lexically, e.g. MÇ aday 'dog' vs. LÇ it id. (ÇTYa 465), K it id. (VTD i 1498); MÇ keme 'boat' (ZS 136), K keme id. (VTD II 1205) vs. LÇ kayuk id. (DGÇ 22), for some other exarnples see ÇTYa 465. 1.3 Chulym lexical material used as the basis for our present study has been collected from works of W. Radloff (cf. PVT and VTD in References), two papers by A. P. Dul' zon (cf. ÇTYa and DGÇ), two monographs and one paper by R. M. Biryukovich (cf. LÇT, SÇÇ and ZS) and one paper by O. Pritsak (cf. ÇT). Although our collection of sources of çul. lexical material has been newly enriched by a two-part monograph by Biryukovich: Morfologiya chulymsko-tyurkskogo yazyka, part I: Moskva 1979, part II: Saratov 1981 and some other papers of hers, we were not able to use them in our present study. For the difficulties in the use of the lexical material presented in the above mentioned sources compare e.g. 5.1.1.a, 5.1.2; Pomorska 1.2, 1.3.

2 Chulym in the Classification of Turkk Languages Let us survey here the c1assificatory phonetic features used by T. Tekin in his c1assification of Turkic languages (cf. Tekin 1991: 11):

For the transcriptian used in abbreviatians and cİtatians see § 4.

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ THE CHULYMS AND THEIR LANGUAGE 77

2.1 çuv. r vs. eTu. z and çuv. i vs. eTu. ş: as eTu., all çul. dialects indicate z (i.e. word-final s, cf. 5.2.4.a, j), e.g. MÇ kıs 'girl' (LÇT 77); K semis 'fat' (VTD IV 510); LÇ tarus 'nine' (ÇTYa 451) and ş, e.g. LÇ kış 'winter' (ibid. 448); K taş 'stone' (PVT 699); MÇ peş 'five' (ZS 12). 2.2 HaL. h- vs. eTu. 0-: all çul. dialects belong to the latter group, e.g. ayak (cf. 2.3.1; 2.3.2). 2.3 The correspondences of OT İntervocalic -0- (cf. Tekin/Ölmez 1995: 62ff.; Schönig 1998: 404): 2.3.1 LÇ -y-, e.g. ayak 'foot' (ÇTYa 465), cf. Kum. ayak id. (Baskakov 1972: 198); LÇ kuyruk 'tail' (ÇTYa 447), cf. Tuba kuyruk id. (Baskakov 1966: 132), Kon. kayruk id. (Tekin/Ölmez 1995: 62); LÇ kayıl) 'birch' (ÇTYa 465), cf. Tuba kayıl) id. (Baskakov 1966: 122); The alternation -y- '" -z- in the space of LÇ (but different subdialects) is worth mentioning, e.g. Yj. iyer'" Y ç. ezer 'saddIe' (DGÇ 22); Yj. kuyuruk '" Yç. kuzruk 'tail' (ibid.); 2.3.2 MÇ -z-, e.g. azak 'foot' (ZS 137); kuzuruk 'tail' (ibid. 99), cf. Mr. kuzuruk id. (Tekin/Ölmez 1995: 62); kazıl) 'birch' (ÇTYa 465); 2.3.3 The situation in K is much more complicated. In some cases we observe -y- (cf. 2.3.1), e.g. ayak 'wine-cup; bowI' (PVT 700; VTD i 201); aygır 'stallion' (VTD i 15) but in some other cases -z- (cf. 2.3.2), e.g. ezer 'saddIe' (PVT 703; VTD i 892); pözük 'high' (PVT 703). The -y- '" -z altemation is recorded, too, e.g. ayak 'foot' (VTD i 202) '" azak id. (PVT 700); yayıg 'on foot' (VTD III 76) '" yazag id. (PVT 693); kuyruk 'tail' (VTD II 891) '" kuzuruk id. (PVT 705). 2.4 The correspondences of OT fina! -ıg in polysyllabic words: all çul. dialects preserve, as a rule, -ıg (cf. Menges 1955: 117) (cf. 5.2.4.b), e.g. K tüklüğ 'hairy' (VTD III 1533), MÇ tüktüg 'wollen' (ZS 125), cf. Tuv. düktüg id. (Tenishev 1968: 187); MÇ sarıy 'yellow' (ZS 41); LÇ ayıy 'bear' (LÇT 5), but LÇ ayu id. (ibid. 27), cf. Kum. ayug ""' ayu id. (Baskakov 1972: 199); K ulug 'big, great' (PVT 697), cf. Kum. ulug '" ulu id. (Baskakov 1972: 262); LÇ atsıy 'bitter' (LÇT 9), cf. Tuv. ajıg id. (Tenishev 1968: 40). 2.5 The correspondences of OT -ag İn monosyllabic words: all çul. dialects preserve, as arule, -ag (cf. Menges 1955: 117), e.g. MÇpay'rope' (ZS 86), cf. Tuba pag id. (Baskakov 1966: 143); K tag 'mountain' (PVT 699), cf. Tuv. dag id. (Tenishev 1968: 140); K yağ 'oil; fat' (VTD III 39), cf. Tuv. çag 'fat' (Tenishev 1968: 506); MÇ çay- 'to rain', in: suy cayaltır 'it is going to rain' (ÇTYa 461), cf. Kum. çag- 'to rain' (Baskakov 1972: 265).

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2.6 The correspondences of OT t-: all çul. dialects display an inİtial voiceless t- consistently, cf. 5.2.3.1, e.g. MÇ taş 'stone' (ZS 133); K te- 'to say' (PVT 697); LÇ tur- 'to stay' (ÇTYa 454). 2.7 We shall point out some striking morphologic parallels deserving, apart from the first one, special study, e.g. çul. suffix of the future tense -gok vs. Yak. -ıa(lJ) (cf. Stachowski 1994: 185ff.); çul. suffix of the future tense -luk vs. Kar.-Balk. -lık I-nk i -nık (Baskakov 1976: 255ff.); LÇ suffix of the past tense -( a)diyan vs. NUyg. -adiyandi + pers. markers or -adiyandu for the 3rd pers. (Hahn 1998: 393; cf. also Kaydarov 1966: 378) and Kar.T -adoyonl-ydoyon (Musaev 1966: 272).

3 References and Abbreviations Alekseev 1991 = AJIEKCEEB, B. IT. [Alekseev, V. P.], ed.: TIOPKU maeJICl-1020 [JPUttYAblMbJl. [JonYAJll1UJl u 3mı-ıoc [Tyurki tajonogo Priçulım'ya. Populyatsiya i etnos], TOMCK [Tomsk]. Anikin 1997 = AHMKMH, A. E. [Anikin, A. E.]: 3muMoAo2uLıecKuu CA08apb pYCCKUX ôuaAeKmo8 Cu6upu. 3auMcm808aı-ıUJl U3 ypaAbcKUX, GAmaUCKUX u naAeoa3uamCKUX 5l3bIKOV [Etimologiçeskiy slovar russkih dialektov Sibirİ. Zaimstvovaniya iz ural'skih, altayskih i paleoaziatskih yazıkov], HOBOCI16I1pCK [Novosibirsk]. Baskakov 1966 = EACKAKOB, H. A. [Baskakov, N. A.]: J(uaAeKm ttepı-ıe8blX mamap (my6a-KuJICu). rpaMMamutteCKuu OttepK u CA08apb [Dialekt çernevıh tatar (tuba-kiji). Grammatiçeskiy oçerk i slovar], MOCKBa [Moskva]. Baskakov 1972 = EACKAKOB, H. A. [Baskakov, N. A.]: J(uaAeKm KyMal-lÔUl-ll1e8 (KYMaı-ıÔbl-KUJlCU). rpaMMamuttecKuu OttepK, meKcmbl, nepe80ôbl u CA08apb [Dialekt kumandintsev (kumandı-kiji). Grarnrnatiçeskiy oçerk, tekstı, perevodı i slovaf], MocKBa [Moskva]. Baskakov 1975 = EACKAKOB, H. A. [Baskakov, N. A.], ed.: rpaMMamuKa xaKaCCK020 Jl3blKa [Grammatika hakasskogo yazıka], MOCKBa [Moskva]. Baskakov 1976 = EACKAKOB, H. A. [Baskakov, N. A.]: rpaMMamuKa Kapattae8o-6aAKapcKo2o Jl3blKa [Grammatika karaçaevo-balkarskogo yazıka], HarrhQUK [Nafçik]. Berta 1983 = EEPT A, A. [Berta, A.l: O cYAb6e HaQanbHOro 06ın;eTıopKcKoro y- B TaTapCKoM 5I3bIKe [O sud'be naçal'nogo obşçetyurkskogo y- v tatarskom yazıke]. - McmopUKO-AUJ-l28UCmU-

http://www.turkdilleri.org/

16-29. 16-29. [Baku]: [Baku]:

EaKY EaKY 1973/2, 1973/2,

Tyurkologiya] Tyurkologiya] [Sovetskaya [Sovetskaya TIOPKOJlO2Ufl TIOPKOJlO2Ufl

COBemcKafl COBemcKafl

Çulıma].- tyurkov tyurkov govon govon i i [Dialekt! [Dialekt! LIyrrbIMa LIyrrbIMa TIOPKOB TIOPKOB

rOBopbI rOBopbI 11 11

,[(11arreKTbI ,[(11arreKTbI

P.]: P.]: A. A.

[Durzon, [Durzon, II. II. A. A. ,[(YJIb30H, ,[(YJIb30H, = = 1973 1973 Dulzon Dulzon

446-466. 446-466. [Moskval: [Moskval: MocKBa MocKBa yazıki], yazıki], Tyurkskie Tyurkskie II: II: SSSR SSSR

narodov narodov

[Yazıki [Yazıki

fl3blKU fl3blKU II: II: TlopKcKue TlopKcKue CCCP CCCP liapo()oB liapo()oB ed.: ed.: 5I3blKu 5I3blKu A.], A.],

N. N. IBaskakov, IBaskakov,

A. A. H. H.

EacKaKoB, EacKaKoB, - yazık]. yazık]. [Çuhmsko-tyurkskiy [Çuhmsko-tyurkskiy 5I3bIK 5I3bIK

LIyrrbIMcKo-TIOPKCK11M LIyrrbIMcKo-TIOPKCK11M P.]: P.]: A. A.

[Dul'zon, [Dul'zon, II. II. A. A. = = ,[(YJIb30H, ,[(YJIb30H, 1966 1966 Dulzon Dulzon

Krakôw. Krakôw. thesis, thesis,

Master's Master's

unpublished unpublished

Lehnwörter, Lehnwörter, O.g. O.g. Schichtung Schichtung chronologische chronologische

Jür Jür

Kriterien Kriterien zu zu

Bemerkungen Bemerkungen einigen einigen samt samt Untersuchung, Untersuchung,

kontrastiven kontrastiven einer einer Versuch Versuch

Sorischen: Sorischen: im im und und Baraba-Tatarischen Baraba-Tatarischen im im

Russismen Russismen

der der

Konsonantenadaptation Konsonantenadaptation E.: E.: Die Die DİLMAÇ, DİLMAÇ, = = 1998 1998 Dilmaç Dilmaç

1973. 1973. DuI'zon DuI'zon = = DGÇ DGÇ

1966. 1966. Dul'zon Dul'zon = = ÇTYa ÇTYa

1959. 1959. Pritsak Pritsak = = ÇT ÇT

491-497. 491-497. [Bişkek]: [Bişkek]:

E1111IKeK E1111IKeK

yazıkiL, yazıkiL, Tyurkskie Tyurkskie

mira. mira. [Yazıki [Yazıki fl3blKU fl3blKU TlopKcKue TlopKcKue Mupa. Mupa.

}f3bIKU }f3bIKU

yazık]. yazık].

[Çulımsko-tyurkskiy [Çulımsko-tyurkskiy 5I3bIK 5I3bIK "L(yrrbIMcKo-TIOPKCK11M "L(yrrbIMcKo-TIOPKCK11M

M.]: M.]:

R. R.

[Biryukoviç, [Biryukoviç, M. M.

P. P. EJiIPIOKOBJiILI, EJiIPIOKOBJiILI, = = 1997 1997 Biryukovich Biryukovich

[Saratov]. [Saratov]. CapaToB CapaToB

yazıka], yazıka],

çulımsko-tyurkskogo çulımsko-tyurkskogo [Leksika [Leksika fl3blKa fl3blKa ıtYJlbIMCKO-mlOpKcKo20 ıtYJlbIMCKO-mlOpKcKo20

M.]: M.]:

fleKcuKa fleKcuKa R. R.

[Biryukoviç, [Biryukoviç, M. M. P. P. = = EJiIPIOKOBJiILI, EJiIPIOKOBJiILI, 1984 1984 Biryukovich Biryukovich

[Saratov]. [Saratov]. CapaToB CapaToB II, II, yazıka], yazıka], tyurkskogo tyurkskogo

çulımsko

[Morfologiya [Morfologiya

fl3blKa fl3blKa ıtYJlbIMCKO-mlOpKCK020 ıtYJlbIMCKO-mlOpKCK020 MOPqJOJl02Ufl MOPqJOJl02Ufl

M.]: M.]:

R. R.

[Biryukoviç, [Biryukoviç, M. M.

P. P. EJiIPIOKOBJiIQ, EJiIPIOKOBJiIQ, = = 1981 1981 Biryukovich Biryukovich

[Moskva]. [Moskva]. MocKBa MocKBa yazıka], yazıka], çulımsko-tyurkskogo çulımsko-tyurkskogo

stroy stroy

[Zvukovoy [Zvukovoy

fl3blKa fl3blKa ıtYJlb1MCKO-mlOpKcıw20 ıtYJlb1MCKO-mlOpKcıw20 cmpou cmpou 3BYKOBOU 3BYKOBOU

M.]: M.]:

R. R.

[Biryukoviç, [Biryukoviç, M. M.

P. P. EJiIPIOKOBJiIQ, EJiIPIOKOBJiIQ, = = 1979 1979 Biryukovich Biryukovich

115-119. 115-119. 1978(2): 1978(2): [Kemerovo] [Kemerovo] KeMepoBo KeMepoBo

statey], statey],

Sbornik Sbornik

Sibirİ. Sibirİ.

narodov narodov

[Yazıki [Yazıki cmameu cmameu C60PliUK C60PliUK Cu6upu. Cu6upu.

liapo()oB liapo()oB -

}f3bIKU }f3bIKU yazıke]. yazıke]. çuhmsko-tyurkskom çuhmsko-tyurkskom v v çisla çisla semantiki semantiki

voprosu voprosu

[K [K

5I3bIKe 5I3bIKe

B B l.ıyrrbIMCKO-TIOPKCKOM l.ıyrrbIMCKO-TIOPKCKOM Q11crra Q11crra ceMaHmK11 ceMaHmK11 Bonpocy Bonpocy

K K M.]: M.]:

R. R.

[Biryukoviç, [Biryukoviç,

M. M. P. P. EJiIPIOKOBJiILI, EJiIPIOKOBJiILI, = = 1978 1978 Biryukovich Biryukovich

Szeged. Szeged. 31), 31), Uralo-Altaica Uralo-Altaica

Studia Studia

(= (=

Dialekte Dialekte

tatarischen tatarischen der der A.: A.: Lautgeschichte Lautgeschichte BERTA, BERTA, = = 1989 1989 Berta Berta

[Kazan]. [Kazan]. Ka3aHb Ka3aHb

pamyatnikov], pamyatnikov], staropismennıh staropismennıh analiz analiz çeskiy çeskiy

[İstoriko-lingvisti

naMflmliUKOB naMflmliUKOB cmaponUCbMeJil-lblX cmaponUCbMeJil-lblX aftaJlU3 aftaJlU3 ıteCKUU ıteCKUU

79 79

LANGUAGE LANGUAGE THEIR THEIR AND AND CHULYMS CHULYMS THE THE

http://www.turkdilleri.org/

= = Sçç Sçç Biryukovich Biryukovich 1978. 1978.

TIOPIWA02UJl TIOPIWA02UJl

[Sovetskaya [Sovetskaya

Tyurkologiya] Tyurkologiya] 198115, 198115, EaKY EaKY [Baku]: [Baku]: 42-45. 42-45.

5I3hIKe 5I3hIKe

[Tabu [Tabu i i evfemizmı evfemizmı v v tuvinskom tuvinskom yazıke]. yazıke]. - C06emCKaJl C06emCKaJl

Sat Sat 1981 1981 = =

CAT, CAT, III. III.

q. q. [SAT, [SAT, Ş. Ş. ç.]: ç.]: Ta6y Ta6y 3BcpeMliI3MhI 3BcpeMliI3MhI LiI LiI B B TYBliIHCKOM TYBliIHCKOM

XVIII XVIII 1 1 ), ), HeIsinki. HeIsinki.

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Radloff Radloff

1893-1911 1893-1911

= =

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Stamme Stamme Süd-Sibiriens Süd-Sibiriens II, II, S. S. Peterburg: Peterburg: 689-705. 689-705.

Radloff Radloff = = 1868 1868

RADLOFF, RADLOFF,

W.: W.: Proben Proben der der Volksliteratur Volksliteratur der der türkischen türkischen

PVT PVT = = Radloff Radloff 1868. 1868.

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Schorische. Schorische.

B: B: Das Das Culymtürkische. Culymtürkische. - Philologiae Philologiae Turcicae Turcicae

Pritsak Pritsak

1959 1959

= = PRITSAK, PRITSAK,

O.: O.: Das Das Abakan- und und Culymtürkische Culymtürkische und und das das

- Folia Folia Orientalia Orientalia 36 36 (2000): (2000): 247-257. 247-257.

Pomorska Pomorska

2001 2001

= = POMORSKA, POMORSKA,

M.: M.: Consonant Consonant alternations alternations in in Culym Culym (1). (1).

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Pomorska Pomorska

2000 2000

= = POMORSKA, POMORSKA,

M.: M.: Consonant Consonant alternations alternations in in Culym Culym (2). (2).

Tyurkskie Tyurkskie yazıki], yazıki], MOCKBa MOCKBa [Moskva]: [Moskva]: 260-278. 260-278.

