Journal of Urban Systems and Innov and Systems Urban of Journal vi Editorial Note

1The ‘Concept Urban Resilience’: Contextualising to Zimbabwe UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE INNOCENT CHIRISA, AND MARCYLINE CHIVENGE ISSN 2707-2118 (Print) 20 Resilience under Sustained Attack from the Police: Will Informality Survive? PERCY TORIRO ISSN 2707-210X (Online)

38 Challenges and Opportunities Faced by Informal Traders at Murahwa Green Market, Mutare

KUDZAI NYABEZE1 AND WITNESS CHIKOKO Zimbabw in forResilience ations Journal of Urban Systems and 55 Housing Provision and Land Management in Mutare City: The Case of the Weirmouth Farm Innovations for Resilience FARAI CHIKODZORE1, LEONARD CHITONGO, GODWIN K ZINGI, PARTSON PARADZA, ABRAHAM R MATAMANDA 74 Livelihoods Resilience in Peri-urban Communal Areas of Zimbabwe in Zimbabwe EMACULATE INGWANI

94 The 4IR UZ-DRUP Urban Observatory: Tactical Urban Resilience through Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019)

e Applied Game Theory DICKSON. D. MHLANGA

114 and the Resilience Factor in Bulawayo’s Downtown Precinct SIBONGILE NDHLOVU AND JEOFREY MATAI

133 Savings Groups, Community Resilience Building and Social Protection in Hatcliffe, Harare TANATSWA S. CHINEKA AND MULWAYINI MUNDAU

149 Building Urban Resilience in the Face of Climate Change in Harare BRILLIANT MAVHIMA

170 Streetscaping Beitbridge Central Business District for Public Space Quality (2019) 2 & 1 Issues 1, Vol. Enhancement NICHOLAS MULEYA AND BUHLE DUBE

UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE

ISSN 2707-2118 (Print) ISSN 2707-210X (Online) Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe

Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) © University of Zimbabwe Publications 2019

Published by University of Zimbabwe Publications P.O. Box MP203, Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe

All rights reserved.

With support from: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)

Typeseting: Dick Masala, University of Zimbabwe Publications

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF & MANAGING EDITOR Professor Innocent Chirisa

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Professor Kadmiel Wekwete, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe Professor Pancras Grephas Opata, University of Eldoret, Eldoret, Kenya Professor Dillip Kumar Das, Central University of Technology, Bloemfontein, South Dr Charles Chavunduka, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe Dr Sasha Jogi, ARUP Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe

SU BSCRIPTION AND RATES University of Zimbabwe Publications Office P.O. Box MP203 Mount, Pleasant Harare Telephone: +263-4-303211 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.uz.ac.zw/publications About the Journal

JO U RN AL PU RPO SE: The purpose of the Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe (JUSIRIZ) is to provide a forum for urban solutions basing on systems approach and thinking as the bedrock of intervention.

CONTRIBUTION AND READERSHIP The built environment sciences (urban and regional , , land surveying, , quantity surveying) professional associations, students, researchers, real estate and practitioners) are the primary contributors and consumers.

JOURNAL SPECIFICATIONS Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe ISSN (Print) ISSN 2707-2118 ISSN (Online) ISSN 2707-210X

SCOPE AND FOCU S The journal is a forum for the discussion of ideas, scholarly opinions and case studies of urban resilience in Zimbabwe. It promotes multidisciplinary engagement of urban resilience as a subject and practice. It is a product of the Department of Rural and at the University of Zimbabwe supported by the UNDP Country Office. The journal is produced bi-annually. Guidelines for Authors

Articles should be original contributions, not previously published and should not be under consideration to publish elsewhere.

Articles should be between 5,000 and 7,000 words, set at 12-point font, with 1.5 lines spacing. An abstract of 200 words is required.

REFERENCING STYLE Please follow the Harvard referencing style in which: —in–text citations should state author, date and sometimes page number —the reference list, entered alphabetically, must include all the works cited in your paper.

SPELLING PREFERENCE British spelling is preferred; and should conform to the most recent edition of the Concise Oxford English Dictionary. However, should you use American spelling, be consistent; do not switch back and forth between the two.

COVER PAGE A separate cover page is required for the title and personal details of the author which should include full name, email address, academic status and institutional affiliation. You should also include a short biography of no more than 50 words. For multiple authors, one should be identified as the corresponding author.

MANUSCRIPT SUBMISSION Articles submitted to the Journal of Urban Resilience will be reviewed using the double-blind peer review system. To protect the author’s identity, do not include the author’s name in the main text or as running heads and footers. Contents

vi Editorial Note

1The ‘Concept Urban Resilience’: Contextualising to Zimbabwe INNOCENT CHIRISA, AND MARCYLINE CHIVENGE 20 Resilience under Sustained Attack from the City Police: Will informality Survive? PERCY TORIRO 38 Challenges and Opportunities Faced by Informal Traders at Murahwa Green Market, Mutare KUDZAI NYABEZE1 AND WITNESS CHIKOKO 55 Housing Provision and Land Management in Mutare City: The Case of the Weirmouth Farm FARAI CHIKODZORE1, LEONARD CHITONGO, GODWIN K ZINGI, PARTSON PARADZA, ABRAHAM R MATAMANDA 74 Livelihoods Resilience in Peri-urban Communal Areas of Zimbabwe EMACULATE INGWANI 94 The 4IR UZ-DRUP Urban Observatory: Tactical Urban Resilience through Applied Game Theory DICKSON. D. MHLANGA 114 Urban Decay and the Resilience Factor in Bulawayo’s Downtown Precinct SIBONGILE NDHLOVU AND JEOFREY MATAI 133 Savings Groups, Community Resilience Building and Social Protection in Hatcliffe, Harare TANATSWA S. CHINEKA AND MULWAYINI MUNDAU 149 Building Urban Resilience in the Face of Climate Change in Harare BRILLIANT MAVHIMA 170 Streetscaping Beitbridge Central Business District for Public Space Quality Enhancement NICHOLAS MULEYA AND BUHLE DUBE

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe v Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Editorial Note

It is generally becoming increasingly and abundantly clear that the future of Zimbabwe like anywhere global, is urban. Rural business centres and growth points are clearly shaping into urban centres owing to growing . As such, as these ‘rural towns’ are joining the league of centres traditionally deemed as urban, and defined as so by the Urban Councils Act (Chapter 29: 15) the thinking and drive for search of solutions must definitely be urban. Urban centres are complex in terms of planning and management due to various phenomena and inputs that define their makeup and maintenance. On the environmental front, pollution abatement is a serious challenge so as the provision of potable water and amenable sanitation. On the social side, provision of services including health, education and recreation are better crafted at planning state. On the economic side, the challenge of the youth bulge hence, employment creation, poverty reduction and livelihoods enhancement come at the core. Besides, sprawling urban centres are not only difficulty to coordinate but also uneconomic to manage. Subdivision and consolidations have to be carefully planned and managed. In certain circumstances, densification has to be considered as a principal good in addressing the challenge of sprawl. Urban systems are a constellation of social, economic, political, institutional and legal forces, usually all working simultaneously in a complex of reality. From time to time, solutions must be thought of and even incubated into innovations, in this case, for water supply, traffic management, building management, urban planning, civil engineering, to mention but a few. Missing locally is a journal that becomes a forum by both professional and academic contributors to discuss urban systems and innovations in Zimbabwe. As such the Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe (JUSIRIZ) is hereby proposed.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe vi Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) The ‘Concept Urban Resilience’: Contextualising to Zimbabwe INNOCENT CHIRISA1,2 AND MARCYLINE CHIVENGE1

Abstract This paper is an attempt to systematically conceptualise urban resilience with an intent to decipher how the meaning(s) apply to the Zimbabwean context. The paper draws from a gap that exists in literature regarding urban resilience and spatiality, in general, and with particular reference to Zimbabwe. Methodologically, the paper hinges on thematic and content analysis. Urban resilience proves to be the main tool in safeguarding development in urban areas where there is a greater concentration of people. This rapid urbanisation escalates the pressure on critical services and infrastructure in , which also increases their exposure to shocks and long-term stresses. While shocks and stresses are sometimes unavoidable, urban resilience thinking demands that cities be planned holistically so that they are prepared for any vulnerabilities. To deal with challenges facing urban areas, governments and policy-makers, should have the responsibility of building city resilience, and operationalise the resilience-building process.

Keywords: con text, policy, resilien ce, u rban m an agem en t, relevan ce

INTRODUCTION With a greater concentration of people and assets in urban areas, cities need to address an increasingly complex range of shocks and stresses to uphold development gains and hasten poverty reduction (Sanderson, 2000). Managing disaster risk and the impacts of climate change have long been an important focus of urban resilience. However, recent examples show how economic crises, health epidemics, and uncontrolled urbanisation can also affect the ability of a city to sustain growth and provide services for its citizens; hence the need for a new approach to resilient urban development becomes imperative.

The vulnerabilities, hazards, lack of local capacities, power imbalances and underlying risks faced by the poorest and most vulnerable people in urban areas is vital in recognising holistic strategies for enhancing their resilience to disasters, climate change and conflict in Africa’s urban environments

1Department of Rural and Urban Planning, University of Zimbabwe 2Department of Urban and , University of the Free State (Cannon and Muller, 2010). Research shows that there is an interconnection between conflict and disasters, and that amid other factors, rapid and dynamic urbanisation as well as associated will increasingly shape this disaster/conflict interface. Burgess (2008) notes that the world is undergoing the largest wave of urban growth in history. More than half of the world’s population now lives in towns and cities; and by 2030 this number will swell to about 5 billion. Much of this urbanisation will unfold in Africa and Asia, bringing huge social, economic and environmental transformations. With Africa’s urban population rising rapidly, one out of five of the fastest-growing cities globally are in Africa, with smaller and intermediate cities are experiencing the highest growth (Cohen, 2004). This urban growth is partly because of rural to urban migration. However, it is also increasingly being driven by natural population increases considering that many people are moving to the urban areas in search of employment. These migrants are engaging in informal employment activities such as vending and other odd jobs which call for the need of resilient cities, as informal employment is often associated with unsustainable activities.

Mehmood (2016: 410) notes that resilience is fast becoming an omnipresent and disputed concept in present-day planning and policy discussions and practice. It is often related with the notion of resisting any change and bouncing back to the initial state. In emergency planning, it is associated with security measures and responses to shocks and risks such as severe weather and sporadic pandemics. However, the idea of restoration to a past state of existence following a crisis or trauma is misleading. This is evident from a number of paradigms elaborated by Jones and Mean (2010) on resilience thinking. First is the notion of equilibrium which presupposes that people (communities) and nature (ecosystems) react in a sequential and predictable manner to disturbances, such as change in the environment. Second is the non-equilibrium approach that considers the role of external elements such as episodic events and climatic variability to the effect that responses from society and nature are less predictable in the face of interruption and change. The third view factors the evolutionary and integrating role of society as well as nature in thwarting undesirable changes before ecological thresholds are reached, while building, maintaining or enhancing the resilience of the particular social and ecological systems (Mehmood, 2016). The ability to restore back from past existence following a crisis is important in safeguarding development in Zimbabwe. This is crucial especially after Cyclone Idai in 2019 which hit settlements in eastern Zimbabwe like Chimanimani.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 2 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Urban resilience is defined as the measurable ability of any urban system, with its inhabitants, to sustain continuity through all shocks and stresses, while positively adapting and transforming toward sustainability (Welsh, 2014). According to Leichenko (2011: 164), ‘’urban resilience studies are grounded in a varied collection of literature, which can be largely arranged into four categories: (a) urban ecological resilience; (b) resilience of urban and regional economies; (c) urban hazards and disaster risk reduction; and (d) promotion of resilience through urban governance and institutions’’. There is much overlap among these different sets of literature, each emphasising different facets of urban resilience, and focusing on different components of cities and urban systems (Leinchenko, 2011; Jabareen, 2013). Therefore, each component should be understood and examined how it fits in different urban contexts.

Zimbabwe has experienced a number of unprecedented environmental, economic and political shocks and stresses since independence. These shocks and stresses will have lifelong impact. Zimbabwe is facing serious challenges such as poverty, food insecurity, malnutrition and environmental degradation. The concept of resilience has emerged as a credible framework among humanitarian and development actors and governments to be a longer-term and more cost-effective strategy for substantially improving regional or local capacity to withstand shocks and stresses, ultimately leading to a reduced need for humanitarian response (Mude et al. 2007). Interest in resilience building approaches to respond to vulnerability, shocks and stressors in Zimbabwe is apt (Jiri et al. 2017). Adger (2006) notes that building the resilience of cities and communities so they can respond to shocks requires helping people to cope with current changes, adapt their livelihoods and improve governance systems as well as ecosystems’ health so that they are able to avoid problems in the future.