Hapoôo6 Hapoôo6

CCCP CCCP

II: II: TlopKcKue TlopKcKue

Jl3blKU Jl3blKU [Yazıki [Yazıki narodov narodov SSSR SSSR II: II:

[Karaimskiy [Karaimskiy

yazık]. yazık]. - EacKaKoB, EacKaKoB, H. H. A. A. [Baskakov, [Baskakov, N. N. A.], A.], ed.: ed.: JJ3blKU JJ3blKU

Musaev Musaev

1966 1966

= = MYCAEB, MYCAEB,

K. K. M. M. [Musaev, [Musaev, K. K. M.]: M.]: KapaMMcKMiİ KapaMMcKMiİ 5I3hIK 5I3hIK

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General General characteristics characteristics

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= = MENGES, MENGES, K. K.

H.: H.:

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LÇT LÇT = = Biryukovich Biryukovich 1984. 1984.

[Moskva]: [Moskva]: 363-386. 363-386.

TlopKcKue TlopKcKue Jl3blKU Jl3blKU

[Yazıki [Yazıki narodov narodov SSSR SSSR II: II: Tyurkskie Tyurkskie yazıki], yazıki], MocKBa MocKBa

EacKaKoB, EacKaKoB,

H. H.

A. A. [Baskakov, [Baskakov, N. N. A.], A.],

ed.: ed.: JJ3blKU JJ3blKU Hapoôo6 Hapoôo6 CCCP CCCP II: II:

(HoBoyiİrypcKliIiİ) (HoBoyiİrypcKliIiİ)

5I3hIK 5I3hIK [Uygurskiy [Uygurskiy (novouygurskiy) (novouygurskiy) yazık]. yazık]. -

Kaydarov Kaydarov

1966 1966

KAİiİP;APOB, KAİiİP;APOB, = = A. A. T. T. [Kaydarov, [Kaydarov, A. A. T.]: T.]: YiİrypcKliIiİ YiİrypcKliIiİ

fonetike], fonetike], A6aKaH A6aKaH [Abakan]. [Abakan].

KpamKuu KpamKuu

OıtepK OıtepK no no

çpoHemuKe çpoHemuKe

[Hakasskiy [Hakasskiy yazık. yazık. Kratkiy Kratkiy oçerk oçerk po po

Iskhakov Iskhakov

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= = li1CXAKOB, li1CXAKOB,

r. r.

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R. R. F.: F.: Uyghur. Uyghur.

- Johanson, Johanson, i i L. L. E. E. Csat6, Csat6, A., A., eds: eds: The The

80 80 MARZANNA MARZANNA POMORSKA POMORSKA THE CHULYMS AND THEIR LANGUAGE 81

Shcherbak 1970 = mEPEAK, A. M. [Şçerbak, A. M.]: Cpar:mume/lblıa51 çpolıemUKa mlOpKCKUX 5l3blKOe [Sravnitel'naya fonetika tyurkskih yazıkov], JIeHMHrpa.ı:ı; [Leningrad]. 1981 = mEPEAK, A. M. [Şçerbak, A. M.]: OıtepKu no cpaellUme/lbllOU .MOpÇpO/ı02UU mlOpKCKUX 5l3bl1We (2/la20/l) [Oçerki po sravniteI'noy morfologii tyurkskih yazıkoy (glagol)], JIeHMHrpa.ı:ı; [Leningrad]. Schönig 1990 = SCHÖNIG, C.: Das Lenatürkisehe und die spraehliehen Merkmale des nordöstliehen türkischen Areals. - Brendemoen, B., ed.: Altaica Osloensia. Proceedings from the 32nd Meeting of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference, Oslo, June 12-16, 1989, Oslo: 263-285. Schönig 1998 = SCHÖNIG, C.: South Siberian Turkie. - Johanson, L. / Csato, E. A., eds: The Turkic languages, London and New York: 403- 416. Sevortyan 1980 = CEBOPT5IH, 3. B.: [= SEVORTYAN, E. V.], ed. 3mU.Mo/ıo2uıteCKuU C/lOeapb mlOpKCKUX 5l3blKOe [= Etimologiçeskiy slovar tyurkskih yazıkoy], III ("6, r, .ı:ı;") ["b, g, d"], MoeKBa [Moskva]. Sevortyan 1989 = CEBOPT5IH, 3. B.: [= SEVORTYAN, E. V.L ed. 3mU.Mo/ı02UıteCKuU C/lOeapb mlOpKCKUX 5l3bllWe [= Etimologiçeskiy

slovar tyurkskih yazıkoy], IV (":II\, )K, M") ["c, j, y"]' MoeKBa [= Moskva]. Stachowski 1993 = STACHOWSKI, M.: Geschichte des jakutischen Vokalismus (= Uniwersytet Jagiellonski. Rozprawy Habilitaeyjne 264), Kral(ow. Stachowski 1993a = STACHOWSKI, M.: Dolganischer Wortschatz (= Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego MLXXXVI. Praee J~zykoznaweze. Zeszyt 114), Krakow. Stachowski 1993b = STACHOWSKI, M.: Beitrage zur Kenntnis der arabisehen und persisehen Lehnwörter İn den südsibirisehen Türkspraehen. - Folia Orienalia 29 (1992-1993, ed. 1993): 247-259. Stachowski 1994 = STACHOWSKI, M.: Das jakuHsche Futursuffix -ya(x). - Journal de la Societe Finno-Ougrienne 85, Helsinki: 183-188. Stachowski 1997 = STACHOWSKI, M.: Notizen zur Etymologie der tsehulymisehen Geratenamen. - Journal de la Societe Finno-Ougrienne 87, Helsinki: 243-248.

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1998 = STACHOWSKI, M.: Notizen zur schorischen und tschulymischen Etymologie. - Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia 3, Krak6w: 107-123. 1991 = TEKİN, T.: A new classification of the Turkic languages. - Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları 1, Ankara: 5-18. Tekin 1994 = TEKİN, T.: Türk dillerinde önseste y-türemesi. - Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Ankara: 51-66. Tekin 1995 = TEKİN, T.: Türk dillerinde birincil uzun ünlüler (= Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Dizisi 13), Ankara. 1995 = TEKİN, T. / ÖLMEZ, M.: Türk dilleri (= Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Dizisi 20), Ankara. Tenishev 1968 = TERMIlIEB, A. 3. [Tenisev, A. E.]: TYBUlicKO-PYCCKUU CA08apb [Tuvinsko-russkiy slovaf], MocKBa [Moskva]. VTD = Radloff 1893-1911. ZS = Biryukovich 1979.

Abbreviations Alt. = Altaian; Brb. = Baraba; = Chalkandu; Çib. = the Chibinskiy subdialect of çul.; = Common Turkic; = Chulym; çuv. = Chuvash; diaL. = dialectal; Germ. = German; Hak. = Khakas; HaL. = Khalach; K = Küerik; Ket. = Kettish; Kar.-Balk. = Karachay-Balkar; Kar.T = Karaim of Troki; = Karakalpak; Kon. = Kondom; Kum. = Kumandy; = the Lower-Chulym dialect; Leb. = Lebed; M = the Melet subdialect of MÇ; = the Middle-Chulym dialect; Mr. = Mrass; NUyg. = New Uyghur; OT = Old Turkic; PT = Pre-Turkic; Russ. = Russian; Sag. = Sagay; Sh. = Shor; T = the Tutal subdialect of MÇ; TeL. = Teleut; Tg. = the Turgay subdialect of LÇ; Trk. = Turkish; Tu. = Turkic; Tuv. = Tuvinian; Yak. = Yakut; = the Yachi subdialect ofLÇ; Yj. = the Yezhi subdialect of LÇ.

4 Aıı:maııet and 4.1 Since çul. has no written form it has no stated alphabet. From among the sources, only Dul'zon 1973 and Pritsak 1959 quote lexical material in the Latin alphabet, the others use modified Cyrillic. 4.2 In our present contribution, we shall use for çul. words a Latin alphabet in Turkish orthography. Some of our signs need, however, expl anati on:

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4.2.1 For çul. affricates, we shall use the following signs: 4.2.1.a ts for Radloff, Durzon (ÇTYa), Biryukovich's 11, Pritsak's c and Durzon' s (DGÇ) ts; .4.2.1.b dz for Radloff's (PVT) 4, Radloff's (VTD) 3, Pritsak's (for Tg. examples) 3, Pritsak's (for K quoations from PVT) C, Durzon (ÇTYa) and Biryukovieh's Ô3, Durzon's (DGÇ) dz. 4.2.2 Biryukovieh uses the signs m', ıU and JIC', :JK:, for MÇ palatal frieatives, the allophones of ışı. For, in the presenee of many other misprints and typographieal mistakes, all of them have been used very ineonsistently, Le. even in the unit dealing with :JIC', the given sign has been used only in same of the quoted examples and ıil and ;)1(; have been only described and not reeorded in any samples, we shall use Ş for m, m', ıU and j (= Z) for JIC, JIC', JIC. 4.2.3 We shall use r for çul. spirant, recorded by Radloff as !5 (vs. 2 for a stop), by Pritsak as r (vs. g), by Durzon as r (vs. 2, in ÇTYa and g İn DGÇ), by Biryukovich as p (vs. 2). In his dictionary, Radloff use s the notation g for a final, "palato indifferent lenis, including towards the transition to a frkative" (Menges 1955: 117) and we maintaİn it without alteration. 4.2.4 We shall use 1] for the uyular n, noted by Radloff and Biryukovieh as If, by Pritsak as 1] and by Durzon as H2 (in ÇTYa) or 7] (in DGÇ). 4.2.5 We shall use L for Durzon' s 1 used for L in ÇTYa in some words with front vowels.

5 Phonology 5.1 Vowels 5.1.1 çul. has a system of 8 vowels as we know it from OT: opposing back (a, 1, 0, u) to front (e, i, ö, ü) and rounded (o, u, ö, ü) to unrounded (a, 1, e, i). Long vowels, redueed vowels and diphtongs have been described below; S.l.1.a Radloff eonstantly uses the notation ii ii tl for Küerik. Though in Biryukovieh's and Dufzon's LÇ and MÇ forms both ii ii Ei and e ii e are used, they both denote allophones of la! (d. e.g. ZS 19), being a eontinuation of PT *ii. For, in the presence of many other misprints, eareless reeordings of diacritic signs and typographieal mistakes, both ii and e with their long eounterparts have been used very inconsistently, i.e. both ii and e has been used in one and the same word or suffix, e.g. MÇ kelgiin '" kiilgiin 'he has eome' (ZS 18); MÇ kiimii 'boat' (ZS 91) '" keme id. (DGÇ 20); MÇ ebene

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'" ılbenli 'to his house' (LÇT 77), in our present eontribution onlye" e has been used, namely as symbols for an E-type vowel (short and long) whose precise (= closed or open) pronunciation can not be unequivocally established for the time being (cf. Stachowski 1993a: 2Of.); S.I.1.b In theİr phonetie descriptions, Biryukovich, Dul'zon and Pritsak do not discuss any "special", Khakas-like secondary i " ı İn çul. (cf. Iskhakov 1956: 17f.). The words with front vowels and those with back ones, on the border between morphemes, we observe çul. ılı i, which results from the conneeting of the final vowel of the stern and the initial vowel of the suffix, or from the dropping of an intervocallic consonant, e.g. deverbal nouns in -arga ii -erge, translated İnto Russian and German as infinitives, e.g. K atkıllrya [1, with preserved r] 'shooting' (PVT 693) < *atkıla-arya < atkıla- 'to shoot' (ibid. 695); MÇ t8lige [sic!] 'paying' (ZS 11) '" tölıge id. (ZS 19) < *töle-erge < töle- 'to pay' (LÇT 65), cf. K tölö- id. (VTD III 1261); MÇ tilıge 'looking (for)' (ZS 115) < *tile-erge < tile- 'to look (for)' (LÇT 63); MÇ çurtıya '!iving' (ZS 21) < *çurta-arya < çurta• 'to liye' (LÇT 16) < *çurtta- < çurt 'life' (ibid. 14); MÇ usıga '" usfga [l, the only attestation of a back f in this form] 'sleeping' (ZS 97) < *uzu-urga < uzu- 'to sleep' (LÇT 17); LÇ yıge 'eating' (ÇTYa 453) < *ye-erge

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5.1.2.a Radloff quotes for Küerik three reduced vowels in his CyriIlic transcription: i (Cyrillic: l), tl (Cyrillic: )i) and ii (CyriIlic: y) all of them being recorded in the suffixes in their middle and absolutely final positions, e.g. sözamna 'my word, Acc.' (PVT 692); tedi 'he said' (ibid.); kuştu 'bird, Acc.' (ibid. 695). We shall use Latin counterparts of Radloff' s CyriIlic reduced vowels; 5.1.2.b In his paper, Pritsak uses the sign ffor a reduced velar l, e.g. Tg. adriin 'I throw' (ÇT 627). In our paper, we shall use here the sign l (in contrast to the palatal i); 5.1.2.c For LÇ, Dul'zon describes two reduced vowels: a non-labial, narrow, in one place of his paper (ÇTYa 447) described as medial (non-front, non-back), in another place (ibid. 449) - as front b and a non-Iabial, semi broad, in one place (ibid. 447) described as medial, in another place (ibid. 449) - as back 'b. In the present paper, we shall preserve Dul'zon's notations without alterations; 5.1.2.d Biryukovich also uses in her examples both b and 'b. We shall preserve her notations without alterations (cf. Pomorska 1.3.6). 5.1.3 Long vowels and their origin: Long vowels may be found İn all çul. dialects and İn any position of a word, e.g. K lr 'evening' (PVT 694); K ıspa 'in a hut' (ibid. 699); MÇ tortünçü 'fourth' (ZS 16); MÇ uzup'bshab'bs 'we fell asleep' (ZS 137); MÇ ça 'new' (ZS 30); LÇ tun 'knot' (ÇTYa 448); Yj. yerve 'twenty' (DGÇ 22). Theyare all phonemes, cf. e.g. K al- 'to take' (PVT 703) vs. K al 'yillage' (ibid. 702); MÇ aç 'hungry' (ZS 30) vs. MÇ aç 'tree' (ibid.); LÇ ol 'he' (ÇTYa451) vs. LÇ öZ '1. son; 2. young man, boy' (ibid. 448). 5.1.3.a In some cases, çul. long vowels coincide with PT long vowels, e.g. in monosyIlabic words: K Lk 'spindle' (VTD I 1415) < PT *lk id. (Shcherbak 1970: 194; Tekin 1994: 57; Tekin 1995: 182), cf. Trkm. Lk id.; MÇ ot 'bile; gall' (ZS 35) < PT *ot id. (Stachowski 1994: 91; Tekin 1994: 62; Tekin 1995: 183), cf. Yak. üös id., Trkm. öd id. (Stachowski 1994: 91) and in polysyllabic words, e.g. MÇ more 'wolf' (ZS 43) < PT *borö id., cf. Trkm. bori id. (Stachowski 1994: 91; Tekin 1995: 184); MÇ sarır 'yellow' (ZS 41) < PT *sarıg id., cf. Trkm. (Jarı id. (Stachowskİ 1994: 99; Tekin 1995: 174); 5.1.3.b In some cases, çul. long vowels are the result of a secondary contraction due to the loss of some consonants, like r, y, n, 1), b, l, ete. in the stern itself as well as İn derived formatİons, e.g MÇ öZ 'son' (LÇT 77), cf.

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MÇ oylum 'his son' (ibid.); MÇ mus 'horn' (ZS 34); MÇ ır 'evening' (ZS 34); LÇ tb) 'squirrel' (ÇTYa 450), cf. Tu. tiyin id.; MÇ mev 'my' (ZS 33), cf. K meniv id. (cf. 6.4.l.a); MÇ sır 'vein; tendon' (ZS 34), cf. Yak. İvır '" iivır 'tendon' (Stachowski 1993a: 127); K tende « *te-gen-de) 'as he said' (PVT 690); MÇ tap « *tab-ıp) sayan 'he found' (ZS 30), cf. çul. tap- 'to find' (LÇT 14); MÇ ap « *al-ıp) payan 'he took' (ZS 30), cf. çul. al 'take' (LÇT 28). In many cases however, in all çul. dialects, intervocalic consonants, y is also still preserved, e.g. K ödügÜV 'your shoe' (PVT 690); MÇ soyur 'biind' (ZS 105); MÇ çetigipisken 'he began to cough' (LÇT 77); S.L3.e Secondary vowel lengthening before a high vowel of the following syllable seems to be a common phenomenon İn çul. (cf. ZS 51), e.g. K kırp (PVT 692) < kir- 'to enter', but cf. kirp (ibid. 691); MÇ kazım (ZS 38) < kas' goose'; MÇ karaktm [sic!, = -tıV] akpüzı 'the white of the eye' (ZS 98) < akpus 'white', but cf. also akbuzı [sic!] 'white of something' (ZS 138); 5.1.4 Diphtongs.: Diphtongs resulting from the dropping of some original intervocalie consonants, are recorded in all çul. dialects, e.g. K auc 'handful' (VTD I 81) '" uas id. (ibid. 1593); K abışka 'old man / woman' (PVT 703) '" aucka id. (VTD I 81); K yuan 'thiek' (ibid. III 535) '" MÇ çön '" çuvan id. (LÇT 13); K süek (VTD IV 795) '" sak (PVT 699) 'bone' vs. LÇ süök '" MÇ sak id. (LÇT 22); LÇ siek '" MÇ sek 'mosquito' (ibid.); LÇ men salvoyum '" salvoum '" salvöm 'I will put [somethingr (ÇTYa 458). 5.1.5 Palatal and labial harmony: S.1.S.a As a general rule, according to the principles known from other Tu. languages, vowels of non-first syllables accomodate themselves to the vowel of the first syllable, due to palatal and labial harmony (with the exception of words with labial vowels in the stern, see 5.1.5.c), e.g. K adıgdzı 'shooter' (PVT 693); K külügiimnii 'my hero, Acc.' (ibid. 695); LÇ ayrı 'river' (ÇTYa 449); küsküc 'mİrrow' (ibid.); MÇ tübü 'its bottom' (ZS 115); MÇ kızım 'my daughter' (ZS 114); S.l.S.b In many cases however, both palata! and labia! vowel harmonies are no more observed, e.g. K mende parımin 'I also want to go' (PVT 695); MÇ oyen 'play' (ZS 107); MÇ etıylır 'something whieh has been done' (ZS 106). In some cases it is possible to explain the disharmony, for instance the

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palatalisation due to the proximity of eertaİn eonsonants, e.g. MÇ men çunyiiçem 'I will rİnse [somethingl' (ÇTYa 461), but ef. MÇ oluryap) 'he wants to sit down' (ZS 132); MÇ pagajenba? 'do you want to go?' (ZS 116); MÇ kayelıy 'roeky' (ibid.), ef. çul. kayalıy id. (LÇT 36); the palatalisation due to the dropping of g / y or y (ef. 5.1.1.b), e.g.: MÇ ol

çurtiek « *çurta-gok) r-.J ol çurtıyek 'he willlive' (ibid.); MÇ men tıvnıkum « *tu)nzyekum < *tıvna-gok-um) 'I willlisten' (ÇTYa 459); LÇ men parvin « *par-va-yın) t'ederım 'I will not go' (ibid. 460), ef. Hak. çohtanmin odıryan 'he was sitting without saying anything' (Baskakov 1975: 241). In some eases however a disharmony (if not a misprint) is difficult to explain, e.g. MÇ tojUl) 'your chest' (ZS 101) but ef. MÇ tojüv id. (ZS 16); S.l.S.e The phenomenon of non-Iabial vowels of the suffixes after labial vowels of the stems İs observed in a group of çul. examples, e.g. K oylı 'his son' (PVT 689); K sölöboziV 'you have not said' (ibid. 699), but ef. K solödii 'he said' (ibid. 702); K üdziindzizin 'the third, Aee.' (PVT 704) '" üdziindzüziin id. (ibid. 692); MÇ sozim 'my word' (ZS 20) '" sozüm id. (ZS 122); MÇ porüktu) (ZS 99)

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 88 MARZANNAPOMORSKA be like, to resemble' (VTD i 1307); ökşöş « *ökşeş) 'sirnilar' (PVT 700), ef. LÇ okşok below. Compare also K anu] alıbı Taska Mattır poldZaJ]mın 'I am his hero Taska Mattyr' (PVT 699); korukpa! 'do not be afraid!' (ibid. 705); In LÇ and MÇ, the attraetion in question is effeetive as well İn the words with front ö II [j as with baek o II 6, e.g. Tg. okşok « *okşak) 'similar' (ÇT 625), ef. K ökşöş above; LÇ özötken « *öz-et-ken) ayats 'growing tree' (ÇTYa 456); LÇ körölven « *kör-al-ba-yan) 'he eould not see' (ibid. 461); MÇ koryodUl]bô [< *kork-adıı]-ba < kork- 'to be afraid' (LÇT 14)] 'are you afraid?' (ZS 25); MÇ örtek", örtök 'duek' (ZS 122). 5.1.7 Assimilation o/vowels: Both regressive and progressive vowel assimilation is reeorded in all çul. dialeets, e.g. K kün örtö « *kün orto) kirelbedlm, kara orto kirp keldim 'I eould not eome İn by day, i eame İn by night' (ibid. 699); MÇ aklk '" ekık 'deer' (ZS 117) < ak 'white' (ibid.) + kık 'wild goat' (ibid.); MÇ tünnü günnü « *-ne gü-) 'dayand night' (ZS 135), ef. tünne 'by night' (ibid.), ef. also tün 'night'; K künde 'by day' (PVT 703). 5.1.8 Vowel alternations: A precise deseription of çul. vowel alternations goes beyond the seope of this paper but we would like to quote some striking alternations here: 5.1.8.a Pairs with front and baek vowels, e.g. MÇ kejnem 'my husband's mother' (ZS 103) '" kajinam 'my wife's mother' (ZS 143) '" kaznam id. (ZS 99), eaeh of these forms have been reeorded in the sourees at our eommand only onee; MÇ öskü 'oar' (ZS 14) '" osku (a hapax legomenon) id. (ZS 97); MÇ 8dük 'boots' (ZS 122) '" oduk (a hapax legomenon) id. (ZS 66); MÇ surnuptur ""' sürnüptür 'he gets permission to absent himself' (LÇT 79); Yç. kuynak '" Yj. künek 'shirt' (DGÇ 22); 5.1.8.b Pairs with labial and non-labial vowels are reeorded very rarely, e.g. MÇ merge '" mörgö 'ruff' (ZS 140); 5e1.8ee Pairs with high and low vowels are alsa reeorded rarely, e.g.: MÇ sıvılcak", şamalcak 'little finger' (ZS 108); MÇ al 'village' (ZS 81) '" II id. (ZS 129). 5.1.9 Lowering o/the articulation: The phenomenon İn question is well reeorded for MÇ, ef. e.g. igesede 'and they both' (LÇT 77); ebene 'to his house' (ibid.); epçeze 'his wife' (ibid. 78) '" epçezi id. (ibid. 77); tel'" til 'language' (ZS 19);per '" pir 'one' (ibid.).

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5.1.10 Syncope: The phenomenon of syncope affects high as well as low vowels, both in the stern itself and on the border between the morphemes or the lexemes but, it does not occur consistent.1y, e.g. MÇ karçku 'darkness' (ZS 130) '" karaçkı id. (ZS 137); MÇ tavrak 'quickly' (ZS 48) '" tav'brak id. (ZS 21); MÇ poynu 'his neck' (ZS 23) < *poy Vn 'neck'2; MÇ aks'b 'his mouth' (ZS 92) '" arzı id. (ZS 129) < arıs 'mouth' (ZS 105); MÇ surnupshan 'he asked' (ZS 130) < *surun-up-ıs-kan; LÇ yakşaş 'good food' (ÇTYa 460) < yakşı 'good' (LÇT 9) + aş 'food' (ibid. 30); LÇ parrayvol [< *parray va ol] tura 'will he go now to the town?' (ÇTYa 461); K paz'akkell 'bring back!' (PVT 691) < *paza akke ll, cf. K paza aL] nap kuştap parahıs 'w e want to hunt for birds and animals again' (ibid. 694); K ehre (ibid. 692) '" ehire (ibid. 697) < ehir- 'vi to tum round'.

5.2 Consonants 5.2.1 çul. consonants are as follows: voiced stops: h, d, g; unvoiced stops: p, t, k; LÇ t'; voiced fricatives: v, z,j, y, unvoiced fricatives: s, ş, h; voiced affricates: LÇ, K dz; MÇ c; unvoiced affricates: LÇ, K ts; MÇ ç; nasals: m, n, l]; K, MÇ ri; liquids: l, r; glides: y 5.2.1.a çul. h is the result of secondary spirantisation and its distribution İs confined to medial and final positions, cf. S.2.4.h; 5.3.8; 5.2.1.b The adaptation, İ.e. despirantisation İn çul. of j İn different loanwords is worth mentioning here, e.g. çul. perş'bl 'medical attendant' (LÇT 53) < Russ.jeıaşer id.; çul. kartopka 'potato' (ibid. 18) < Russ. diaL. kartofka '" kartovka (= Russ. lit. kartoşka) id. > Shor kartopke id. (Dilmaç 51); çul. markap 'carrot' (LÇT 47) < Russ. morkov'b [mar'kof'] id. > Shor morkop id. (Dilmaç 51); MÇ ayvul] '" aybuı] 'net; dragnet' (ZS 141) < Ket

2 Though Biryukovieh and also Radloff quote the forms poyn 'neek' (LÇT 14) ~ moin id. (VTD IV 2119), we would rather treat them as a result of a kind of eonventional recordings and, for the Nom. ease of the word in question, we would rather propose the forms poy(V)n ~ moy(V)n.

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 90 MARZANNA POMORSKA ai 'saek, bag' + f01) 'net' (Stachowski 1997: 243) and, taking the etymology of the given word İnto account, we regard Biryukovich's remarks about the spirantisation -Vb V- > -Vv V- in MÇ ayvu1) as wrong. S.2.Le The phonetic value of v in such Biryukovich's recordings as MÇ svatat' et- in pejik perge közup svatat' effer 'they have put the beds (Russ. JIıonKM) together' (LÇT 78) is still the question. 5.2.2 Three çul. dialects are differentiated from each other by the presence of some consonants: the phoneme ıçı and İts voİced allophone c is distinctive of MÇ, whereas LÇ and K have Itsl and İts allophone dz; different correspondences of *-0-, cf. 2.3; 5.2.2.d. Consonant alternations between MÇ, LÇ and K have been presented in detail in our another paper (cf. Pomorska). We would like to quote here some of them which differrentiate çul. dialects from one another, for the Kipchak background see Berta 1983 passim and Berta 1989: 197-224): S.2.2.a K, LÇ ts- '" MÇ ç- II ş- ii s-, e.g. K tsats 'hair' (VTD IV 195), LÇ tsats id. (LÇT 23) '" MÇ çaç II şaş id. (ibid.); LÇ tsotska '" MÇ çoçka 'pig' (DGÇ 18), cf. 5.2.3.j; S.2.2.b K y- ii n- ii n- '" LÇ y- ii t'- '" MÇ ç- II ş- ii n- ii n-, e.g. K ya1)l 'new' (VTD III 60) ii na1)l id. (ibid. 627) II na id. (PVT 692) '" MÇ ça1) id. (ZS 142) ii na id. (ZS 84); K yazag 'on foot' (PVT 694) '" LÇ yaya1) id. (LÇT 34) II t'ayar id. (DGÇ 22) '" MÇ çazar id. (ZS 99); LÇ yigin- '" MÇ çigin- ii şiyin- 'to gather, to meet' (ZS 102); S.2.2.e LÇ -ts- '" LÇ, K -dz- '" MÇ -ç- II -c- II -ş- II -j-, e.g. LÇ ketse 'yesterday' (LÇT 40) '" MÇ keçe id. (ZS 110) II keje id. (ZS 103); Kpıdzak 'knife' (VTD IV 1318) '" LÇ pıtsak id. (LÇT 56) ii pıdzak id. (ÇT 625) '" MÇ pıçak id. (ZS 108) II pıcak id. (DGÇ 18) II pıjak id. (ZS 103); LÇ atsır 'bitter' (LÇT 30) ii adz1r iq. (ÇTYa 464) '" K adzıg id. (VTD 1529) '" MÇ açırid. (LÇT 30) ii aş1rid. (ibid. 23); S.2.2.d K -y- II -z- '" LÇ -y- '" MÇ -z- < PT *-0-, e.g. K ayak 'foot' (VTD i 202) II azak id. (PVT 700) '" LÇ ayak id. (ÇTYa 465) '" MÇ azak id. (ZS 58); K ezer 'saddIe' (VTD i 892) '" LÇ iyer id. (DGÇ 22) '" MÇ ezer id. (ZS 99); K yayıg 'on foot' (VTD III 76) II yazag id. (PVT 693) '" LÇ yaya1) İd. (DGÇ 18) '" MÇ çazah id. (ibid.); S.2.2.e K -ts II -ş'" LÇ -ts'" MÇ -ç II -ş ii -s, e.g. K agats 'tree' (VTD i 152) II agaş id. (PVT 701) '" LÇ agats 'wood' (LÇT 7) '" MÇ aç 'tree' (ZS 115) ii agaş id. (ZS 24); K üts ii üş 'three' (PVT 689), LÇ üts '" MÇ üç II üş id. (LÇT 23); MÇ küçküç 'mirror' (ZS 123) '" küçküs id. (ZS 16);

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S.2.2.f LÇ -y ,..., K -y II -s II -0 i'-' MÇ -s, e.g. LÇ yuy 'smell, odour'

(LÇT 35) i'-' K yı id. (VTD III 501) ,..., MÇ çis id. (LÇT 74); K toy- 'to be satiated' (VTD III 1142) II tos- id. (ibid. 1208) ,..., LÇ toy- '" MÇ tos- id. (LÇT 23); K ıs- 'to send' (PVT 696) II ı- id. (VTD I 1409) '" LÇ ıy- id. (LÇT 23) '" MÇ ıs- id. (ZS 98); Kpoy 'body, trunk; self' (VTD IV 1262) II pos, in: men pozım 'myself' (PVT 700) '" MÇ pos, in: p6zulj 'yourself' (ZS 119). S.2.3 Consonants in the absolute initial posifion: As a general rule, from among voiced consonants in the absolute initial position İn çul., only y-, l-, m-, n- and r- occur.

S.2.3.a y- (= OT y-) may occur only İn K (y- i'-' n- i'-' n-) and LÇ (y- i'-' t'-), whilst MÇ has ç- (I'-' ş- ,..., n- ,..., n-) here, e.g. K yer 'earth; land; place' (VTD III 304), LÇ yer 'earth' (ZS 102) '" MÇ çer II şer id. (ibid.), cf. also 5.2.2.b; The preiotization is observed in some cases, e.g. MÇ yürgen 'spawn, roe' (LÇT 11) '" ürgen id. (ZS 95); çul. yem 'medicine' (LÇT 35) '" em id. (ibid. 13). - For yem cf. Tekin 1994: 56; yürgen is missing from Tekin 1994. S.2.3.b l- occurs rarely and only in loanwords, e.g. çul. lepke' « Russ. lavka [lafka]) 'bench; seat' (ÇTYa 462), cf. also çul. uluk « Russ. luk) 'onion' (LÇT 18); S.2.3.e m- (= OT b-), e.g. LÇ men 'I' (ÇTYa 451); K mulj 'thousand' (VTD IV 2178); MÇ mün- 'to mount' (LÇT 77); cf. 5.2.3.i; S.2.3.d n- occurs rarely: only in the interrogative pronouns, e.g. K neme 'what?' (PVT 694); Tg. nöze id. (ÇT 627); MÇ nora 'what for?, why?' (ZS 83), cf. 6.4.4 and in loanwords, e.g. çul. nuçuk « Russ. vnuçek) 'grandson' (LÇT 49). Together with the palatal n-, it altemates with K y- and MÇ ç-, cf. 5.2.2.b; S.2.3.e r- occurs very rarely, e.g. K ra- 'to leave, to go away' (VTD III 707); K rak 'far' (PVT 697), but cf. MÇ ırak id. (ZS 24); LÇ rosha 'wood grouse' (LÇT 6), but cf. MÇ ırısha id. (ibid.), K ırıska id. (VTD I 1369). Other consonants occur İn çul. absolute initial position only in their unvoiced forms. Some Biryukovich and Dul'zon's recordings of isolated forms with an initial voiced consonant, other than the above mentioned ones, seem to be a result of a careless notation of secondary sandhi sonorİsation, e.g. MÇ barlık 'he wiU go' (DGÇ 19), cf. Tg. par- 'to go' (ÇT 628), or sonorİsation and spirantisation, as in the case of v-, e.g. MÇ suray ettiş varan « *varran

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('" s- '" ş-), cf. 5.2.2.a, cf. e.g. K tsak 'time' (VTD IV 191), LÇ tsak'" MÇ çak ii şak id. (DGÇ 21); 5.2.3.g ç- occurs in MÇ and alternates here with K, LÇ y- (= OT y-, cf. 5.2.3.a) and K, LÇ ts- (= OT ç-, cf. 5.2.2.b); 5.2.3.h k- (= OT k-), e.g. MÇ kara 'black' (ZS 12); K kuş 'bird' (PVT 696); Yj. künek 'shirt' (DGÇ 22); 5.2.3.i p- (= OT b-), e.g. MÇ palık 'fish' (ZS 41); K par- 'to go away' (PVT 701)~ LÇ per- 'to give' (ÇTYa 456); the alternatian p- '" m- is recorded İn all çul. dialects, e.g. MÇ purun 'nose' (ZS 124) '" K murun id. (PVT 704); Kpörü 'wolf' '" Tg. mörü id. (ÇT 625); 5.2.3.j s- (= OT s-), e.g. MÇ sarır 'yellaw' (ZS 45); MÇ sat- 'to seıı' (ZS 135); K sös 'word' (PVT 692); LÇ sur 'water' (ÇTYa 450); MÇ s- alternates with MÇ ç- '" ş- ('" K, LÇ ts-, cf. 5.2.2.a), e.g. MÇ sık 'to go out' (LÇT 24) II şyk- id. (DGÇ 23) II çık- id. (ZS 5) '" K tsık- id. [PVT 703; K sık- id. (ibid.) seems strangel '" LÇ tsık- id. (ÇTYa 465); MÇ sana ii şana 'ski' (DGÇ 23) '" K tsana 'runner; ski' (VTD IV 192); 5.2.3.k ş- occurs in MÇ and altemates here with MÇ ç- and K, LÇ ts-, cf. 5.2.2.a or with MÇ ç- and LÇ, K y-, cf. 5.2.2.b; 5.2.3.1 t- (= OT t-), e.g. K tag 'mountain' (PVT 700) '" tag id. (VTD III 795); MÇ temir 'iran' (ZS 48); LÇ tarus 'nine' (ÇTYa 451); LÇ t', the palata! all ophone of ltı al ternates wi th LÇ y- ('" K y- '" n- '" n-), cf. 5.2.2.b; 5.2.3.m Inİtİal voiced consonants of different loanwords undergo adaptatian to the Çul. rules, e.g. Çul. püske « *püsike) 'beads [1]' < Russ. businka 'bead' CÇTYa 462), but cf. MÇ büremne 'log' < Russ. brevna id.; MÇ parata 'gate' (ZS 109) < Russ. varata [varoHi] id., but cf. Çul. vilke 'fark' (ÇTYa 462) < Russ. vi/ka id., cf. 5.2.3.e; MÇ kast' 'guest' (LÇT 77) < Russ. gast' id.; M Ç terze 'window' (ZS 79) < NP darıçe id. (cf. Stachowski 1993b: 250). 5.2.4 Cansanants in the absalute final pasitian: 5.2.4.a From among voiced consonants İn the absolute final pasition, comman for all Çul. dialects, only -g i -rand K -g (cf. 5.2.4.b, h), -I, -m, -n, -I), -r occur, e.g. K kızıl 'red' (PVT 698) '" kızır 'yellaw' (ibid. 693); MÇ kıl 'horse's hair' (ZS 81); MÇ payram 'holiday, festival' (ZS 85); K altın 'goıd' (PVT 700); LÇ altan 'sixty' (ÇTYa 451); MÇ kar 'snow' (ZS 79); 5.2.4.b -g (= OT -g I-y) may undergo spirantisation or spirantisation and desonorisation (see alsa 5.2.4.h), e.g. MÇ çamıg 'skin; leather' (ZS 102) '"