CONCEPTUALISING URBAN RESILIENCE A resilience conceptual framework assists policy-makers to recognise how communities and urban systems react to shocks and stresses. In addition, it explores how shocks and stresses impinge on livelihood outcomes and communities’ well-being. The resilience framework aids in recognition of the key control points to be used in developing theories of change, which inform programming designed to enhance resilience (Tyler and Moench, 2012). The framework enables policy-makers to have a comprehensive perception of the factors and processes controlling vulnerability and resilience

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 3 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) at the household, community and higher-level systems. It aids discovery of appropriate factors, gaps in key livelihood assets, the functioning of structures and processes of key institutions as well as the livelihood strategies of vulnerable communities and cities (Cannon et al. 2003). Barker (2003: 369) defines resilience as a ‘’human capability (individual, group and/or community) to deal with stressors, crisis and normal experiences in a sensitively and physically healthy way; an efficient and effective coping style’’. Resilience can also be viewed as the capacity to bounce back from some form of distraction. Windle (1999) defines resilience as a thriving adaptation to life task in the face of social drawbacks or extremely unfavourable situations. Resilience is a two-dimensional procedure pertaining to the exposure to hardship and the affirmative adjustment outcomes of that hardship. In Zimbabwe, there seems to be challenges in adjusting to hardships probably due to the economic crisis and political context. According to Mehmood (2016: 41) ‘’urban resilience can be defined in evolutionary terms as a proactive rather than reactive view to planning, strategic steering and policy-making in which communities play a crucial task for resilient place shaping through their ability for vigorous learning, robustness, ability to innovate and adaptability to change’’. Urban resilience can also be defined as an active ‘’process of monitoring, maintaining, facilitating and recuperating a virtual cycle between ecosystem services and human wellbeing through intensive effort under external influencing factors’’ (Zhang and Li, 2018: 145). Urban resilience is an important factor of sustainable urban settlements. Urban Sustainability is the active process of synergetic incorporation and co-evolution between the subsystems making up a city without compromising the potential for development of surrounding areas and contributing towards minimising the destructive effects of development (Huang et al. 2015). Urban resilience has two concepts which are the hard and soft resilience (Moench, 2009). Proag (2014: 371) notes that ‘’the concepts of resilience take two broad forms: (a) hard resilience which is the unswerving strength of structures or institutions when placed under pressure, such as mounting the resilience of a structure through definite underpinning measures to lessen their likelihood of failure. (b) soft resilience which is the aptitude of systems to absorb and convalesce from the effect of disrupting events exclusive of essential changes in structure or function, which depend on the suppleness and adaptive aptitude of the system as a whole’’. Thus, for any effective ability to overcome shock and stresses the country should have and incorporate both hard and soft resilience.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 4 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Meerow et al. (2016: 45) define urban resilience as ‘’the capacity of an urban system and all its constituent socio-ecological and socio-technical networks across temporal and spatial scales to sustain or swiftly return to desired functions in the face of a disturbance, to adapt to change and to quickly alter systems that limit existing or future adaptive capacity. Focusing on the long-term sustainability of cities and social systems’’. Fiksel (2003) identifies four categories of characteristics of resilient systems that can also be considered as resilient augmentation features, such as: (1) diversity, or “existence of multiple forms and behaviours”; (2) efficiency, or “performance with modest resource consumption”; (3) adaptability, or the “flexibility to change in response to new pressures”; and (4) cohesion, or the “existence of unifying forces or linkages.” Leichenko (2011: 164) notes how across the broad array of urban resilience literatures, resilience is normally understood as the capacity of a system to endure a major shock and uphold or swiftly return to normal function. ‘’Resilience is not just about economy and environment but also society and culture’’ (Mehmood, 2016: 418). It does not refer to readiness to the surprise occurrences alone, but also refers to long term strategies to mitigate and adapt to socio-economic and environmental challenges. In a world of limited resources, resilience thinking can assist to incorporate the issues of economic, environmental and social well-being by strategically navigating the policy and planning to proactively generate, assume and shape change (Mehmood, 2016).

The conceptualisation of urban resilience is important in understanding the Zimbabwean situation. Vulnerability and resilience context in Zimbabwe is characterised by the pre-independence policies of marginalisation and segregation, increasing poverty levels, increasing food insecurity, poor and declining service delivery and poor macroeconomic fundamentals. Having a clear knowledge of the resilience concepts is imperative in understanding and building resilience strategies in Zimbabwe’s urban areas. The definitions would assist planners in strategising the abilities of local people and groups to harness local resources and expertise to help them in an emergency. Understanding urban resilience definitions will help policy makers to incorporate other important components not found in the Zimbabwean resilience agendas, for example poverty and inequality. Therefore, exploring the conceptual framework on urban resilience facilitates in finding solutions to environmental threats such as water scarcity and land degradation, which negatively affect long and short-term livelihood processes.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 5 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) THEORIES ON RESILIENCE Resilience theory is rooted in the study of adversity (Mastern et al. 1990). The Second World War brought poverty, homelessness, destruction of infrastructure and death. Scientists were eager to research on the impact of severe trauma to communities. The concept of resilience then came through as a way of understanding the relationship of the trauma and the ability of communities to recover from such.

It appears that resilience theory has been strongly criticised, particularly for its neoliberal tendencies. Questions rose as to whether the theory contributes to urban thinking and practice in developing countries. However, the theory has proven to contribute to urban development. This is because resilience theory provides a useful framework for research that bridges the micro/ macro divide, which could make important contributions to deepening social development theory. Resilience theory is not without its critics, though it remains resilient in the face of criticism – a testimony to its intuitive appeal and the usefulness of the theory in understanding the human experience of adversity and in informing policy and practice.

Resilience theory is of great relevance in Africa at a time when the continent continues to translate urban development theory into practice, cope with rolling poverty and underdevelopment, and embrace the opportunities and challenges of decolonising urban thinking and practice. Where, intelligently and critically applied, resilience theory can help to open up new understandings of how people in the resource-constrained environment of Africa work for their growth and development, and how social structures of inequality and opportunity can be mobilised to encourage a society that cherishes economic and social flourishing.

The applicability and capacity of resistance theory to expose details of urban affairs in Africa has been creatively and sometimes critically contained by social scientists (Norris et al. 2008). Some have combined it with an analysis of structures of legitimation, supremacy and signification to examine how power is held and used to encourage or maintain certain pathways of urban development, and how transformation is blocked or may be facilitated in certain cities. In Zimbabwe and other developing countries in Africa, the issue of power and power dynamics is largely misused. This is because of the dominant power given to government in development policies and plans. Such policies are usually failures as a result of structural challenges. Communities have shared fate and geographic boundaries, and are the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 6 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) product of a complex interaction of built, natural, social, and economic environments. Each community has a dynamic set of resources, assets and options which act as capacities to respond to disruptions, hazards or adversities. Far from achieving a balance between the three pillars of the triple bottom line approach to sustainability, urban governmental, private, and nongovernmental actors encounter tension between three often contrasting and politically unbalanced priorities, with equity and environmental issues on growth and development.