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çamıy id. (ZS 24); K porulug 'fault, guilt' (PVT 695) '" K porulUg 'guilty' (VTD IV 1270); K tag 'mountain' (PVT 700) II tag id. (VTD III 795) '" MÇ tay id. (ZS 105); MÇ sarıy 'yellow' (ZS 41) '" sarı h id. (ZS 66); K yazag 'on foot' (PVT 693) ii yayıg id. (VTD III 76) '" MÇ çazay id. (ZS 99) ii çazah id. (DGÇ 18); Dropping out of -y, K -g is also observed, e.g. LÇ ayuy 'bear' (DGÇ 20) '" ayu id. (ÇTYa 465); LÇ suy 'water'(ibid. 456) '" K su id. (VTD IV 743); MÇ çılıy 'warm' (ZS 106) '" K yılıg id. (VTD III 484) II yılı id. (PVT 702); çul. tadlıy 'delicious, tasty' (LÇT 9) '" tadlı id. (ibid. 60); 5.2.4.c -y (= OT -d) oeeurs,only in LÇ and K and alternates here with K -s, -0 and MÇ -s, ef. 5.2.2.f; 5.2.4.d -I and -r may alternate, e.g. K kızıl 'red' (PVT 698) '" K kızır 'yellow' (ibid. 693); 5.2.4.e -v (= OT -V), e.g. çul. av 'right' (LÇT 50); çul. ev, a partide forming the superlative, e.g. ev kıyyı 'most intelligent' (ibid. 32); -v in all çul. dialeets may undergo develarisation, e.g. MÇ çav 'side' (LÇT 34) '" çan id. (ibid. 71); K yalav 'plain' (VTD III 157) '" yalan id. (PVT 700); MÇ öduV 'wood' (ZS 44) '" ödun id. (ZS 66); MÇ şav 'bell' (ZS 84) '" şan id. (ZS 100); LÇ tondav 'sandpiper' (ÇTYa 463) '" tondan id. (LÇT 6); Final çul. stops, fricatives and affrieates are all unvoieed: 5.2.4.f -ts (= OT -ç) oeeurs in K (where it alternates with -ş) and LÇ and altemates here with MÇ -ç II -ş II -s, ef. 5.2.2.e; 5.2.4.g -ç (= OT -ç) oeeurs in MÇ (-ç '" -ş '" -s) and it alternates here with K, LÇ -c, cf. 5.2.2.e; 5.2.4.h -k (= OT -k /-q), e.g. LÇ adatsak '1. father's brother; 2. bear' (LÇT 26); K inek 'eow' (PVT 692); LÇ yürek", MÇ çürek 'heart' (LÇT 18); MÇ örtek", örtök 'duek' (ZS 122); In some eases, the spirantisation of -k is observed, e.g. MÇ pozuk '" pözuh 'nail' (ZS 139). The phonetic value of -g /-y in sueh Biryukovieh's reeordings as çul. karay, in: karaynıv ornu 'eye-soeket' (but ef. karaktıv akpuzu 'white of the eye') '" karak 'eye' (LÇT 38); MÇ çay 'time' (LÇT 17) '" çak id. (ibid. 15) is difficult to be explained. Phonetie variations !ike karayand çay seem rather to result from an ineorreet isolating of Nominative forms out of really existing syntagmas (karaynıv ornu and so on). 5.2.4.i -p (= OT -p), e.g. MÇ kap 'bag' (ZS 140); K alıp 'hero' (VTD i 384);

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S.2.4.j -s (= OT -s, -z), e.g. K semis 'fat' (VTD IV 510); MÇ öksüs 'orphan; widow' (ZS 94); Tg. segis 'eight' (ÇT 626); çul. sös 'word' (LÇT 14); K as 'little' (VTD i 531). The question is the real phonetic value of -z in such recordings as, e.g. çul. kız' girl' (SÇÇ 118) '" kıs id. (DGÇ 17); çul. telJiz 'sea' (LÇT 17) '" tÖlJis 'ocean' (DGÇ 17) and the careless notation here is not unlikely, cf. 5.2A.h, cf. also çul. öksüs epçi 'widow' (LÇT 51) '" öksüz epçi id. (ibid. 15); K, MÇ -s (= OT -y) alternates with K, LÇ -y, cf. 5.2.2.f; MÇ -s altemates with MÇ -ş, cf. 5.2A.k; MÇ -s altemates with MÇ -ç, cf. 5.2.2.e; S.2.4.k -ş (= OT -ş) aIternates İn MÇ with -s, e.g. LÇ aş 'food' (LÇT 30); K aş- 'to pass over' (VTD i 586); MÇ iş 'work; business' (ZS 101) '" is id. (LÇT 54); MÇ paş '" pas 'head' (LÇT 24); K -ş may alternate with -ts and MÇ -ç II -s, cf. 5.2.2.e; 5.2A.f; 5.2.4.1 -t (= OT -t), e.g. K at 'name' (VTD 1440); LÇ at 'horse' (ÇTYa 448); MÇ et 'meat' (ZS 115); K it 'dog' (VTD i 1498). 5.3 Consonants in medial position: 5.3.1 -b- occurs only İn the position between two vowels or a vowel and a sonant and aIternates here with -p-, e.g. çul. slibın 'soap' (LÇT 8); K ebir 'to turn (around), (PVT 697); Y ç. yekırbı 'twenty' (DGÇ 22); MÇ teptepesken 'he has run' (ZS 118) vs. teptebeskem 'I have run' (ZS 140); LÇ arba 'rye' (LÇT 6) '" çul. arpa 'barley' (ibid. 17). it is difficult to interpret the cluster -kb- İn MÇ akbur 'chalk' (ZS 92) < PT *ak [> çul. ak 'white' (LÇT 13)] + PT *bor (> Yak. buor 'earth, loam') (Stachowski 1998: 113), non-attested İn the sources at our command, but, since İn çul. only p- occurs, cf. 5.2.3.i, the initial consonant should have also been unvoiced. In the presence of many other misprints and careless recordings in Biryukovich's sources, we would rather interpret -kb- as a misprint for -kp-, cf. çul. akpur 'Hme' (LÇT 28); MÇ akpuerla- '" ahpuarla- 'to whiten' (ZS 104). Cf. also 5.3.12.b; 5.3.15. S.3.1.a -b- mayaıso undergo spirantisation, e.g. MÇ ebeç 'rouble' (ZS 135) '" eveç id. (ZS 108); MÇ köbük 'foam' (ZS 124) '" Tg. kövük id. (ÇT 625); MÇ şıbılcak 'Httle finger' (LÇT 76) '" sıvılcak id. (ZS 143); Y ç. yekırbı '" Yj. yerve 'twenty' (DGÇ 22); S.3.1.b For the -b- '" -m- alternation see 5.3.12.b; S.3.1.e The elision of intervocalic -b- '" -p- İs also recorded, e.g. K

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abışka 'old man'(PVT 703) '" autska id. (VTD i 81); çul. kara plilık '" karlilok 'tench' (LÇT 38). 5.3.2 -ts- (= OT -ç-) occurs only İn K and LÇ and alternates with MÇ -ç-, ef. 5.2.2.c; 5.3.2.a Intervocalically and in the position between a vowel and asonant ts may undergo sonorisation, e.g. LÇ pıtsak 'knife' (LÇT 56) '" Tg. pıdzak id. (ÇT 625); LÇ etse 'mother' (LÇT 33) II edze id. (ibid. 9) '" K idze id. (VTD i 1523); LÇ iginntsi [sic!] 'second' (ÇTYa 450) ii igindzi id. (ibid. 454) '" K igindz{id. (PVT 695); 5.3.2.b In some cases, spirantisation is observed, too, e.g. LÇ ötsum 'my mother's brother' (LÇT 10) '" Tg. özum id. (ÇT 627). 5.3.3 -dz- occurs only in K, LÇ, being a result of a sonorİsation of -ts-, ef. 5.3.2.a. 5.3.4 -c- oeeurs only in MÇ being the result of the sonorisation of -ç-, ef. 5.3.5; 5.3.5 -ç- (= OT -ç-) occurs in MÇ and alternates here with K, LÇ -ts-, ef. 5.2.2.e; 5.3.5.a Intervocalically and in the position between a vowel and asonant ç may undergo sonorisation, e.g. MÇ pıçak 'knife' (ZS 108) '" pıcak id. (DGÇ 18); MÇ üçünçü 'third' (ZS 110) '" ücüncü id. (ZS 125); 5.3.5.b it mayaıso undergo deaffricatisation, e.g. MÇ liçıy'" lişıy 'bitter' (LÇT 23); MÇ keçe 'yesterday' (ZS 110) '" keje id. (ZS 103); MÇ üçünçü 'third' (ZS 110) '" üzünzü id. (ÇT 626); MÇ çüçken '" süsken 'mole' (LÇT 5); MÇ muncuk 'bead' (ZS 112) '" munjuk id. (ZS 85). 5.3.6 -d- (= OT -t-) occurs only in the position between two vowels or a vowel and a sonant, and altemates here with -t- and -tt-, cf. 5.3.19. 5.3.7 -g- / -y- (= OT -g- / -y-) may undergo elision, e.g. MÇ ayaç 'wood' (LÇT 7) '" aç 'tree' (ibid. 25); çul. ayrıy 'siek, ilI' (LÇT 26) '" lirıy id. (ibid. 30); K ayır 'heavy' (VTD I 157) '" MÇ lir id. (LÇT 54); K ayıl 'village' (VTD I 163) '" lil id. (PVT 702); MÇ çeyerbe 'twenty' (ZS 105); 5.3.7.a -g-/-y- is also a result of the sonorisation of -k on the border between morphemes or lexemes, e.g. LÇ atsag7Jm « atsak) 'my father's oIder brother' (LÇT 30) '" atsayom id. (ibid. 9); K töjögUn « töjük) 'his mattress, Acc.' (PVT 691); K ödügUlJ « ödük) 'your boot' (PVT 690); MÇ ay yaraYb « karak 'eye') 'moon' (ZS 134); 5.3.7.b -y- may alternate with -v- and -0-, e.g. MÇ kuyas ii kös 'beautifu!' (ZS 26) '" LÇ kuvas ii kuas id. (ÇTYa 448); MÇ suyak", suvak '"

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suak", sök 'coıd' (LÇT 58). 5.3.8 -h- is a result of the spirantisation of -k- in the position between a eonsonant and a vowel, rarely it can sometimes undergo elision, e.g. LÇ ötskv 'old man' (ÇTYa 456) vs. ötshvm 'my husband' (LÇT 9); MÇ çoçka 'pig' (ZS 92) '" çoçhv id. (ZS 104); K ırıska 'wood grouse' (VTD i 1369) '" MÇ ırısha id. (LÇT 78); Tg. paşka '" paşha 'other' (ÇT 626); Çib. ukla- 'to sleep' (DGÇ 22) '" LÇ yuhla- id. (ibid. 26); MÇ şıkvagan,...; şıhvagan 'he went out' (ZS 104); MÇ men parbuhmbn [sic!] 'I wiU not go' (ibid.) vs. paralbukmvn 'I will not be able to go' (ZS 88). 5.3.9 -j- (= OT -ş-) oeeurs only in the position between two vowels or a vowel and a sonant, and altemates here with -Ş-, e.g. K tiji 'female' (VTD HI 1405); MÇ töjek 'feather bed' (ZS 123); K eşlt- 'to hear; to listen' (PVT 701) '" MÇ ejit- id. (LÇT 81); MÇ çımşak 'sofi' (ibid. 75) '" çımjak 'light' (ibid.9); 5.3.9.a The above mentioned -j- may in MÇ undergo despirantisation, e.g. kajuk '" kazuk 'spoon' (LÇT 23); tigenjü '" tigenzü 'fir' (LÇT 6); 5.3.9.b -j- is a result of sonorisation of -ş on the border between morphemes or lexemes, e.g. K ajıl- « aş-) 'to go across/over' (VTD 1609); MÇ ajın- 'vi to open', İn: ejik aştıp paran 'the door opened' (LÇT 30); 5.3.9.c MÇ -j- ('" -ş- '" -ç- '" -c- = OT -ç-) alternates with LÇ, K -ts-, ef. 5.2.2.e. 5.3.10 -k- (= OT -k-), e.g. K aksak 'larne' (VTD i 125); çul. ike 'two' (LÇT 33); 5.3.10.a In the position between two vowels or a vowel and a sonant, it undergoes sonorİsation or sonorİsation and spirantisation, e.g. çul. ike'" ige 'two' (LÇT 33); K arra 'baek; ridge' (VTD I 294); MÇ sarvnram 'I thought' (ZS 21), but ef. MÇ saktıbzıo 'you think' (ZS 116); 5.3.10.b Intervoealically, -k- mayaıso beeome geminated, e.g. K meke 'triek' (PVT 700) '" LÇ mekke id. (ÇTYa 449); K sıkır- 'to whistle' (VTD IV 609) '" sıkkır- id. (ibid. 612). 5.3.11 -l- (= OT -l-), e.g. K ala 'eolouıful, multicoloured' (VTD i 351); LÇ altı 'sİx' (ÇTYa 451); K elik 'deer' (PVT 695); MÇ ilger 'further (on), forward' (LÇT 80); 5.3.11.a Initial L of the suffixes may, after nasals and unvoiced stops, undergo assimilation to the stern (ef. 5.3.11.b), e.g. The plural suffix, e.g. MÇ pulannar (ZS 21)

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kuçaktar (ZS 21) < kuçak 'bird'; LÇ ıtterım 'my dogs' (ÇTYa 449) < it 'dog'. After vowels and voiced, non-nasal consonants, the initial i of the suffix is preserved, e.g. K kijiler (PVT 702) < kiji 'man'; K pegler (ibid. 690) < peg 'ruler'; MÇ morüler < morü 'wolf' (ZS 51); MÇ ırlar (ZS 81) < ır 'song'; The suffİx forming adjectives, e.g. K altınmg 'gold-plated' (PVT 702) < altın 'gold'; MÇ attıy 'named, called' (LÇT 77) < at 'name', but cf. K ayıllıg 'wise, intelligent' (VTD i 165) < ayıl 'mind, intellect'; çul. epçilig 'married' (LCT 32) < epçi 'wife'; The suffix of denominaI verbs, e.g. K ayınna- 'to stutter, stammer' (VTD i 156) < ayın 'stutterer'; çul. emne- 'to cure' (LÇT 9) < em 'medicine'; K epte- 'to have a house' (VTD i 921) < ep 'house', but cf. K ayılla- 'to go to the village' (VTD i 165) < ayıl 'village'; çul. eserle- 'to saddIe [a horse]' (LÇT 32) < *eser, cf. ezer 'saddIe'; S.3.11.b The examples of lacking assimilation of i after stern-fina! nasals and unvoiced stops are also recorded, e.g. MÇ tamla 'tomorrow' (ÇTYa 461) '" tamna id. (ZS 87) < tam ~ tm] 'dawn; daybreak'; K yedekle- 'to walk a horse by the rein' (VTD III 1012) ~ yedekte- id. (PVT 697f.) < yedek 'cord, rope us ing for leading a horse, ete.'; LÇ akla- 'to dean, dem' (ÇTYa 451) vs. MÇ akta- 'to whiten' (LÇT 28) < ak 'white'; K tüklüg 'hairy' (VTD III 1533) vs. MÇ tüktüg id. (LÇT 66) < tük 'hair; down'; S.3.11.c In LÇ, -I of the suffix of the future tense in -Iık undergoes entire assİmilation to the stern final consonant, e.g. parruk 'he will go' (ÇTYa 458) < par- 'to go'; konnuk 'he will spend the night' (ibid.) < kon- 'to spend the night'; pışşuk 'it will be boiling' (ibid.) < pıŞ- 'vr to boil'; alluk 'he wiU take' (ibid.) < al- 'to take'; In MÇ, the I in question generally undergoes parti al assimilation to the fina! nasals or unvoiced stops of the stems and only single examples of the entire assimilation, mostly after -r, are recorded, e.g. çonnuk 'he will plane' (ZS 135) < çon- 'vt to plane'; ayttık 'he will say' (ZS 24) < ayt- 'to say'; östük 'he will grow up' (ZS 122) < ös- 'to grow up'; polluk 'he will be' (ZS 118) < pol- 'to be'; olurluk 'he will ki II , (ZS 81) < olur- 'to kill'; ser barlıksl1Jnar 'you wll go' (ÇTYa 459) < par- 'to go' vs. parrık 'he will go' (ZS 93); turluk 'he will get up' (ZS 120) '" turruk id. (ZS 93) < tur- 'to get up'; parossık « *par-is-lik) 'he will go' (ZS 135); S.3.11.d The dropping of -l- is recorded İn some examples, e.g. MÇ sapsal! 'put!' (ZS 30), cf. K kıyya salıb-ıstı 'he called' (PVT 695); MÇ

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siler 'you' (ZS 142) '" ser İd. (ÇTYa 454); LÇ tsom 'the Chulym River' (ÇTYa466); 5.3.11.e Gemİnated -ll- is also observed in some cases, e.g. Tg. olar '" ollar 'they' (ÇT 627). -ll- in çul. kellim 'my bride; my son's wife, ete.' (LÇT 10) results from a progressive consonant assimilation with the simultaneous dropping of the high vowel of the second syllable, Le. from *kelnim < kelin-im, cf. K kelin 'bride' (VTD II 1117); 5.3.12 -m- OT -m-), e.g. kijmür 'coa!' (ZS 85); MÇ çumurtka 'egg' (ibid.); LÇ yaman 'bad' (ÇTYa 450); K tamya 'seal' (PVT 689); LÇ emdi 'now' (ÇTYa 456); 5.3.12.a The spirantisation of -m- is observed sporadically: Tg. savan 'straw' (ÇT 625); S.3.12.b -m- may alternate with -b- ('" -V-, cf. 5.3.1.a), e.g. MÇ sımıçak 'two-year-old horse' (LÇT 5) '" sıbıçak id. (ibid. 79); MÇ şamalcak 'little finger' (ZS 108) '" şıbılcak (LÇT 76) id.; 5.3.12.c The dropping of -m- is observed sporadically: MÇ köp salyannar « *kop sal-yan-nar < *köm-üp sal-yan-nar) 'they buried' (LÇT 81), cf. MÇ olarnı kömrlge gerek 'İt is necessary to bury them' (ibid.); 5.3.12.d An interrogative suffix -ma'" -ba is observed only in K after nasals, while after stern fina! voiced consonants it constantly sounds -ba, e.g. paryayılJma 'do you want to go?' (PVT 697); kördilvme 'have you seen?' (ibid. 690); kelgenbe 'has he come?' (ibid. 696); aradzan kalyanba 'is [any] spirit left?' (ibid. 691); alban akkeldllJerbe? 'have they brought a tribute?' (PVT 690); In MÇ [for LÇ onlyone example of the suffix İn question İs recorded İn the sources at our command, İ.e. kelgokterve [sic!] 'will they come back?' (ÇTYa 455)], as well after stern final vowels and voiced consonants, among them also nasals, as after voiceless consonants only -ba ,...., -va is observed, e.g. çahşıba 'İs it good?' (ZS 88); kelergeve? 'coming?' (ZS ll); ölurlugsuvba 'will you sit down? (ZS 21); ol perlükbe [sic!] djokva? 'will he give or not?' (DGÇ 23); SelJ akça barva? 'do you have money?' (ZS 21), cf. parba? 'does [it] exist?' (ZS 88); tavorakba 'quickly?' (ZS 21); 5.3.12.e Like the above mentioned interrogative suffix, also the negative suffix preserves its inİtial m- only after nasals in K, but b- is also observed, e.g. tarınma, Taska Mattır 'Taska Mattyr, do not be angry!' (PVT 697), cf. ma tarınbarın 'do not be angry with me' (ibid. 695); yanbazalJ 'if you do not come back' (ibid. 699);

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In K, after stern fina! vowels and voiced consonants there occurs -ba and after voiceless consonants -pa, e.g. yibezin 'do not let them eat!' (ibid. 699); özU keZbeze Taska Mattırm kaidlıspadı? 'if he himself had not come, why has he not sent Taska Mattyr?' (ibid. 696f.); at poZbın yadır 'he could not shoot' (ibid. 695); idzel] babam [sic!, a misprint for -l]] aştabas 'your mother and father will not hunger' (ibid.696); In contemporary çul. dialects, -ma is no longer observed; after all stems -ba '" -va is recorded, e.g. MÇ tarnba 'do not be angry!' (ZS 87); LÇ adınvaZ' do not shoot' (ÇTY a 45 1); M Ç kamnava 'do not do shaman' s job' (ZS 21); LÇ men polvöm « *poZ-va-gok-um) 'I will not be' (ÇTYa 459); MÇ paraZbok 'he can not go' (ZS 114); LÇ keZvesbm 'I will not come' (ÇTYa 457); LÇ men parvin t'ederım [sic!] 'I will not go' (ÇTYa 460); In all çul. dialects m- is preserved in emes < *e-, e.g. MÇ aL] el]ni çaZbak emes 'his shoulders are not broad' (LÇT 32); K men poruZiig emes 'I am not guilty' (PVT 695); 5.3.12.f The m- '" b- alternatian is alsa observed İn the personal suffİx of the 1st person sing., e.g. K men seni ızarmm 'I will send you' (PVT 696); K men aZarbın 'I wiU take' (ibid. 698); K men pozım uZug kan poZyabın « *poZ-yan-mın) 'I myself have become a great khan' (ibid. 700); K mende parımin 'I will go, too' (ibid. 695); MÇ turyaZdırbım « *turarya aZdırmm) 'I want to stand up' (ÇTYa 461); MÇ men öZur aZdormen 'I want to sit' (ibid.). 5.3.13 -n- (= OT -n-), e.g. MÇ ana 'mother' (LÇT 79); çul. könek 'leather pail, bucket' (ibid. 43); K tam- 'to know' (VTD III 825); K kendir 'hernp' (ibid. II 1081); MÇ kence 'child' (ZS 112); 5.3.13.a -n- is a result of the assimilation of initial Z- İn the suffixes added to the stern final nasals, cf. 5.3.1 1.a-c; 5.3.13.b The n- '" d- alternatian İn the genitive and accusative suffixes after stern final sanants, is recorded in K, e.g. Taska Mattırnıl] '" Taska Mattırdıı] 'of Taska Mattyr' (PVT 704); taskıZm 'mountain (Acc.)' (ibid. 702) '" taskıZdı id. (ibid. 701), cf. 6.1.2.a; 6.1.4.a; 5.3.13.c The dropping of -n- intervocalically and in consonant dusters is recorded rarely: çul. kal]na '" kal]a 'skis lined witlı leather' (LÇT 38); K ikindzi 'second' (PVT 695) '" ikidzi id. (ibid. 696); MÇ anıl] 'his' (LÇT 81) '" al] id. (ZS 132); K meniı] 'my' (PVT 690) '" mel] id. (ibid. 691); K seniı] '" sel] 'your' (ibid. 701). 5.3.14 -l]- (= OT -l]-), e.g. MÇ il]er 'evening' (ZS 20); çul. kılJır

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'cross-eyed' (LÇT 47); S.3.14.a In many cases however, dropping of -v- is observed, e.g. K ır

'evening' (PVT 690) '" evir id. (VTD I 711); K süek ro../ MÇ süök 'bone'

(ÇT 625) ro../ MÇ sok id. (ÇTYa 465) '" LÇ süyök id. (ibid. 448); LÇ siek '" MÇ sek 'mosquito' (ZS 26); MÇ ça 'new' (DGÇ 23) '" çavı id. (LÇT 9); S.3.14.b The loss of nasalisatİon is recorded in some examples, e.g. K tevir 'heaven' (PVT 701) '" tegir id. (ibid. 700); çul. ivne ro../ igne 'needle' (LÇT 33). 5.3.15 Although Biryukovich describes çul. -p- as occurring only in dusters with an unvoiced consonant, e.g. MÇ ep çi 'wornan' (ZS 86), there exist İn reality numerous examples with an unvoİced -p- between two voiced sounds, e.g. MÇ kıs poparsa 'if the winter becomes' (ZS 134); MÇ kaya parödıv [sic!, a misprint for -V] 'where are you going to?' (ZS 128) vs. kaya baröto 'where İs he going to? (Biryukovich's: Ky,ı:ı;a OH ııoexarr [LD (ZS 137); K neme körgönün solöp odurdu 'he told what he had seen' (PVT 701) vs. solöb odur 'he says' (ibid. 704); K sap la- 'supplied with handie' (VTD IV 407), cf. 5.3.1; S.3.1S.a Examples of simultaneous sanarisatian (cf. 5.3.1, 5.3.l.a, 5.3.15) and spirantisation of -p- are abundant, e.g. MÇ üçvayan 'they flew away' (ZS 141); Tg. süvürgü 'broom' (ÇT 625); Tg. sadıval 'buy!' (ibid.); kervik 'eyelash' (ibid.); MÇ akpus ro../ akvos 'white' (ZS 108); MÇ itpek ro../ itvek 'bread' (LÇT 78); MÇ şuprak 'rag' (ibid. 23) '" şüvrek id. (ZS 107); S.3.1S.b Examples of the dropping of an intervocalic -p- and the los s of a geminate are alsa recorded, e.g. çul. kara palık'" karalok 'tench' (LÇT 38);

Tg. appar- '" apar- « *alıp par-) 'to bring' (ÇT 626); Tg. tappanım ro../ tapanım « *tap-pa-yan-ım) 'I did not find' (ÇT 627). 5.3.16 -r- (= OT -r-), e.g. K ara 'the space between' (VTD i 245); çul. art 'at the back' (LÇT 17); LÇ artuk 'excess' (ÇTYa 449); çul. iren 'abseess' (LÇT 33);

S.3.16.a The dropping of -r- İs observed sporadically: çul. örşkü ro../ öşkü 'oar' (LÇT 8); S.3.16.b LÇ -r- İs alsa a result of the progressive assimilation of initial i in the suffİx of the future tense in -lık after a stern fina! r, cf. 5.3.11.c. 5.3.17 -s- (= OT -s-), e.g. MÇ isig 'hat' (LÇT ll); K eski 'old' (VTD i 880); S.3.17.a Intervocalically, and in the pasition between a sonant and a vowel, s may undergo sonorisation, e.g. MÇ kısım 'my daughter' (ZS 97) ro../ kozım

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ THE CHULYMS AND THEIR LANGUAGE 101 id. (ZS 131); çul. eserle- 'to saddIe' (LÇT 32) '" ezerle- id. (ibid. 31, Russ. 'roToBHTb', which results from the careless notation of *'roToBHTb KOHSI', i.e. 'to saddie a horse'); MÇ çılsırtı 'the first month in the Chulym calendar, literatim: spine of the year' (Biryukovieh's: SlHBapb) (LÇT 75) '" çılzırtı id. (ÇTYa 463); K münerz'{v 'you will mount a horse' (PVT 696); MÇ sanazav 'if you count' (ZS 100) vs. barbasa 'if he does not go' (ZS 99); it İs worth mentianing, that a preserved s in positions as above, is observed in MÇ, cf. alsa e.g. aydıb7ılsın [sie!, a misprint for -V?] 'you will say' (ZS 98); ölursuv 'you sit' (ZS 116); kumursh7ı 'ant' (ZS 97) and İn Küerik examples, even if it is preserved, it undergoes gemination, e.g. men münelbessim 'I can not mount [the horse]' (ÇT 626). 5.3.17.b The -s- '" -ş- alternatian in consonant cIusters is well recorded, cf. 5.3.18.a; 5.3.17.c MÇ -s- may be alsa a result of deaffricatisation of -ç-, cf. 5.3.5.b. 5.3.18 -ş- (= OT -ş-), e.g. K eş'{t- 'to hear' (PVT 701); çul. aş7ıg 'pass between the rivers' (LÇT 30); MÇ işte- 'to work' (ZS 132); MÇ taşkar 'out, outside' (LÇT 78); 5.3.18.a -ş- may undergo sanarisation or be replaced by a dental frieative, e.g. çul. eşit- 'to hear' (ÇTYa 454) '" ejit- id. (LÇT 33); K ejik 'door' (PVT 690); MÇ çımşak 'soft' (LÇT 75) '" çımjak id. (ibid. 9); K taşkarı '" taskarı 'out, outside' (PVT 692); çul. ajuk 'food' (LÇT 15) '" azuk id. (ibid. 16); K paşka 'other' (PVT 700) '" paska id. (ibid. 704); 5.3.18.b -ş- may be also a result of deaffrieatisation of -ç-, cf. 5.3.5.b. 5.3.19 -t- (= OT -t-) may undergo sonorisation or gemination, e.g. MÇ atulgu 'carpenter's axe' (ZS 23) '" adılra id. (ZS 90); LÇ otus'" odus 'thirty' (ÇTYa 451) '" K ottus id. (PVT 704); MÇ aytış- 'to speak' (LÇT 80) '" aydış- 'to make adate' (ibid. 81); MÇ çıltıs 'star' (LÇT 8) '" çuldus id. (ZS 90); 5.3.19.a -t- may be a result of an assimilation of a sufix initiall- to stern final voiceless consonants, cf. 5.3.11.a-c; 5.3.20 -V-, a bilabial spirant, may drop intervocalically, e.g. LÇ uvak '" uak 'little' (ÇTYa 448); MÇ çuvan '" çön 'thick' (LÇT 13); 5.3.20.a -v- may be a resuIt of spirantisation of -p-, -b-, -m-, cf. 5.3.l.a; 5.3.12.a; 5.3.15.a; 5.3.20.b for -v- '" -y- '" -0- cf. 5.3.7.b. 5.3.21 -y- (= OT -y-), e.g. çul. ayas 'bright, sunny day' (LÇT 7); K ay(ı)t- 'to speak' (VTD 143); K kaya 'rock' (ibid. II 88); MÇ kaynat- 'vt to

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 102 MARZANNA POMORSKA boiI' (LÇT 78); 5.3.21.a LÇ, K -y- may be a result of the development of PT *-6-, cf. 5.2.2.d; 5.3.21.b The dropping of -y- is observed in some cases, e.g. MÇ ol çurtıyek'" ol çurtiek 'he will liye' (ÇTYa 459); LÇ süyel '" suel 'wart' (ibid. 448); çul. aguydat'" agudat, name of ariver (DGÇ 28). 5.3.22 -Z-, a result of sonorİsation of -S-, cf. 5.3.17.a; S.3.18.a; 5.3.22.a MÇ, K -z- mayaıso be a result of the development of PT *-6-, cf. S.2.2.d.

6 Nominal Morphology 6.1 Declension Nom. 0-; Gen. -nu), -du), -tıı); Dat. -ga,-ka; possess. 3. sg. -na, -nga; Acc. -m, -tı, -dı; possess. 3.sg. -n, -m; AbI. -nal), -dal), -tal); -dm, -tın; possess. 3.sg. -nal), -ndın; Loc. -da,-ta; possess. 3. sg. -nda; Instr.-Com. -bılal),-pılal); -la, -ta; -b(ı)la; -blal), -blan; -lal); -la; 6.1.1 Nominative: K, MÇ, LÇ 0-, e.g. MÇ agaç 'tree' (Lçr 26); Tg. mörü 'wolf' (ÇT 62S); K tilbets 'translator' (VrD III 1389). 6.1.2 Genitive: 6.1.2.a K -nıl) after vowels and voiced consonants, -tıl) after voiceless consonants, and -dzl) after -r, -l, İn many cas es however alternatively with -mi) (cf. 6.1A.a), e.g. kanml) (PVr 690) < kan 'ruler, khan'; tagml) (ibid. 700) < tag 'mountain'; tülküniil) (ibid. 696) < tülkü 'fox'; kuştul) (ibid. 702) < kuş 'bird'; Taska Mattırdıl) (ibid. 69S) < Taska Mattır, the proper noun vs. Taska Mattırml) (ibid. 704); aldıl) (ibid. 690) < al 'village' vs. alml) (ibid. 699);yıldıl) (ibid.)

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kundusnı1) (ibid.) < kundus 'beaver' - İn these two examples we observe the lack of the regular consonant assimilation: -ç / -s + -nl1) instead of -tl1), for the vowel sequence u - 1 cf. 5.1.5.c. 6.1.3 Dative: 6.1.3.a K, MÇ, LÇ -ga, after vowels and voiced consonants and -ka after voiceless consonants (in many cases with the spirantization g > y and, sporadically, k> h), e.g. MÇ kargaga (ZS 21) < karga 'crow'; MÇ tonga (ibid. 21) < ton 'fur-coat'; MÇ ölya (LÇT 78) < öl 'young man'; MÇ ashırya (ibid.) < ashır 'stallion'; LÇ tsimelerge [sic!] (ÇTYa 450) < tsimeler 'meadows'; MÇ tönbasha (ZS 140) < tönbas, part. aor. neg. of tön- 'vi to freeze'; LÇ Tsomge (ÇTYa 466) < TsiJm 'the Chulym River'; LÇ Uluy Tsortannıya (ibid.) < Uluy Tsortannı 'Great Tsortany, the name of a lake'; K tagga (PVT 699) < tag 'mountain' (but cf. 6.1.3.b); K peglerge (ibid. 691)

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 104 MARZANNAPOMORSKA consonants, and -dı after -I, -r, alternatively with -nı (cf. 6.1.2.a), e.g. kijini (PVT 689) < kiji 'man' ~ tagnı (ibid. 700) < tag 'mountain'; alJnı (ibid. 696) < aL) 'wild animal'; taştarnı (ibid. 699) < taştar 'stones' ~ alnı (ibid. 702) < al 'village'; mel) sözUmnU (ibid. 692) < mel) sözUm 'my word' ~ torsuktu (ibid. 705) < torsuk 'rubber pipe'; kıstı (ibid. 700) < kıs 'gir!'; Kara Mattırdı (ibid. 695) '" Kara Matırnı (ibid.) < Kara Mattır, a proper noun; taskıldı (ibid. 701) "-' taskılnı (ibid. 702) < taskıl 'mountain'; 6.1.4.b LÇ -nı after vowels and voiced consonants (no example seems to be recorded for word final -I) and -tz after voiceless consonants, e.g. MÇ palanı (ZS 115) < pala 'child' ~ MÇ kemeni (ibid.) < keme 'boat'; MÇ çernı [sic!] (ibid. 24) < çer 'earth'; LÇ tonumnu (ÇTYa 449) < tonum 'my fur-coat'; LÇ suynu (ibid. 450) < suy 'water'; MÇ ottu (ZS 115) < ot 'grass'; MÇ püktü (ibid.) < pük 'meadow'; LÇ tsalbaktı (ÇTYa 466) < tsalbak 'Russ. Qerr6aK'; 6.1.4.c After the poss. suf. of the 3rd pers., -n occurs constantly İn K, e.g. malın (PVT 693) < malı 'his cattle'; ezerin (ibid. 702) < ezeri 'his saddIe'; moynın (ibid. 697) < moynı 'his neck'; uluzlin (ibid.) < uluzu 'his people, nation'; In MÇ both -n and -n-ı are recorded, e.g. kepteren (ZS 127) < keptere 'their dothes'; karan (ZS 144) < *karayın < karayı 'his eye';pudunu (ZS 115) < pudu 'his hip'; tübünü (ibid.) < tübü 'his bottom'; For LÇ only -n-ı seems to be attested: ününü < ünü 'his voice' (ÇTYa 449). 6.1.S Ablative: 6.1.S.a K -dal) after vowels and voiced consonants, and -tal) after voiceless consonants, e.g abışkadal) 694) < abışka '1. old man~ 2. father'; tel)irdel) (ibid. 701) < tel)ir 'heaven' ~ eneydel) (ibid. 694) < eney 'mother'; koldal) (ibid. 701) < kol' arm; hand'; tagdal) (ibid. 703) < tag 'mountain' ~ inektel) (ibid. 694) < inek 'cow'; eptel) (ibid. 691) < ep 'house'; ayaktal) (ibid. 700) < ayak 'wine-cup; bowl'; töştel) (ibid. 698) '" töştÖl) (ibid. 695) < töş 'chest; breast'. Sporadic exhibit -nal): Tas/w Mattır alnal) tsıyıp ayrln pardı 'Taska Mattyr went out of the yillage and ro de slowly' (in PVT 702 literalim: er ritt langsam zum Dorfe hinaus), pu kögUn kemnel) eşkenil) 'from whom have you heard this song?' (ibid. 703) - note the presence of -nal) after non-nasal -I in alnal); 6.1.S.b MÇ, LÇ -dm after vowels and voiced consonants and -tm after

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voiceless consonants, e.g.MÇ turadın (ZS 91) < tura 'town'; MÇ kemedin (ZS 115); MÇ köldün (ZS 16) < köl 'lake'; LÇ iginntsimdin (ÇTYa 450) < iginntsim 'my second'; LÇ tonuvdun (ibid.) < tonuV 'yourfur-coat'; MÇ ıştıktın (ZS 73) < ıştık 'pot'; MÇ tüptün (ibid. 16) < tüp 'bottom'; LÇ puluttun (ÇTYa 449) < pulut 'c1oud'; LÇ attın (ibid.) < at 'horse'; 6.1.S.c After the poss. suf. of the 3rd pers. in K occurs -n-av, e.g. izinev (PVT 698) < izi 'his footmark'; yalınav (ibid.) < yalı 'his way'; attarınav (ibid. 690) < attan 'their horse', in MÇ, LÇ -n-dın, e.g. MÇ pudundun (ZS 115) < pudu 'his hip'; LÇ ünündün (ÇTYa 450) < ünü 'his voice'; LÇ yerindin (ibid. 455) < yeri 'its place'. 6.1.6 Locative: 6.1.6.a K, MÇ, LÇ -da after vowels and voİced consonants and -ta after voiceless consonants, e.g. MÇ tayyada (ZS 13) < tayya 'taiga'; LÇ igide (ÇTYa 450) < igi 'two'; K uluzumda (PVT 692) < uluzum 'my people, tribe'; K tagda (ibid. 703) < tag 'mountain'; MÇ attarda (ZS 72) < attar 'horses'; MÇ münde (ibid. 11) < mün 'soup'; LÇ te yeduvde 'that week' (ÇTYa 459) < *yeduV < *yedi gün 'week'; K epte (PVT 704) < ep 'house'; MÇ kuşta (ZS 38) < kuş 'bird'; 6.1.6.b After the poss. suf. of the 3rd pers. K, MÇ -n-da, e.g. Kalında (PVT 693) < alı 'his village'; K sunduk üstiinde 'on the box' (ibid. 703) < üstii 'the surface of something'; MÇpajında (ZS 13) v (cf. 5.3.l.a)] after the stern fina! vowels (also after the poss. suf. of the 3rd pers.)