It is important to note that; resilience as a theory is highly applicable in Africa and precisely Zimbabwe. This is because it helps maintain and mitigate sustainable measures which are of benefit to the people in alleviating poverty and ensuring and development. However, the problem arises in implementation of the policies. In Africa, lack of good governance limits the success of many policies despite their sound intentions. There appears to be lack of checks and balances in Africa’s system of governance which negatively affects implementation of good policies.

Vulnerability is the intrinsic susceptibility of a city to harm from exposure to exogenous or endogenous risks (Brooks, 2003). Some risks can be handled through appropriate policies and measures whilst others may be inherent or structural constraints that can best be managed through the implementation of appropriate policy measures or other government, private sector and community actions. Vulnerability is observed in association with the incidence of external shocks of changing magnitudes, which negatively impact the environment/ecological, economic, geographic and social profiles over time (Brooks, 2003). Some of the vulnerabilities found in urban areas include: global economic shocks, drought and floods, water and sanitation, social discontinuity and the connectivity paradox. It is important to understand these vulnerabilities before engaging in resilience strategy. These vulnerabilities shape the resilience enablers in urban areas. These enablers include infrastructure (physical enablers), stable income sources, human capital (education, health, food & nutrition), integration into global economy and strong procedural enablers. For an urban resilience agenda to succeed these enablers should be existent. In the Zimbabwean context, the enablers appear to be missing which explains why most of the sectors in Zimbabwe such as service delivery and infrastructure provision are deteriorating.

Leadership is the most significant part in urban resilience. Enterprise leaderships is about setting precedence, making commitments and the capability to make accurate decisions about the courses of actions to take

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 7 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) LEADERSHIP

AWARENESS

FLEXIBILITY

PREPAREDNESS

CULTURE

Figure.1. Factors for Achieving Organisational Resilience (Omer et al. 2014: 875) when faced with unpleasant circumstances (Omer et al. 2014). There is therefore, need for effectual leadership and management which is engaged and responsive at all levels, empowering stakeholders and fostering integrated development planning which will make a positive contribution to cities resilience.

Another factor is awareness. Policy makers in resilient cities need to examine change that occurs within the and be able to recognise distraction in advance. The data gathering process offers the executive with the current information about state of affairs and divulges the scope of problem as well as how equipped the manpower is to deal with it (Hollnagel et al. 2006). City works with a well-built communications infrastructure can easily identify disruptions and alert the responsible authority (Omer et al. 2014). The initiative to resilient cities should engage the most vulnerable to the most influential stakeholders, and uphold awareness of the power dynamics, motivations and incentives.

Preparedness or emergency planning is another important factor. It is noted that, city personnel can actively foresee problems and prepare for them by

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 8 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) building a team that is able to envision diverse potentials and is able to apply inventive, efficient and effective solutions (Omer et al. 2014). Policy-makers in urban areas have to frequently arrange necessary schemes in emergency planning which can be used to deal with problems by training individuals in the courses of action to take in the event of emergencies.

Flexibility allows cities to adjust to new shocks and stresses. Resilience through flexibility is attainable by allowing urban dwellers to make decisions (Lengnick and Beck, 2016). Organisations should ensure flexibility in decentralised institutions in order to make them responsive to local realities. The decision- making process must be comprised of a flexible and iterative monitoring system that allows for timely and competent decision making. It is further noted that resilience is achieved through a culture built on trust and accountability (Bryan, 2005); fostering stakeholder engagement at all levels, by developing a sense of mutual ideas encouraging a culture that is aware of its environment and supporting communication through the organisations (Omer et al. 2014). A city’s culture is understood to be the key to controlling crisis. It is the culture of a city that makes it crisis-prone or crisis prepared.

ESSENTIAL ASPECTS OF U RBAN RESILIENCE According to Tyler and Moench (2012: 313), resilient systems ensure that functionality is retained and can be rapidly reinstated through system linkages despite some failures or operational disruptions. Resilient systems do not rely on the strength of individual components, but retain functionality through flexibility and diversifying functional dependence. Social agency outcomes arise not only from interaction between elements but also from purposive decisions. Agents are capable of deliberation, independent analysis, voluntary interaction and strategic choice in the face of new information. Agents are actors in the sense that they introduce volition and intent into choice; they behave in ways that reflect their location and structure within society (i.e. as government entities, businesses, community advocates, households and individuals), their preferences, and the opportunities and constraints they perceive. Techniques for analysing agent behaviour and capacity are different from those required for systems. Agents, or actors in urban systems, comprise the second key element in the resilience framework.

Agent behaviour can be changed, but depending on the circumstances, this may not be any easier than modifying complex technical infrastructure systems. Many agents (e.g. households) depend on urban systems and demand

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 9 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) services but are not proactively involved in the creation, management or operation of those facilities. Other agents are directly concerned with management of critical urban systems. The concept of institutions in social sciences refers to the social rules or conventions that structure human behaviour and exchange in social and economic interactions (Hodgson, 2006). Institutions may be formal or informal, overt or implicit, and are created to reduce uncertainty, to maintain continuity of social patterns and social order, and to stabilise forms of human interaction in more predictable ways (North, 1990; Ostrom, 1990; Campbell, 1998). Institutions of property and tenure, of social inclusion or marginalisation and of collective action influence the vulnerability of particular social groups (Adger et al. 2005).

Mehmood (2016: 415-6) identifies ‘’four components contributing towards the enhancement of local socio-ecological resilience’’. These four components are transformability, adaptability, preparedness and persistence (TAPP). This resilience framework is based on TAPP proposed by Davoudi et al. (2013). Transformability and innovation, according to Davoudi et al. (2013), require a fair amount of behavioural change. Scott-Cato and Hillier (2010) have analysed the aspects of social and behavioural change in Transition towns through the concept of social innovation. They emphasise the specific focus of social innovation theory and practice in helping to bring about social and behavioural change in the communities. Key contentions of the Transition Movement are about climate change and community-led . They emphasise place-based transformations by means of improving social relations between communities and groups, empowering the people in terms of socio-political decision-making and satisfying basic human needs (Mehmood and Parra, 2013). Adaptability or the ability of being flexible in the face of a crisis or change refers to two distinctive features of the Transition Movement that make it a model of local resilience. First is the predominant focus on the sense of community building whereby the community rhetoric and spirit helps in forming a cohesive relationship and identity whereas externally, it helps in contributing to building alliances and networks to produce projects of wider societal benefits. A key achievement in this respect is the movement’s role in low carbon transitions across the board in Transition towns (Aiken, 2012).