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 106 MARZANNA POMORSKA and -k, -l, -v, e.g. kemeble < keme 'boat' (ZS ll); çıltızıbla < çıltızı 'his root' (ZS 87);pıçakvıla (ZS 108) çolla, İ.e. actually an Ioc. case, we can not exdude here an incorrect translation and interpret çolla as the instr. form parallel to çolbla (cf. above), cf. also MÇ çolla bar! 'go [this] way, Russ. M)];M ILO )];opore' (DGÇ 18) and MÇ çölda 'on the way, Loc.' (ZS 38); cf. K -la 6.1.7.a; MÇ -lav after stern fina! vowels and consonants: kemelev (ZS 115) < keme 'boat', cf. kemeble above; keçlev (ibid.) < keç 'baby'; palıklaV (ibid.) < palık 'fish'; for all the quoted forms, Biryukovich gives an incorrect translation: 'with your boat, baby, fish', but cf. also palıklaV 'with the fish' (ibid. 51,52); M çollav (DGÇ 23) < çol 'way', cf. çolbla", çolla above; M pıçaklav (ibid.) m of the suffix: mevmele 'with me' (ibid. 448) vs. mel)vele id. (ibid. 451); Yj. tal)mıla 'tomorrow' (DGÇ 22) < tal) 'dawn'; cf. also MÇ -b(ı)la above; 6.1.8 Directive: Dir. is attested only in some pronouns, cf. 6.4.l.c; 6.4.2.

6.2 Plural -lar, -nar, -tar: 6.2.1 K -lar after stern fina! vowels and voİced non-nasal consonants; -nar after nasals; -dar only in one attestation, after -l) altematively with -nar and -tar after voiceless consonants, e.g. kijiler (PVT 702) < kiji 'man';

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ THE CHULYMS AND THEIR LANGUAGE 107 pegler (ibid. 690) < peg 'ruler'; ylt öllar (ibid. 692) < ylt öl 'young man'; tsimektsinner (ibid. 705) '" tsimektsiner (ibid. 692) < tsimektsin 'maid, servant'; yayzal)nar (ibid. 691) '" yayzal)dar (ibid. 690) < yayzal) 'yayzang, a man in duty, civil servant (cf. Rasanen 1969: 179f.)'; kıstar (ibid. 693) < kıs 'girl'; 6.2.2 MÇ, LÇ -lar after stern final vowels and voiced non-nasal consonants (though in LÇ the suffix İs barely attested and only after vowels), -nar after stern fina! nasals and -tar after vokeless consonants, e.g. MÇ morüler < morü 'wolf' (ZS 51); LÇ tsimeler [sic!] < *tsimenler (ÇTYa 450) < tsimen 'meadow'; LÇ siler'" sler 'you' (DGÇ 18); MÇ ırlar (ZS 81) < ır 'song'; MÇ pulannar (ZS 21)

6.3 Possessivity 1st pers. sg. -(ı)m; 1st pers. pı' -(ı)bıs, -(ı)vıs; 2nd pers. sg. -(ı)l); 2nd pers. pI. -(ı)l)ar; 3rd pers. sg. -l, -zı; 3rd pers. pI. -ları, -tarı.

As in other Tu. languages, the possessivity İs indkated İn çul. by special possessive suffixes added to nouns or a composition of possessive pronouns (cf. 6.4.1) and nouns with (cf. 6.3.7) or without a possessive suffix. The possesiye suffixes İn çul. are as follows: 6.3.1 The 1st pers. sing.: K, MÇ, LÇ -m after stern final vowels and -ım after consanants, e.g. K pa bam (PVT 695) < paba 'fatlıer'; MÇ çendayom (ZS 90) < çendayo 'son of the mother's brother'; LÇ palam (ÇTYa 450) < pala 'son'; K aZıbım (PVT 692) < alıp 'hero'; MÇ kücüm (ZS 40) < küç 'power; strengtlı'; LÇ karondajom (ÇTYa 466) < karondaş 'friend, comrade'. 6.3.2 The 2nd pers. sing.: K, MÇ, LÇ -l) after stern final vowels and -ll) after consonants, e.g. Kporul) (PVT 698)

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< paba 'father'; MÇ ortüzu (ZS 99f.) < ortu,..., orta 'middle'; LÇ tayra yaraZ1ınga 'to the edge of the taiga' (ÇTYa 466) < yara 'edge, bank', cf. alsa 6.1.3 - 6.1.6. 6.3.4 The 1st pers. pı': K, MÇ, LÇ -bıs after stern final yowels and -zbıs after consanants, in same cas es with the b> v spirantization, e.g. K palabıs (PVT 703) < pala 'child'; LÇ edzevis (ÇTYa 450) < edze 'mother'; K yonıbıs (PVT 693) < yon 'faIk, people' (for. o - ı cf. 5.1.5.c); MÇ alôb1ıS (ZS 98) < al 'yillage'. 6.3.5 The suffix of the 2nd pers. pI. is barely attested in the sources (no attestation for MÇ) but the examples at our command indicate that it is composed of the possesiye suf. of the 2nd pers. sing. (cf. 6.3.2) and the suf. of plural (cf. 6.2): K -(ı)var: pegiver (PVT 691)

6.4 Pronouns

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6.4.1 Personal pronouns: 6.4.1.a The ıst pers. sing.: K: Nom. men (VTD IV 2085); Gen. meniı] (PVT 698) '" mel] (ibid. 697); Dat. ma (ibid. 699); Aee. meni (ibid.); Loe., AbI. - non-attested; Instr.-Com. menil]bilel] (PVT 700); MÇ: Nom. men (ZS 137); Gen. mel] (ZS 142); Dat. ma (ZS 30); Aee. meni (ÇTYa 459) '" mene (LÇT 79); Loe., AbI. - non-attested; Biryukovich (LÇT 47) quotes the forms mende, mendin respeetively without any designation of the dialect to which they belong; Instr.-Com. mel]la (DGÇ 23); LÇ: Nom. men (ÇTYa 451); Gen. mel] (ibid.); Dat. ma (ibid.) '" ma (ibid. 462); Acc. meni (ibid. 451); Loe. mende (ibid.); AbI. mendin (ibid.); Instr. Com. mel]vele (ibid.) '" mel]mele (ibid. 448). 6.4.1.b The 2nd pers. sing.: K: Nom. sen (PVT 701); Gen. seniı] (ibid.) '" sel] (ibid.), in one case (a misprint?) sen (ibid. 697), ef. MÇ sen below; Dat. sa (ibid. 696); Aee. seni (ibid.); Loe. - non-attested; AbI. sennel] (ibid. 694); Instr.-Com. - non attested; MÇ: Nom. sen (ZS 12); Gen. sel] (ZS 33), in one case (a misprint?) sen (LÇT 81), ef. K sen above; Dat. sa (ibid.); Aee., Loc., AbI. - non-attested; Biryukovich quotes the forms seni (LÇT 58), senda [sic!] (ibid. 57), sendin (ibid.) respeetively without any designation to whieh dialect they belong; Instr.-Com. sel]la [sic!] (ZS 13); LÇ: Nom. sen (ÇTYa 451); Gen. sel] (ibid.); Dat. sa (ibid.); Acc. seni (ibid.); Loe. sende (ibid.); AbI. sendin (ibid.); Instr.-Com. sel]vele (ibid.); Biryukovich (LÇT 58) quotes alsa the form seı]bele but it is impossible to state to which dialect it belongs. 6.4.1.c The 3rd pers. sing.: K: Nom. ol (PVT 705); Gen. anıl] (ibid. 704); Dat. ana (ibid. 700); Aec. anı (ibid. 705); Loe. anda (ibid.); AbI. annal] (ibid. 694) '" anal] (ibid. 697); Instr.-Com. - non-attested; Dir. anar (ibid. 701); MÇ: Nom. ol (ZS 134); Gen. anıl] (LÇT 81) '" ai] (ZS 132); Dat. ana (LÇT 29); Aee. anı (ZS 82); Loe. anda (ZS 90); AbI. andın (ZS 24); Instr.

Com. anla (DGÇ 18); Dir. anar (ZS 82) rv ara (ZS 137);

LÇ: Nom. ol (ÇTYa 451); Gen. anıl] (ibid.) rv anıl] (ibid. 462); Dat. ara (ibid. 451); Aec. anı (ibid.) "" anı (ibid. 455); Loe. anda (ibid. 451); AbI. andın (ibid.); Instr.-Com. anı1Jvola (ibid.) '" anıı]vıla (DGÇ 18); Biryukovieh

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(LÇT 29) quotes also the forms aml)bela '" anllJvela but it is impossible to state to which dialect they belong; Dir. ere (ÇfYa 451). 6.4.1.d The 1st pers. pl.: K: Nom. pis (PVT 696); Gen. pistil) (ibid. 693); Dat. piske (ibid.); Acc. pisti (ibid. 697); Loc. - non-attested; AbI. pistel) (ibid. 701); Instr.-Com. - non-attested; MÇ: Nom. pis (ZS 112); Gen. pistil) (LÇT 79); Dat. piske (ZS 11); Acc. pisti (LÇT 81); Loc. piste (ibid. 80); AbI., Instr.-Com. - non-attested; LÇ: Nom. pis (ÇTYa 451); Gen. pistil) (ibid.); Dat. piske (ibid.); Acc. pisti (ibid.); Loc. piste (ibid.); AbI. pistin (ibid.); Instr.-Com. pistil)vele (ibid.); Biryukovich (LÇT 54) quotes the forms pistin (AbL.), pistil)bele '" pistil)vele (Instr.-Com.) but it is impossible to state to which dialect they belong. 6.4.1.e The 2nd pers. pI.: K: Nom. sler (PVT 696) '" siler (ÇT 627); Gen., Dat., Loc., AbI., Instr. Com. - non-attested; Acc. slerni (PVT 692); MÇ: Nom. siler (ZS 142) '" sler (ibid. 130) '" ser (ÇTYa 454); Gen., Dat., Acc., AbI., Instr.-Com. - non-attested; Loc. serde (ZS 91); LÇ: Nom. siler'" sler (DGÇ 18); Gen. slernil) (ÇTYa 451); Dat. slerge (ibid.); Acc. slerni (ibid.); Loc. slerde (ibid.); AbI. slerdin (ibid.); Instr. Com. slarnil)vele (ibid.); Biryukovich (LÇT 58) quotes the forms silernil) (Gen.), silerge (Dat.), silerni (Acc.), silerde (Loc.), silerdin (AbL.), silernil)bele '" silernil)vele (Instr.-Com.) but it İs impossible to state to which dialect they belong. 6.4.1.f The yd pers. PI.: K: Nom. alar (PVT 693); Gen. alarml) (ibid.) '" alardıl) (ibid. 700); Dat. alarya (ibid.); Acc. alarm (ibid. 697); Loc., AbI. - non-attested; Instr. Com. alarbılal) (ibid. 695); MÇ: Nom. olar (LÇT 81); Gen. olarml) (LÇT 50); Dat. olarga (ZS 120); Acc. olarm (LÇT 8L); Loc. olarda (ibid. 50); AbI. olardm (ibid.); Instr. Com. - non-attested; LÇ: Nom. olar (ÇTYa 451) vs. Tg. olar'" oUar (ÇT 627); Gen. olarml) (ÇTYa 451); Dat. olarya (ibid.); Acc. olarm (ibid.); Loc. olarda (ibid.); AbI. olardm (ibid.); Instr.-Com. olarml)vola (ibid.).

6.4.2 Demonstrative pronouns:

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K: pu 'this' (PVT 703); munu (ibid. 691); mınalJ 'from here' (ibid. 699); mında 'here' (ibid. 701); mınar 'here, hither' (ibid. 700); ol 'that, those' (ibid. 700), for oblique cases see 6.4.1.c; pey 'here, hither' (VTD IV 1213); MÇ: pu 'this' (LÇT 81); ol 'that, those' (LÇT 78), cf. 6.4.1.c.; mında 'here' (ibid. 81); mındın (ibid.); mınar 'here, hither' (ibid. 80); anar 'there, in that direction' (ZS 83); tey 'that' (LÇT 81); Biryukovich quotes also the forms teynilJ, Gen.; teye, Dat. (ibid. 62), etc. but it is impossible to state to which dialect they belong. LÇ: te 'that, those': te yedulJde 'that week' (ÇTYa 459); ol 'that, those' (ibid. 448), cf. 6.4.1.f; teyde 'there' (ibid. 447); teni 'there, in that direction' (ibid. 448); men 'i 'here, hither' (ibid.); Çib. mınay , 1. id.' (DGÇ 22); Tg. min'i '" mınar '1. id.' (ÇT 627); mundun 'from here' (ÇTYa 456); Tg. mında 'here' (ÇT 629); Biryukovich quotes also the forms punulJ (Gen. < pu) (LÇT 55); punulJbôla '" punulJvôla (Instr.-Com. < pu) (ibid.); anar 'these, those' (ibid. 29) [sicl, cf. 6.4.1.fJ but it is impossible to state to which dialect they belong.

6.4.3 Rejlexive pronouns: Notwithstanding what C. Schönig says (Schönig 1990: 276): "Das Südsibirische [where, according to the author, belongs also çuL.] sowie das Lenatürkische zeichnen sich durch Tilgung der alten Reflexivpronomina kantü: und ö:z und ihre Ersetzung durch Formen von bo8 (Südsibirisch) bzw. baya (Lenatürkisch), also durch Wörter, die ursprünglich 'Körper, Statur' bedeuten, aus.", ös has been well recorded in all çul. dialects, e.g. K men özüm 'myself' (PVT 689); K öziilJ 'yourself' (ibid. 696); K Taska Mattır özii 'Taska Mattyr himself' (ibid. 698); K kıs ös kijilerge yöktadı 'the girl spoke to her own people' (ibid. 701); MÇ eştıy iJzine kol pertirler 'they give each other the hands' (LÇT 77); MÇ özübüske 'ourselves (Dat.)' (ZS 94); LÇ özönü 'himself (Acc.)' (ÇTYa 450); Tg. pisti iJzüvüstü 'ourselves (Acc.)' (ÇT 627). In his dictionary, W. Radloff records K poy both in its substantival and pronominal meanings (VTD IV 1262), cf. also K men pozım 'myself' (PVT 700). For MÇ, we have only the examples of the pronominal use of pos: PÖZUlJ 'yourself' (ZS 119) at our command whereas for LÇ the pronoun in question has not been recorded in our sources at all.