The second distinctive feature is its focus on localisation of social and economic processes and activities. Not only does this help explore the potential of smaller towns and cities to sustain their lifestyles but also allows for inter-scalar linkages and helps build networks with other towns of varying

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 10 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) social, economic, cultural and environmental assets bases. These have subsequently provided inspiration for the concept of green networks of cities (Taylor, 2012). Preparedness refers to increasing the learning capacity of the communities through knowledge exchange and sharing mutual experiences. The Transition Movement offers an alternative model of local development that provides opportunities to build resilient communities (Connors and McDonald, 2011). One of the key contributions of the movement is establishing such governance mechanisms that are based on participatory democracy; promoting bottom-up creativity through self- organising community groups (Bay, 2013).

KEY AREAS OF URBAN RESILIENCE The key themes or area of urban resilience have been adopted from the World Cities Day held on the 31st of October in 2018. Building Sustainable and Resilient Cities, the theme for World Cities Day 2018, is a call to action for everyone to rethink how cities may become better places to protect and enhance people’s lives, leaving no one behind. The global World Cities Day of 2018 was held in Liverpool, with the aim of influencing the following five key areas:

Climate Action Climate change impacts on people’s wellbeing and livelihoods because of the altered weather patterns due to rising sea levels and more extreme meteorological events (Adger et al. 2003). In a rapidly urbanising world, resilient urban development cannot be achieved or sustained without mitigation and adaptation measures, such as water recycling, water and energy sensitive urban and building design, sustainable urban planning of city extensions, financial and planning tools for risk management and awareness campaigns for behavioural change (Padgham et al. 2015). This explains the importance and need for cities to promote effective climate action and recognising sustainability as a key area in achieving resilient urban settlements.

Upgrading from Informality The number of people at risk is increasing significantly where rapid urbanisation exceeds formal planning capacity, leading to uncontrolled and densely populated informal settlements in hazard-prone areas (Gencer, 2013). Unplanned cities are more vulnerable to shocks as they often have to cope

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 11 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) with pre-existing stresses. Urban systems are complex and interdependent. If rapidly growing cities are to respond equitably to the Goals and Sendai Framework for Risk Reduction, holistic tools are needed to help planners prioritise investment in an inclusive manner, based on limited information and rapidly changing contexts.

Economic and Social Resilience Godschalk (2003) notes that building urban resilience takes multiple forms, but must seek for the improved living conditions of people, specifically those in vulnerable situations. Poor people are exposed to hazards more often, lose a greater share of their wealth when hit, have limited safety nets, and receive less institutional support. The impact is often most felt by the poorest of the poor, especially women, girls, and the elderly. This is because the poor often live in deprivations as a result of limited access to employment opportunities and income. As women, girls and the poor are highly vulnerable this is worsened by the continuous occurrence of hazards.

Governance and Decentralisation The analysis of decentralisation in terms of local governments’ responsibilities, planning and financial capacity is key for building city resilience. Local governments have a particular role to play in urban resilience as they are in charge of a variety of processes related to the functioning of the city as well as the first line of response in any crisis situation (Gencer, 2013). Local governments need to be empowered to efficiently deliver on these requirements, and good national-local level cooperation to build resilience in time of crisis is imperative.

Humanitarian Urban Crises Resilience also lies at the core of the humanitarian-development nexus, bridging two often disparate agendas. Ingraining resilience can reduce risks by increasing capacities and addressing vulnerabilities to decrease fragility and mitigate impacts, thereby enhancing an effective and forward-thinking response (Amit, 2016).

OUTCOMES OF URBAN RESILIENCE The outcomes of urban resilience in the poor, heavily indebted and developing cities depend on several factors. These factors include the technological

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 12 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) creativity of implementing agencies and the political incentives facing political leaders in the urban areas (Chirisa et al. 2015). Urban settlements need to engage the processes of political, economic and governance transformation by generating synergies with other cities to enable them to forge the emerging institutional ‘best practices’.

Urban resilience is a critical element of sustainable development. Investing in resilience contributes to long-term sustainability by ensuring that current development gains are safeguarded for future generations (Griggs et al. 2013). Resilience focuses especially on learning to prepare for, adapt to, and respond to the spectrum of risks that exist at the interface between people, the economy, and the environment (Zolli, 2012). At the same time, investing in resilience is not a substitute for broader approaches to sustainability. For example, it does not provide the insights into social sustainability that are gained through the concepts of agency, conflict, knowledge, and power (Olsson et al. 2015). Given the mandate of the , issues of sustainability and resilience are primarily focused on cities of low- and middle-income countries.

Due to the complexity and wide scope of the concept of resilience, operationalising the city resilience-building process is still a challenge (Mehmood, 2016: 417). Transition towns as resilient settlements present a place-based perspective to the capacity for learning (preparedness), being robust (persistence), being innovative (transformability) and being flexible (adaptability) in the face of a crisis or change both immediately and in the long term. There is evidence supporting the fact that crisis situations can play a role in shaping new innovation trajectories (Howells and Bessant, 2012). Extreme conditions with the absence of common-sense solutions and first-option alternatives can lead to the search for radical innovations. Innovation in the social sense (social innovation) can therefore help identify new ways to produce and support social change and foster understanding of the conditions that provide solutions to complex social and ecological problems (Moulaert et al. 2013). It can also deepen our understanding of the dynamics that drive both continuity and change, including; at the societal level, how and under what conditions the change can successfully arise and diffuse, transforming social relations and empowering local communities to help satisfy basic human needs.

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its dedicated goal on cities— SDG 11 aims to make cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. It therefore puts sustainable urbanisation as one of the key priorities. In

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 13 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) addition, under the New Urban Agenda, there is a defined and renewed dedication among the global development community to ensure that cities expand in a sustainable way for all.

By engaging all stakeholders in resilience efforts, cities can harness transformational change and improve the lives of their inhabitants. Over the past decade, urban resilience has emerged as one of the core principles of sustainable urban development widely acknowledged in various agreements including the Paris Agreement on climate change and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (De Bruijn et al. 2017). Generally, cities lack the capacity to operationalise these national commitments alone and shifting from awareness to action remains a challenge. These trends will not change unless policy makers, government and communities all start working together towards building resilience for more sustainable cities.