6.4.4 lnterrogative pronouns:

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K, e.g. kem 'who?' (PVT 696); kemnlv küdzü 'whose power?' (ibid. 698); no 'what?', in: adıv solav no poldzaV 'what İs your name?' (ibid. 692f.); neme 'what?' (ibid. 701); noya 'why?' (ibid. 699); nege id. (ibid. 697); nendze 'how many?' (ibid. 691); kayda 'where?' (ibid. 702); kaydav 'from where?' (ibid. 699); kaydI 'how?' (ibid. 697); kaydıg 'what?, Germ. was für ein?' (ibid. 702); MÇ, e.g. kim 'who?' (ÇTYa 462) '" kem id. (LÇT 78); sen kemniv kızısıv 'whose daughter are you?' (ibid. 80); name 'what?' (ZS 90); nöne id. (ZS 142); nanü id. (ZS 122); noya 'why?; what for?' (ZS 83) '" nugo id. (ÇTYa 456); kayzı 'what?' (ZS 20); kaya 'where?' (ibid. 137); kayda 'where?' (ibid. 90) '" kaydı id. (LÇT 78); kaydıyaıtıysıv 'what İs your name?' (ibid. 80); kaydın 'from where?' (ZS 90); kaynar 'where to?' (LÇT 80); köpe 'how many?' (ZS 123); LÇ, e.g. kim'" kem 'who?' (ÇTYa 462); kimnerge 'whom?, pl.' (ibid. 450); Tg. nöze 'what?' (ÇT 627); LÇ nözedin 'why?' (ÇTYa 450); Tg. kayzı 'what?' (ÇT 627); Tg. kaydıg 'what?, Germ. was für ein?' (ibid.); Tg. kayn'i ,..., kan 'i 'where to?' (ibid. 626); LÇ kanavop, in: k. sen mmdın par salveryan [sic!] 'why did you go from here?' (ÇTYa 456);

6.4.5 lndefinite pronouns: K, e.g. kIk neme, [ ... J pulan neme 'something !ike adeer, [... ] something like an elk' (PVT 691); partsala 'all', in: p. yip tura pardılar 'all [of them] began to eat' (ibid. 692); tügede 'all, whole', in: albanı t. al-turdıl 'he took the whole tribute' (ibid. 697); MÇ, e.g. kem-bolza 'somebody' (ZS 99); kayzı 'some (people), (ZS 137); name yaynar pöppayan 'there happend something, somewhere' (ZS 138); kayalı 'sornewhere' (LÇT 79); parça 'all' (ZS 111); LÇ, e.g. kimele 'somebody' (ÇTYa 451); kimnivele 'anybody's' (ibid.); kimgele 'to someone' (ibid.); kimdinele 'from someone' (ibid.); Biryukovich quotes the forms kaya-ala 'sornewhere' (LÇT 36), kayda ala 'sornewhere' (ibid.), kayda-bolza id. (ibid.), kaydıy-ala 'whatever' (ibid.), köp-ele 'several' (ibid. 43), nöme-ala 'something' (ibid. 49), nöme• bolza id. (ibid.) but it İs impossible to state to which dialect they belong.

6.5 NUMERALS Only the below mentioned numerals are recorded in the sources at our command:

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6.5.1 Cardinal numbers: K: pir 'one' (PVT 698); iki 'two' (ibid.); üts 'three' (ibid.) ,..., üş id. (ibid.); tört 'four' (ibid. 690); altı 'six' (ibid. 691); yettr 'seven' [ÇT 626, Radloff quotes in his sources no form for 'seven' but cf. yettindzr 'seventh' (VTD III 366)]; segrs 'eight' (ÇT 626, Radloff quotes no form for 'eight'); on 'ten' (PVT 693); on pir 'eleven' (ibid. 696); on iki 'twelve' (ibid.); ottus 'thirty' (ibid. 704) ,..., odus id. (ibid. 705); kırk 'forty' (ibid.) --' kırık id. (ibid.); alton 'sixty' (ibid.); yetton 'seventy' (VTD III 365); yüs '(one) hundred' (ibid. 614); MÇ: pir,..., per 'one' (ZS 19); ige 'two' (ZS 137); üç 'three' (LÇT 15) ,..., M üş id. (ibid. 23); tört,..., tort 'four' (ZS 38); peş 'five' (ZS 10) --' M pes id. (LÇT 53); alto 'six' (ZS 25); çedi 'seven' (ZS 134) ,..., çede id. (ZS 65); töyus 'nine' (ZS 119); on 'ten' (ZS 82); ötus 'thirty' (ZS 119); altan 'sixty' (ZS 136); çedon 'seventy' (ZS 51) ,..., çadon [sic!] id. (LÇT 70); tohson 'ninety' (ZS 119) ,..., toksan id. (ZS 97); çüs '(one) hundred' (ZS 135),..., çus [sic!] id. (LÇT 14); LÇ: pir 'one' (ÇTYa 451); igi 'two' (ibid.); üts 'three' (ibid.); tört 'four' (ibid.); peş 'five' (ibid.); altı 'six' (ibid.); yedi 'seven' (ibid.) ,..., yede,..., yede id. (LÇT 35); segis 'eight' (ÇTYa 451); torus 'nine' (ibid.); on 'ten' (ibid.); onbir 'eleven' (ibid.); onigi 'twelve' (ibid.); onüts 'thirteen' (ibid.); yerve 'twenty' (ibid.); yervebir 'twenty one' (ibid.); odus ,..., otus 'thirty' (ibid.); kırık 'forty' (ibid.); eliy 'fifty' (ibid.); alton 'sixty' (ibid.); yedon 'seventy' (ibid.) ,..., yadon [sic!] id. (LÇT 34); sekson 'eighty' (ÇTYa 451); tokson 'ninety' (ibid.); yüs '(one) hundred' (ibid.) ,..., yus [sic!] id. (LÇT 35); yüsonber '(one) hundred (and) eleven' (LÇT 451); igiüs [sic!] 'two hundred' (ibid.); ütsyüs 'three hundred' (ibid.); pir mu] 'one thousand' (ibid.); pirmıv ütsyüs yedonbeş 'one thousand three hundred (and) seventy five' (ibid.); yüs mıv '(one) hundred thousand' (ibid.). Biryukovich quotes alsa the forms ike 'two' (LÇT 33), segis 'eight' (ibid. 58), sekson"'" sakson 'eighty' (ibid.) but it is impossible to state to which dialect they belong.

6.5.2 Ordinal numbers: 6.5.2.a The sources at our command record for K the following shapes of the suffix forming the ardİnals: -ndzr (,..., -dzr, cf. on ikidzr below) after vowels and -zndzı ,..., -undzı,..., -ilndzr (,..., -ündzil) after consanants; contrary to the same suffixes in MÇ and LÇ, the consonant is recorded only in its voiced

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 114 MARZANNA POMORSKA form: ikindzi 'second' (PVT 695); on ikidzi [sic!] 'twelfth' (ibid. 696); yettindzi 'seventh' (VTD III 366); altonındzı 'sİxtieth' (ibid. i 405) (for the sequence -o-ı cf. 5.L.5.c); onındzı 'tenth' (ibid. 1043); oduzundzı 'thirtieth' (ibid. 1139); törtÜndzi 'fourth' (PVT 701); üdzUndzizin 'for the third time' (ibid. 704, cf. 5.1.5.c),..., üdzündzüzUn id. (ibid. 692); 6.S.2.b Both vowels of the suffix İn question undergo labial harmonic changes in MÇ while sporadical exceptions to this rule are alsa recorded; the ç"'" c alternation is recorded regularly (cf. above): igençi 'second' (ZS 110) ,..., igençi id (LÇT 33) ,..., igençe id. (ibid. 79) ,..., igenci id. (ZS 113); pejinçi 'fifth' (LÇT 54); çedençi 'seventh' (ibid. 73); on perençi 'eleventh' (ibid. 50); segizençi 'eight' (ibid. 58); törtünçü 'fourth' (ZS 110) ,..., tortünçü id. (ZS 16) '" tortüncü id. (ZS 38) '" tortuncu [sic!] id. (ZS 143); üçünçü 'third' (ZS 110),..., üçünce id. (ZS 113) '" ücüncü id. (LÇT 79). Biryukovich quotes some interesting forms for the ordinaha with the vowels not undergoing the harmony which we shall classify as MÇ, because of the presence of ç: altınçi 'sİxth' (LÇT 29); toruzınçi 'ninth' (ibid. 64); onınçi 'tenth' (ibid. 50). 6.S.2.c In LÇ both vowels of the suffix regularly undergo harmonic changes; the above mentioned variatian of the consonant is also recorded: Tg. igintsi 'second' (ÇT 628) ,..., igindzi id. (ÇTYa 454) '" iginntsi [sic!], in: iginntsimdin 'from the second one of mine: Russ. OT Moero EToporo' (ibid. 450); yedinçi [sic!, for LÇ, we would rather expect the form with -ntsi ,..., -ndzi] (LÇT 35); törtüntsüzü 'its-fourth' (ÇT 626); üzünzü [sic!] 'third' (ibid.).

6.S.3 Collective numerals: MÇ -ilelJ: igi/elJ < igi 'two' (ZS 20); ÜçilelJ < üç 'three' (LÇT 69); törtllelJ < tört 'four' (ZS 123).

7 TEXTS3 7.1 Küerik (Radloff 1868: 690) 7.1.1 Text in original transcription: [1] Ipra Mo~yrr KaHHbı~japIHajaTI1Hip, [2] Typa3bIH Köpp;ylap, [3] arr9a Kip6ap;llap, [4] arrp;bI~ TarnTbIHp;a kOHp;bırrap, [5] OT carrbın arn aTTip16-

3 The numbering of the sentences in all texts, the punctation and capital letters in LÇ and MÇ texts - M. P.

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ THE CHULYMS AND THEIR LANGUAGE 115 blCTbl, [6] aTTI Ubıkapbın a3pan TYPAyrrap, [7] a:IKaHbln TO CTbırr ap , [8] jakmbl arrAblH; Ki:IKilap jaAbl~aH kakTblPAbIJIap, Körlön TYPAyrrap, [9] narlap TblH;Han oAYPAYrrap. [10] "OpTa TYHrajaAın Y3arrbım!" TaAnap. [11] ApTaH TaH; japbIll Tblp YCKYHyn KalAnap, [12] Typyn diripın OT carrAbırrap, [13] OT jakmbl KöiröHAÖ Typyn KalAnap. [14] Tap nar Ö3Y Typyn KalAl, OT KbıpbI9blHa KaHn jbIJIbln TYp. [15] "YnaH; nar nanaM, TYP!" TaA!. [16] YtiaH; ITar Typyn KalAl, [17] öAyrYH TOHbIR akKal-nap-Tlp, [18] TOHrraH-TYP, Ka3Ji1pın TYp. [19] ı:ı;ai TYP9ycTynap, uai iU-KaHAa na6a3bl jökTan TYP: [20] "TöpT aT akKaHH;ap! [21] nic MOH;yrr KaH9a naparrbım!" [22] KYMym a3aplapIH YPAyrrap, [23] TOP9a kaM~bl KanTapIH Kacmap, [24] iKi jakmbl jai3aH;Aap arrAbIJIap, TÖPT aT MYHyn napAbınap. [25] KaHHblH; a:IKirıHIH; arrblHa KaHn aTTapblHaH; TymTylap, [26] aTTapblH uauna9blHa na!)rran carrAbırrap, [271 TapriAarı TylKY aH; Tapa3lH uatil6-arrbın anKa akKalAnap, [281 a:IKiK atibIll na3blPAbırrap. [29] "Typyml" TaHAa TYPAYrrap.

7.1.2 Text in Latin transliteration (Turkish orthography): [1] Irge MolJul KannılJ yerine yettIıer, [2] turazın kördÜler, [3] alya kirbediler, [4] aldılJ taştında kondılar, [5] ot salıp aş ettirib-ıstı, [6] etti ts ıkarıp azrap turdUlar, [7] ajanıp tostılar, [8] yakşı aldılJ kijiler yadıyan kaktırdılar, köglöp turdUlar, [9] pegler tılJnap odurdular. [10] "Orta tünge yedIp uzalış!" tediler. [11] Erten talJ yarıp tır uskunup keldiler, [12] turup segirIp ot saldılar, [13] ot yakşı köygöndö turup keldIıer. [14] Tar Peg özÜ turup keldi, ot kınyına keıip yılıp tur. [15] "ÜdzelJ Peg palam, tur!" tedI. [16] ÜdzelJ Peg turup keldi, [17] ödügÜn tonın akkel-per-tir, [18] tonlan-tur, kezirip tur. [19] Tsay turyustUlar, tsay its-kende pabazı yöktap tur: [20] "Tört at akkeıil]er! [21] pis MolJul Kanya paralış!" [22] Kümüş ezerlerin urdUlar, [231 torya kamyı kepterin kestiler, [24] iki yakşı yayza1Jdar aldılar, tört at münÜp pardılar. [25] KannılJ ejiginilJ alına keıip attarınalJ tüştÜler, [261 attarın tsatspayına paylap saldılar, [27] tergidegi tülkÜ alJ terezin tsedzib-ahp epke akkeldiler, [28] ejik adzıp pazırdılar. [291 "Turliş!" tende turdUlar.

7.1.3 Translation: [1] In the evening, they reached MOlJul-Khan's land. [2] They saw his house, [3] they did not come into the village. [4] They spent the night outside of the village. [5] They ht the fire and had the dish prepared. [6] They took out the meat 'and they ate [it]. [71 They had enough. [8] The good people of

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 116 MARZANNA POMORSKA the yillage played yadygan (cf. 7.1.4.a), they sang [and] [9] the chiefs listened [to thern]. [10] They said: "It is midnight, let us sleep". [11] Early [in the moming], the dawn is brealdng, they woke up, [12] they stood, jumped up and they Iit the fire, [13] when the fire bumed well they got up. [14] Tar Peg himself stood up, he comes to the ed ge of the fire and warms himself. [15] He said: " ÜdzelJ Peg, my kid, get up!". [16] ÜdzeIJ Peg got up, [17] he brings his boots [and] his fur-coat [18] [and] puts [them] on. [19] They put on when were drinking tea, his father says: [20] "bring (pL.) four horses! [21] let us go to MolJul Khan!" [22] They put on sİlver saddles, [23] they dressed in robes made of silk kamyy (cf. 7.1.4.b), [24] they took two good yayzal) (cf. 7.1.4.c), they mounted four horses and rode away. [25] They arrived at the front of the do or of the khan [and] they aIighted from their horses, [26] they tied up their horses to the post [used for tying up horses], [27] they untied and took away the fox [and] wild animals pelts [placed] on the saddles [and] they brought [them] to the house, [28] they opened the do or and they bowed. [29] When he said: "stand up", they stood up.

7.1.4 Commentaries: 7.1.4.a [8] K yadzyan 'chadygan, a kind of the harp', cf. Brb. yadıyan 'Musikinstrument, liegende Harfe' (VTD III 21.1), Sag., Sh. çadıyan id. (ibid. 1903); 7.1.4.b [23] K kamyı 'kind of Chinese silk material', cf. Sag. kamyı, Alt., TeL. kamka id. (VTD II 410); 7.1.4.c [24] K yayzal) 'man İn duty, civil servant of the ruler', cf. Alt., Leb., Tuba, TeL. yayzm) 'ein Sajsan, höchster Verwaltungsbeamter der altaischen Bergkalmücken; Sh. çayzal) 'Dienstmann, der Beamte des Fürsten (in Marchen)' (Rasanen 1969: 179f.).

7.2 Low Chulym (Dul'zon 1966: 466) 7.2.1 Text in original transcription: [1] KhlPhık rrep jhIJIACX MaH a:FhIM 6'hJICX ka:p'hHAcx:)K'hM 6'hJIa jöpa:HMM Ta:tiFa ja:3JICUı aAapFa TMMH;. [2] YFAYH rra:p BepFa:B'hC öpTa TymTYH. [3] IJ;ö:Mre je:AMrr TapTKa:BhIc Ta:MKY. [4] AHAhIH jeTKa:BMc kaMymTYF ja:Mka. [5] OT Ko:ti)J;3yrr ka:tiHaTka:BhIC Qai1. [6] IJ;ai1 MA3MBa:rr rra:p Bapra:BMc MIrapa. [7] Ke:Q BapFa:BhIc QaJI6aKThı' [8] Tai1Fa jaFa:3'hHra je:AMrr

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kOHFa:BbIC. [9] v.ıTMHP;3M rYHp;a rra:p Bepra:BhIc apTaH TaMFaBana MIrapa. [LO] rrpa:Tka:BbIc TOFamkaH TMMB;. [11] ITM3 a:HbI MCTarr aTka:BI:>Ic. [12] MIrapa rrpa:Tka:BbIc TOFam rrapFaH yc jo:ny. [13] ITMC aHbI cypra: BMC MH;Mp rronrO:H3a. [14] Y CTY jep;eIBaHMBMc. [LS] KelM)KMrr rrapFaH kOHapFa. [16] YP;3YHP;y [sic!, = -HP;3Y] KYHAa rra:p Bapra:Bblc apTaH MIrapa. [17] OpHYHra je:p;Mrr YnYF U:0pTaHHbIFa TokTa:HhIBhIC, [18] Ö:3YBycKa eTKa:BMC op;aF, [19] TeMHa:HMBMC O:P;YH rrep je:P;YB;ra. [20] KOHyrr rra:p Bapra:BMc ja:3narr y:Q japa. [21] MaH rra:p BapraM [sic!] KyH QhIFö)KöHra, [22] a:FöM rra:p BapraH KyH kOHHY)KYHra, [23] ka:pöHp;a:)KhIM rra:p BapraH opTa TYHja:Hra. [24] MaH öT'MraM OH 6em TMMB;, rrMp kaMHOQ, y:Q KnaHOK. [2S] AHP;hIH MH;eprati TOFa:m rrapFaH Ma: a:jhIF khımThIFhi. [26] IIM3 a:HhI yP;3:YBYC kbımTaFp;a öT'Mra:BMc, [27] aQ QhIFhırr coMFa:BhIC. [28] IIapjo:FY ja: 3öna: HbIBbIC ja:pbIM aM. [29] ÖT'Mra:BMc TorraM3hI MrM jyc elMF TJ1MH;, rrMp kaMHO:Q, MrM yc, MrM kYHHY, rrMp rrynaH, rrMp a:jhIF. [30] A:rrhıp;3blBhIC TYpFaH rrMp MbIB; jyc jap;OH 6am aBaQKa.

7.2.2 Text in Latin transUteration (Turkish orthography): [1] Kırık per yılda men ayım böla karöndajöm böla yörenim tayya (cf. 7.2.4.a) yazlap adarya til]. [2] Üydün par veryavös örte tüştün. [3] Tsomge (ct. 7.2.4.d) yedip tartkavıs temkü. [4] Andın yetkevis kamuştuy yayka (ct. 7.2.4.e). [S"] Ot koydzüp kaynatkavıs tsay. [6] Tsay idzivap par vergevis ilgere. [7] Kets varyavıs tsalbaktı. (cf. 7.2.4.f) [8] Tayya yayazönga yedip konyavıs. [9] igindzi günde par vergavıs erten tayyavala ilgere. [10] Pratkavıs (ct. 7.2.4.g) toyaşkan (cf. 7.2.4.h) til]. [11] Piz anı istep atkavıs. [12] ilgere pratkavıs toyaş paryan (cf. 7.2.4.h) üs yölu. [13] Pis anı sürgevis il]ir polgönza. [14] Üstü yedelvenivis. [LSJ Kelijip paryan konarya. [16] Üdzündzü künde par vergavıs erten ilgere. [17] Ornunga yedip Uluy Tsortannıya toktanıvıs, [18] ozüvüske etkevİs oday, [19] temnenivis ödun per yedul]ge (cf. 7.2.4.j). [20] Konup par vergavis yazlap üts yara. [21] Men par vergam kün tsıyöjönga, [22] ayöm par vergen kün konnujunga, [23] kan,ndajım par vergen orta tün yanga. [24] Men öiigem (cf. 7.2.4.k) on beş tıl], pir kamnots, üts klanok. [2S] Andın il]ergey toyaş paryan ma ayıy kıştıyı. [26] Piz anı üdzüvüs kıştayda öiigavis (cf. 7.2.4.k), [27] ats tsıgıp soyyavıs. (ct. 7.2.4.m) [28] Paryöyu yazölanıvıs yarım ay. [29] Öiigavis (ct. 7.2.4.k) tolayzı igi yüs eliy til], pir kamnots, igi üs, igi kunnu, pir pulan, pir ayıy. [30] Alıdzıvıs turyan pir mıl] yüs yedon beş evatske.

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7.2.3 Translation: [1] In the year 1941, me with my father [and] with my brother (cf. 7.2.4.b) went to the taiga to hunt squirrels. [2] We left home at midday (ct. 7.2.4.c). [3] We reached the Chulym [and] we smoked tobacco. [4] Then, we reached the reedy marsh. [5] We lit a fire [and] boiled tea. [6] We drank tea [and] went forward. [7] We crossed the marsh. [8] We reached the edge of the taiga [and] we spent the night [there]. [9] On the second day, early [in the moming], we went forward along the taiga. [10] We went on and a squirrel happened [to us]. [11] We trailed it [and] we shot it. [12] We went forward [and] the way [i.e. the trail] of the lynx happened [to us]. [13] We chased it until the evening came. [14] We could not reach the lynx. [15J We went together to spend the night. [16] On the third day, early [in the moming], we went forward. [17] We reached the place [and] we remained at Uluy Tsortannyy (ct. 7.2.4.i). [18] We made ourselves a hut [and] [19] we prepared firewood for a week. [20] We spent the night and we went [for] hunting on three sides [literatim: to three lands]. [21] I went to the sunrise, [22] my father went to the sunset, [23] my brother went to the land of midnight [Le. northwards]. [24] I killed fifteen squirrels, one otter and three kolonoks (cf. 7.2.4.1). [25] Then, in the evening, the wintering place of the bear happened to me. [26] We three killed it in the wintering place, [27] we took [it] [and] we took off [its skin]. [28] We hunted half a month. [29] Altogether, we killed 250 squirrels, one otter, two lynx, two wolverines, one elk [and] one bear. [30] Our wilds were worth [literatim: they stood] 1175 roubles.

7.2.4 Commentaries: 7.2A.a [1] tayya < *tayyti < *tayga-ga, Dat. 'to the taiga'. 7.2.4.b [1] Dul'zon translates LÇ ktirvndtijvm as 'with my friend, Russ. M CBOMM TO BapMl:ıı;eM ' . 7.2A.e [2] DuI'zon translates LÇ örte tüştün as 'after lunch, i.e. İn the afternoon, Russ. nocrre 06eJJ;a'. We would compare örte (the only attestation for LÇ) with MÇ orta 'middle, center' (DGÇ 28), K orta id. (VTD i 1064) but ct. K kün örtö 'in the daytime' (PVT 699) with front ü in the preceding word. For LÇ tüştün, we would state the stern tüş, ct. MÇ tüş 'day' (ZS 101), K tüş 'midday' (VTD III 1586). The suffix -tün may be interprete doubly: (1) as an ablative suffix -tün or (2) as a genetive suffix *-tÜl] with a develarisation (ct. S.2.4.e) or misprintly notation of -1], cf. MÇ karaktm [sic!]

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(ZS 98) < karak 'eye'. Since, from the semantic viewpoint, (1) İs rather doubtful, we would rather interprete -tün as (2), with the simultaneous, typical for the whole text, disturbing of Tu. syntax and lacldng of the possessi ve suffİx for the 3rd pers. sg. in örte, cf. [8] İn 7.1.2. 7.2.4.d [3] LÇ tsiJm 'the Chulym River', cf. also LÇ tsöyum id., MÇ us id. (LÇT 69) '" üs id. (ibid. 19), K üs İn Kara Üs, the name of ariver (PVT 689). 7.2.4.e [4] LÇ yayka (the only attestation of this word) < *yayik-ka '" *yayık-ka < yayik'" yayık 'broad, flat place ~ marsh, Dul'zon's: 60ITOTO, cf. 7.2.4.f' < yay- 'to spread (out)' (LÇT 34), with the simultaneous loss of geminate -kk-, cf. 6. 1.3.b, cf. also Trk. yayık 'spread out; broad, wide', Kklp. jayık 'broad', ete. (Sevortyan 1989: 77). 7.2.4.f [7] LÇ tsalbak 'marsh, bog in taiga (cf. Anikin 1997: 68Of.)', cf. K (also Alt., TeL., Leb.) yalbak 'flach, breit; Flache, Breite' (VTD III 187, cf. alsa Sevortyan 1989: 100). Although, from the semantic viewpoint, LÇ form is acceptable and may be compared with K yalbak, cf. 7.2.4.e, the question is still LÇ ts-, we would expect here y-, cf. 5.2.3.a. Since, in the other words in the text in question, LÇ y- ('" K y- '" MÇ ç-) is preserved, cf. e.g. yıl, yöre• [1], we would rather see in LÇ tsalbak a Russian loanword, cf. Russ. diaL. ıte.ll6aK with LÇ ts- being the result of an adaptation of Russ. ç- to LÇ consonant system, cf. 5.2.2. 7.2.4.g [10] LÇ pratkavıs < *par-at-kan-bıs, with at- < et-, an auxiliary. The question is a in the first syllable, we may probably assume a shift par at- > *pra-at- > prat-. 7.2.4.h [10] For the better interpretaton of the )rd pers. sg. of the verb in LÇ tayaşkan tllJ and [12] tayaş paryan üs yölu, cf. tayaş- 'vi to meet' (LÇT 63), we would presumpt here a missing personal pronoun piske or ma, cf. [25]. 7.2.4.i [17] According to Dul'zon, Uluy Tsartannıy is the name of a lake, Russ. 03[epo] E[OIThıııoe] LlepTaHhl. 7.2.4.j [19] LÇ yedUlJge < *yedi kün-ge, Dat. < *yedi kün, cf. MÇ çedi gün 'week' (ZS 134). 7.2.4.k [24] For the stern of LÇ öt'igem cf. LÇ öt'- '" ötür- 'to kill' (ÇT 626), K öltüy- id. (VTD i 1255); back a İn öt'igavis 126], [29] looks strange. 7.2.4.1 [24] LÇ kalanak 'small predatory fur-bearing animal of the martin family'. 7.2.4.m 127] Dul'zon translates LÇ ats tsıgıp sayyc1vıs as 'we pooled it

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out and we took off its skin, Russ. BbITa~MB ero, co;:ı;parrM mKYPY'. The other, numerous recordings transIate tsık- '" çık- as 'to go out', and, İn the meaning 'to puH somenthing out', only tsıkar- '" tsıyar- '" çı yar- İs attested. Another question is ats, which, for its phonetic outlooks, hardly may be interpreted as common with LÇ alots 'wild animal' (ÇTYa 450) '" lilas id. (DGÇ 18), cf. lilıdzıvıs in [30].

7.3 Middle Chulym (Biryukovich 1984: 77) 7.3.1 Text in original transcription: [1] ~apa ~aH AI\ ~aH nep Typa;:ı;a ı-lypTanTbıprrap, TaFhırranTbıprrap, a~3bIH napCX'bH. [2] ~oHHyI\a nepra Ket16errrrap. [3] blphıcxa nbDKbIp carrFaHHap, o:rrypyn ~MnTeprrap. [4] AI\ ~aH at1;:ı;hı6bırrbi. [5] qaTTMrMnMCKaH. [6] "An~eM nO)KaMaC I\arrFaH." [7] Ca:ThımTbıprrap. [8] A)KhIH ~MncarrFaHHap. [9] Ca: TbımTbıprrap. [10] ~o:HynycxaHHap. [11] I1McKe TbIFarramapFa KapaK. [12] ~o:HTyprrap. [13] ApTaH am e;:ı;en, ~MnTeprrap. [14] ~apa ~aH ~aTJ1rMnMCKaH. [15] AK; ~aH at1;:ı;bı6bIJIbI: "I\at1a ~aTMrMnMcKa~". [16] ~apa ~aH: "Me:~ an~M nO)KaMaC I\arrFaH". [17] Ca:TbımTbıprrap, am e;:ı;en ~M:n carrFaHHap. [18] Qö:pnKe)KMrrap a~3bIHbın. [19] AmTbIF ö:3MHa I\orr nepTJiprrap. [20] "Me:~ I\a:;:ı;bIM nO)KaMaC, ce:~ I\a:;:ı;hI~ nO)KaMaC, TbIFarramaI\. [21] Ce:~ Ma: Me:~ ca: I\bIC norrca nepce orr norrca nepra nepeKTapeK." [22] Mrece;:ı;a I\bIHbı6bırrap. [23] Orrap a~3bIH napCXaHHap. [24] Qa3rran ~ö:pTYP. [25] ~apa ~aH e:6eHe KMpca arr~e:3M o:rr Ty:n CarrFaR. [26] AK; ~aH a:6eHa Ke:nTep. [27] AK; ~aHHbI~ I\a:;:ı;bI I\bIC Ty:n carrFaH. [28] ~apa ~aH at1;:ı;bı6bIJIbI: "AI\ ~aHHbI at1;:ı;apFa KapaK Karrapre." [29] ~apa ~aH am CyF TaMHanTep. [30] AI\ ~aH Ke:nTep I\OCT'. [31] Orrap ryrranTeprrap.

7.3.2 Text in Latin transliteration (Turkish orthography): [1] Kara Kan Ak Kan per turada çurtaptırlar, tayılaptırlar, al]zm parsh'bn. [2] Konnuka perge keybeller (cf. 7.3.4.b). [3] Insha pıjır salyannar, olurup çipterler. [4] Ak Kan aydıbılı. [5] Çettigipisken. [6] "Apçem pojemes kalyan." [7] Satıştırlar. [8] Ajın çipsalyannar. [9] Satıştırlar. [10] Konupushannar. [11] Piske tıyalaşarya kerek. [12] Konturlar. [13] Erten aş edep, çipterler. [14] Kara Kan çetigipisken. [15] Ak Kan aydıbılı: "kaya çetigipiskel]". [16] Kara Kan: "Mel] epçi pojemes kalyan". [17] Satıştırlar, aş edep çıp salyannar. [18] Çorpkejiler al]zmıp. [19] EŞtıy ozine kol pertirler. [20] "Mel] kadım pojemes, sel] kadılJ pojemes, tıyalaşak. (cf. 7.3.4.g) [21]

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Se]] ma me]] sa kıs polsa perse (cf. 7.3.4.h) ol [sic!, cf. öl below] polsa perge (cf. 7.3.4.h) perekterek". (cf. 7.3.4.g) [22] İgesede kmıbılar. [23] Olar a]]zm parshannar. [24] Çazlap çortür. [25] Kara Kan ebene kirse epçezi öl tüp salyan. [26] Ak Kan ebene kepter. [27] Ak Kannı]] kadı kıs tüp salyan. [28] Kara Kan aydıbılı: "Ak Kannı aydarya kerek kelerge". [29] Kara Kan aş suy temnepter. [301 Ak Kan kepter kost'. [31] Olar gulepterler (cf. 7.3.4,i).

7.3.3 Translation: [1] The Black Khan [and] the White Khan liye in one town; they seatter; they hunted (cf. 7.3.4.a). [2] They came together for spending the night. [3] They cooked a wood-grouse, they sit down and eat [it]. [4] The White-Khan says. [5] He hemmed. (cf. 7.3.4.c) [6] "My wife became pregnant." (cf. 7.3.4.d) [7] They taIk to each other. [8] They ate their food. [9] They taIk to each other. [10] They began to spend the night. (cf. 7.3.4.e) [11] We have to be closer to each other. [12] They spend the night. [13] Early [in the morning], they prepare food, they eat [it]. [14] The Black Khan hemmed. (cf. 7.3.4.c, e) [15] The White Khan says: 'What for did you hem?' (cf. 7.3.4.c) [16] My wife became pregnant. (cf. 7.3.4.d) [17] They taIk to each other, they prepared food and they ate [it]. [18] They want to go and hunt. (cf. 7.3.4.f) [l9] They give each other the hand. [201 My wife is pregnant, your wife is pregnant, let us be closer to each other. [21] Yours to me, mine to you: if there becomes a daughter, if there becomes ason, let us together give [them to each other]. [22] And both of them like [it = that idea]. [23] They hunted. [24] They hunt (in the summer). [25] When the Black Khan enters his house, his wife bore ason. [26] The White Khan comes to his house. [27] The White Khan's wife bore a daughter. [28] The Black Khan says: "It is necessery to tell the White Khan, [he has] to come". [29] The Black Khan prepares food [and] water. [30] The White Khan comes [as a] guest. [31] They walk.

7.3.4 Commentaries: 7.3.4.a [1] Biryukovich translates çurtaptırlar as 'they lived, Russ. )KJ1llM' and she gives no translation for tayılaptırlar, a1Jzın parsh'bn; actually, İn the sentence in question, we have to do with two verbs in the -(V)p tır present tense (cf. e.g. ÇTYa 453) and one verb in the past tense İn -kan: a1Jzın « *a1JZ1nıp) parsh'bn < *par-ıs-kan. The question is whether we dea! here with one or two different sentences. For the semantic, syntactic and

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ 122 MARZANNAPOMORSKA morphological (al)zzn parshon without the suffix of the plural) reasons, we would rather assume here the latter possibility. For the meaning of MÇ tayıla-, which İs barely attested in the sources at our command, cf. Sevortyan 1980: 119f. 7.3.4.b [2] MÇ konnuka seems to be a misprint for konnukka « *kon luk-ka) < kon- 'to spend the night' (LÇT 80), a future participle, Dat., cf. e.g. LÇ ayttuk özö 'something to be said' (ÇTYa 458). The assumption of the noun *konnuk '" *konuk 'halting place, place for spending the night', cf. K konak 'time for spending the night', in: on iki konakta yettiş-keldiler 'they reached [that place] in twelve nights [and days]' (PVT 696) is not excluded here. Since, the comparatiye lexical material at our command is in this matter insuffident, it is impossible to propose a fina! solution here. 7.3.4.c [5] The verb *çettik- '" çetik- seems to be accorded in Biryukovich's text only. In the given sentence, she translates it as 'to choke, Russ. poperxnutusY', while in [141 and [15] - as 'to cough, Russ. 3aKamJUITb(C5l)'. Contextually, 'to cough' and alsa 'to hem' seem to be a more proper interpretation. 7.3.4.d [6] MÇ pojemes < poş 'empty' (LÇT 55) + emes 'not' (ibid. 32), so pojemes 'not empty', a tabu-word for 'pregnant', cf. Tuv. bojan « *boju-gan) 'she became empty' -7 'she gaye birth to a child' (Sat 1981: 44) < boju- < boş 'empty'. 7.3.4.e [14] Biryukovich translates this sentence as 'they begun to fall asleep, Russ. HaııaJlli 3aCbIIIaTb'. An auxiliary is-, used after the gerund in -eVYp, rnay denote the beginning of the actian as well as the past tense. 7.3.4.f [18] Biryukovich translates the sentence in question as 'they go hunting, Russ. XO)J;51T OXOT5ICb'. The question here is the origin of the form çorpkejiler. We are inclined to interpret -kejiler as MÇ optative, 3rd pers. pl., with -j- being a result of intervocallic sanarisation of -ş (for MÇ -ç '" -ş alternatian see 5.2.2.e). For the optative in -keç '" -keş occurs after the stern of the verb [cf. the other sentence from the same text: ma gost' payaçol) « *par-yaç-ol)) 'do you want to come to me as a guest?' (LÇT 78)], -p- but alsa the cluster -pk- in the given form need still study. 7.3.4.g The optative in -ak, as İn 120] or -ekter, as İn [21] for the 1st pers. pI. (cf. Shcherbak 1981: 38ff.) is attested İn the sources at our command very rarely, namely İn the quoted sentences. More frequently, we could observe the optative in LÇ, K -gay '" MÇ -gaç (cf. 7.3.4.f above), e.g. K paryayıı)ma? 'would you !ike to go?' (PVT 697); LÇ ol kelgey 'he would

http://www.turkdilleri.org/ THE CHULYMS AND THEIR LANGUAGE 123 like to come' (ÇTYa 447); MÇ pagliiçvm « *pagla-gaç-vm) 'I would like to tie up' (ZS 131); MÇ saniiçıbıs « *sana-gaç-ıbıs) 'we would like to count' (Biryukovich 1981: 74). -ek in the final position of perekterek seems to be an assimilated partide ok. 7.3.4.h [21] MÇ perse < *per-e-se < *pir-i-si < pir 'one', cf. the sentence from the same text: persen « *per-e-se-n, Acc.) tar çana, persen pu çana köp « *köm-üp) salrannar 'they burried one of them on that side [of the river], one of them on this side' (LÇT 81). In such a context, perge might be interpreted İn two ways: as 1) perge 'together', cf. MÇ pirge id. (ZS 20) or 2) a misprint for perse. 7.3.4.İ MÇ gulepterler « *gule-p-ter-ler) İs one of the rare cases of a Russ. Ioan verb İn çul. As the etymon of the given loanword, we would assume Russ. stern gulya- 'to have a walk'. Compare the same phenomenon in MÇ içe1Jle praşlaş 'say goodbye to your mother' (LÇT 79); K praslajıp « *praslaj-ıp < praslaş-) 'having said goodbye' (PVT 703), both being another Russ. Ioan verb, cf. Russ. proşça- [pdışç'a-] 'to say goodbye'.

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