The risk environment in African cities and towns is complex and diverse. Poor urban communities in Africa experience a range of hazards, from floods, epidemics to crime and violence. The poorest and most vulnerable people must cope with both acute, large-scale disasters and recurrent ‘small’ events (Montgomery, 2009). These erode resources and undermine efforts to end poverty and injustice on the continent. Disaster risk in urban areas is strongly linked to developmental conditions, insecure livelihoods, lack of basic infrastructure and services, poor urban and planning; and inadequate oversight and low accountability for the provision of infrastructure and basic services increase exposure to hazards, and vulnerability to their effects. A monetised economy leaves poor households particularly vulnerable to changes in the availability and cost of food, water, energy and transport. Practising urban resilience can ensure recovering from these stresses and shocks. Building resilient cities will ensure sustainability and the ability to cope under various vulnerabilities.

LESSONS DRAWN FOR URBAN ZIMBABWE In Zimbabwe, programming for resilience building focuses on the overlap between areas of chronic vulnerability and the occurrence of shocks and stressors. Reducing risk and building resilience to disasters in urban areas requires tackling the deficits that underlie it. To address existing risk drivers, particularly inadequate service delivery, unemployment and governance failures, planning is critical in improving resilience in both the short and long term. People must have reliable and well-maintained infrastructure and

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 14 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) services, which protects them, and enhances their ability to cope with and recover from disasters. To measure improvements in resilience in Zimbabwe, there is need for empirical evidence regarding what factors contributes to resilience, under what contexts, and for what types of shocks. The ability to measure the relationship represented by resilience depends on the analysis of a number of substantive dimensions and structural features. Substantive features highlight the specific indicators considered and data collected so that insights related to resilience dynamics can be measured. A regional approach may enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of resilience capacity- building programming in Zimbabwe by allowing stakeholders to align resources, build staff capacity, and address cross country themes that require systems thinking and approaches.

To put the resilience agenda into action, Zimbabwe will need to mobilise resources from public and private sectors, domestic and international sectors included. The acute and cumulative effects of disasters generate major economic and fiscal losses on the individual, community to national level. These events can undermine hard-earned development gains, trap the most vulnerable groups in poverty, and exacerbate inequality. For an effective urban resilience program Zimbabwe will need strong government leadership and coordination across the national to local level; consisting of bottom-up, locally managed funds such as engagement of the private sector; and technical expertise to develop a range of innovative financial instruments. In an increasingly urban world, the major resilience challenges of this century (the 21st) —poverty reduction, natural hazards and climate change, environmental sustainability, and social inclusion— will be won or lost in cities. With commitment from leaders, partners, and citizens, Zimbabwean cities can lead the resilience agenda, and spearhead the economic and social transformations necessary for reducing poverty and boosting shared prosperity.

CONCLUSION AND WAY FORWARD There is a growing awareness of the urban resilience-vulnerability linkages. As urban areas are urbanising, the urban dwellers, especially the poor are increasingly faced with risks to their lives, health and livelihoods. These problems relate to their limited economic base, location, low access to risk- reducing infrastructure and services as well as inadequate governance and disaster risk management. In order to reduce the risk of and impact from disasters and increase the safety and wellbeing of citizens, cities must be

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 15 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) more resilient and prepared to address shocks and stresses. In this context, improving cities level of resilience to expected and unexpected disasters is of utmost importance and requires a holistic approach. Resilience covers the ability of city stakeholders to understand and prevent the disaster risks, to mitigate those risks and to respond in such a way as to minimise loss of or damage to life, livelihoods, property, infrastructure, economic activity and the environment. However, there exists a large gap in resilience operationalisation when going from theory to practice and making resilience tangible and practical for cities. Therefore, it is imperative for urban local authorities to invest in resilience which contributes to long-term sustainability by ensuring current development gains are safeguarded for future generations. There is need for innovative tools for local resilience which must be integrated in urban planning and management practices. There should be national policies on urban resilience with the government providing support and leading coordinated policies that push for resilient urban areas, while supporting local and global partnerships.

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Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 19 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Resilience under Sustained Attack from the City Police: Will Informality Survive? PERCY TORIRO1

Abstract Since the general elections of Zimbabwe in 2018, there has been a sustained blitz by the police against informal activities in the central business district (CBD) of Harare, the country capital city. Initially the blitz was motivated by a desire by authorities to avoid the spread of cholera. Although the cholera scourge appears to have been contained, the municipal blitz against informal business activities in the CBD did not relent. It seemed to be the most sustained onslaught that the city had undertaken against informality in many years both in terms of duration and the magnitude of manpower resources used. The Harare Municipal Police undertook this blitz in collaboration with the Zimbabwe Republic Police. Previous research has focused on the extent of informality in H arare, the regulatory framework, the measures informal traders were taking to evade the police, and how they were surviving in these contested spaces. The continuing blitz against informal traders has seen many traders giving up their places in the CBD and relocating to ‘designated’ new spaces elsewhere. U sing a mixed methods approach, this research sought to examine the status of informal retail trading activities in the CBD of Harare as the municipal onslaught on informal enterprises has exacerbated. The study sought to answer several key questions: What has become of informality in Harare? What old and new strategies is H arare municipality using? Are the informal traders surviving the onslaught? How are they coping? What is the extent of their presence in the CBD? What are the affected informal retail traders saying? What has become of the documented vendors’ resilience in central Harare? The paper argues that the authorities’ failure to acknowledge the reality of informality is causing unsustainable pain to traders as well as to themselves.

Keywords: resilience, vending, small-scale, informal enterprises, conflict, enforcement

INTRODUCTION In 2018, there was a cholera outbreak in Harare and approximately 40 people died, and many were hospitalised (WHO, 2018). This prompted the municipal authorities to ban vending in the central business district (CBD) and move traders to new sites outside the CBD as a ‘precautionary measure

1African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town; Balsillie School of International Affairs in Canada to curb the spread of the disease’1. To enforce this, authorities have had to deploy numerous measures. The new increased use of both regulations and municipal police has been one of the most sustained, with some significant visual impact as shown by the reduced presence of vendors. The study sought to examine the status of informality in the city centre of Harare, focusing on the vendors’ and institutional responses as well as whether the sector remains resilient. The paper argues that whilst the municipal authorities continued to use commonly tried and well-documented strategies to fight vending in the central business district of Harare, the efforts met with limited success as vendors responded by adopting new coping mechanisms such as further reducing stock, improving surveillance, and fighting back. The paper further argues that the results of the sustained raids, whilst seemingly harming the vendors’ livelihoods, have in fact impacted negatively on the interests of both the authorities and the public.

Conflicts between city authorities and vendors are common in many parts of Africa and the rest of the global South. There is abundant literature that documents the daily struggles of small-scale retail traders operating informally in contested urban spaces. These traders experience running battles with municipal police while defending their main source of livelihoods and doing business in indecent places (Njaya, 2014; Mitullah 2004; Kamete, 2010; Potts, 2008). These conflicts characterised the central business district of Harare over several years. The deteriorating national economic environment led to even more people joining the sector further infuriating planning and policy authorities who were struggling with recognising informal trading activities (Toriro 2014, 2018). The responses of local authorities to informality had been heavy-handed and mainly included tightening both the regulatory and policing environment. Moreover, new by-laws were introduced whilst old ones were reviewed mainly either to stop or reduce the extent of informal sector operations in the core of the city. The Harare vendors’ by-laws were amended in 2014 in order to give more powers to municipal police and development control staff of the city to strictly manage vendors in the city (GoZ, 2014). Interestingly, there were also reports of more police officers being recruited specifically to deal with vendors (The Herald, 18 August 2018).

1 Interview with the Director of Housing and Community Services for City of Harare in Harare on 16 May 2019

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 21 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) GLOBAL, REGIONAL AND LOCAL CONTEXTUAL ISSUES TO VENDING To understand the interplay of vending and other urban land uses, it is important to put urbanisation into context. This is important because cities of the global South are growing rapidly and this exerts contestations for land and land use (Toriro, 2018). The world is changing from being largely rural in historical times to being mostly urban (UN, 2014). As of 2010, North America was 82 percent urban, Latin America and the Caribbean 80 percent urban, Europe 73 percent urban, Asia 48 percent urban, whilst Africa was approximately 40 percent urban (UN-Habitat, 2015). Although Africa is the least urbanised continent, it is the fastest urbanising region in the world (Rogerson, 2016). According to the United Nations, the urban population of Africa will reach the 66 percent mark by 2050 (UN, 2014). The story of the rapid African urbanisation is however also a story of the urbanisation of poverty (Toriro, 2018). Whilst urbanisation in Europe, Asia and North America was accompanied by improved standards of living, in Africa the urbanisation is largely characterised by increasing poverty (Chirisa, 2008). With the estimation that ninety percent of all new urban growth will take place in Sub-Saharan Africa the situation has been described by some scholars as a ‘state of crisis’ for African urbanisation (Pieterse and Parnell, 2014).

Whilst retail trading as an activity has existed since biblical times, the changing forms of trade have attracted different reactions from governing authorities. Traders look for opportunities to sell their goods and always seek trading spaces where demand for their goods exists (Njaya, 2014; Toriro, 2014). Not all such spaces are deemed acceptable to managers of the different spaces. In the Bible, Jesus Christ took exception to entrepreneurs using the temple to sell their wares. The existence of governance authorities determining the appropriateness of space for purposes of trading is therefore not new. Maybe what has changed over time are the reasons for stopping vending: For many planners in the developing world, the negative treatment of informal traders has been motivated by modernist values held by planners and the elites (Watson, 2003; Toriro, 2018). Some of the planners of many cities in the global South are accustomed to ideas they have learned through western forms of , training, and their inspirations from ‘world-class’ cities such as Dubai, Shanghai, and New York. These planners tend to model their cities on the ‘beautiful’ cities idealised in the west (Watson, 2014). What these city planners seem to forget is that the cultural contexts and experiences

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 22 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) of these western cities and their own cities differ significantly. For example, whilst these planners in the developing world or the global South live and work in cities characterised with poverty, informality and unemployment they still expect and want them to look like ‘world-class’ cities (Toriro, 2018). Their day to day fight with informality is influenced by these ‘fantasies’ which Vanessa Watson describes more fittingly as ‘nightmares’ and not dreams (Watson, 2014). As Roy notes, ‘the relationship between informality and planners is complicated’ (Roy, 2005: 150). Due to the planners’ aspirations indicated above, ‘engagement with informality is in many ways quite difficult for planners’ (Ibid. 155).

Scholars focusing on small-scale and informal retail; the category in which vending easily fit; have identified two main ways across Africa in which vendors are treated. Local authorities either give it a blind eye or pretend it is not there or they take a heavy-handed approach and seek to remove it from wherever it occurs (Bromley, 2000). There is also evidence that this negative attitude towards vending by city authorities promotes disruptive behaviours by officials that further destroy these livelihoods such as corruption and frequent or periodic raids (Chen, 2012). There are also other obstacles brought about by the manner in which authorities regulate vending: Informal trade is approached from a control-minded perspective rather than a facilitatory one. Examples of these approaches are found in the location of offices responsible for small-scale trade in the institutional setups of local governments across Africa. They are always either in the departments responsible for health services or worse still in the police or enforcement departments (Mitullah, 2004). In both cases, the starting point is already to muzzle or restrict the informal sector business operating space.

Vending in particular and small-scale trade in general has not been accorded decent spaces in many cities of Africa because it is part of informality. This makes it a weak competitor for urban space as informal spaces are regarded as ‘gray spaces’ (Yiftachel, 2009) which are in most instances defined as illegal, unlike other accepted land uses. Many officials also see these spaces as medically unacceptable spaces that they describe as ‘pathological,’ requiring ‘normalisation’ or regularization (Kamete, 2012). This perception of informality as unacceptable held by the majority of African planners is unfortunate because many scholars have rightfully identified informality as a common reality of Africa’s urbanisation with the majority of urban residents living in informality (Roy, 2005; Yiftachel, 2009; Toriro, 2018; Rogerson, 2016; Skinner and Watson, 2018). If land use planners are not going to

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 23 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) understand informality as a reality of African and low-income urbanisation, they will continue to plan out of their contextual realities thereby creating problematic settlements that are in a perpetual state of conflict.

More progressive scholars with an entrepreneurial focus have rather argued for measures to unlock the business acumen in these small-scale traders. They argue for an approach that uses the law to protect these operators, otherwise the good ideas or business assets remain ‘untapped’ (de Soto, 2000). Similarly, Chen makes two important recommendations: If municipalities want these traders’ potential to be fully realized, they must ‘increase the positives’ and ‘reduce the negatives’ (Chen, 2012: 19). She correctly further observes that town planners are key in realizing those recommendations because vendors are part of the informal sector which in turn constitutes what she describes as the ‘main generator’ of employment in the global South. Sadly, she notes that planners rarely give attention to informality when they plan or upgrade settlements. In the context of Harare, Rogerson (2016) observes a similar heavy-handedness and concludes that the future of small-scale traders is ‘unpromising’.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The study collected both primary and secondary data. Primary data involved interviews with vendors, vendor representatives and municipal officials using a semi-structured questionnaire. A total of 20 vendors were interviewed, 10 from the new sites and the other 10 from vendors that continue to trade in the streets of central Harare so that a complete picture could be captured. Two vendor representatives were also selected to get a view of the informal sector lobby perspective. Five planners were interviewed, purposively selected for their role in managing vendors. Five other municipal officials considered relevant from other departments that also interact with vendors were also interviewed. Field observations were also undertaken over a period of 3 months. The first phase was January, followed by a second phase in March then a third one in June, all in 2019. These were undertaken in the city centre as well as at the new sites. A checklist with aspects to be observed was prepared and used to ensure all the research members checked for the same issues. There was also room to record other observations deemed relevant. Secondary data was collected through newspaper reports, municipal reports, laws, by-laws and policies used to manage vending in Harare. Published research reports and books on vending were also used to help fully respond to the research questions.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 24 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) STRATEGIES TO CU RB STREET VENDING IN HARARE There has been a new and sustained onslaught on street vending in the central district of Harare. The onslaught has taken the form of intensified enforcement of the existing development control regulations and the enactment of new bylaws.

STRICTER U SE OF REGULATIONS One strategy that city regulatory authorities are using is stricter regulations. City officials are revisiting existing regulations and local development plans to exert more control on street vending operations in the CBD. Toriro (2018) notes that the existing statutory planning provisions seem to have been used and ‘abused’ in urban planning in Africa for the benefit of local planning authorities.

One such provision that seems to have been abused is Statutory Instrument 195 of 2014 (SI 195/2014). The Planner (2019) tells us that ‘the City of Harare uses this by-law to designate spaces for vending, to register individuals for placement at different sites, and to provide leases on all vending spaces and the fees payable’

The onslaught on street vending in the city witnessed a resurgent deployment of all existing national and subsidiary legislation relating to vending. The Act (GoZ, 1996a), the Regional Town and Country Planning Act (GoZ, 1996b) and the Urban Councils Act (GoZ, 1996c) are the major legislations that had traditionally guided urban local authorities in the control of street vending in the country’s urban areas. These three Acts are complemented by subsidiary legislation in the form of by-laws. Whilst all these have always been used, in 2014 the municipal authorities reviewed the by-laws to make them stricter. The frequency of use of these regulatory instruments has increased with all vendors confirming officials’ renewed ‘use of the law’ to control them2. This is vividly put across by one vendor, ‘we always knew they considered vending illegal in some spaces but now we even know there are many chapters of laws’ (Eva, 2019). Indeed, the regulatory tools are being fully utilized and the vendors are feeling the pinch.

2 Interview with a vendors’ representative and corroborated by several vendors, Harare 17 May 2019.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 25 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) TIGHTER ENFORCEMENT Closely linked to the tightening of regulations is, another strategy to increase physical enforcement in the streets. The city authorities have recruited hundreds more officers in the municipal police to increase their visibility in the city. This was also confirmed by newspaper reports that indicate that almost a thousand new officers were recruited to join the security sector (Herald, 2018). This was also confirmed by a municipal official in an interview:

‘We have had to boost the numbers of enforcement officers so that we have a significant presence on the streets. We are no longer just raiding periodically, but we are now permanently deploying officers to the streets so that we are not just reacting, but we deter them from even coming to the streets’ ,(Housing Officer, 2019).

The increased presence of municipal police officers on the streets was also corroborated by the vendors interviewed. The study also observed a significant increase in the number of city police officials on the streets. This marks a clear intensification of their enforcement when compared to all previous studies which reported only periodic raids but never a sustained presence on the streets (Njaya, 2014; Mitullah, 2004; Toriro, 2014). As shown below, the impact has also been unprecedented.

IMPACT OF THE RAIDS The increased use of regulations and enforcement impacted on street vendors adversely. All interviewed vendors reported that the sustained enforcement of street vending regulations has inconvenienced them and impacted on their returns negatively.

‘It has not been easy at all. We are always on the run these days. There has not been any such experience in the past. In the past the municipality would have conducted similar blitzes for a few days or a week but that would soon be over. This time the raids have been going on for months without let. They don’t seem to be stopping any time soon. We are slowly giving up on this because it is just too much.’ (Eva, 2018).

Another vendor who refused to be identified also indicated that the sustained raids have caused loss of viability in business:

‘The business is no longer as profitable as it was in the past. Nowadays it is very common to lose all my stock in a raid. We are trying to bring in very small stocks at a time in order to minimize losses whenever raided by the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 26 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) police. Still it is not working because the raids are very frequent and unrelenting rendering Street vending unprofitable. ‘Zviri nane kugara kumba nekuti izvi zvanyanya ende hazvichabhadhari (It is better to stay at home because this is too much, and it no longer pays),’ (Anonymous vendor, 2019).

A vendor representative also lamented the increase in raids since they were forcing some of their members off the streets. He had this to say:

‘The numbers have reduced significantly. Those of our members ‘vasingadi hondo vakabuda’ (who don’t like war have moved out). Those that remain are struggling. It is a struggle with the municipal police. It is very difficult for them’ (Matinyanya, 2019).

The evidence indicates that the raids have had a significant impact on the vendors and many have been forced off the streets. Whilst many have left, there are still thousands that remain and were observed still engaging in the usual battles with the police. Whilst those that ‘do not want war’ have left, there are some that are still taking chances and hoping the situation may return to what it was in the past.

NEW COPING STRATEGIES In addition to the coping mechanisms such as hiding stock in drains, quick retreat, bribing the police and changing trading times (Njaya, 2014), the study also found new strategies and variations of the old strategies as discussed below.

FURTHER STOCK REDUCTION Many vendors are responding to the sustained attack on their activities by further reducing stock that they bring to the market. Whilst previous studies also observed this phenomenon, the traders reported that they have reduced volume of stock they bring to the streets ‘even further’.

‘Chibage ichi taimbouya nebhagidhi riri musaga but mazuva ano taakungotakura chinokwana mubhegi kuti kana ndanzwa kuti chachaya ndinongovhara zipi kwaakutomira zvangu semunhu anozvifambira (With green mealies, we used to bring a bucket measure in a sack but nowadays we just carry enough to fit in a travel bag so that when there is a raid I simply zip up my bag then I carry my bag as a traveller)’ (Anonymous, 2018).

Whilst this is similar to Njaya’s finding of stock reduction, there is a new innovation in ensuring all stock is not just portable but also in a bag which

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 27 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) enables the trader to quickly blend in with other users of urban space thereby confusing the municipal police. Traders indicated that most of the places where they used to hide stock were now known to municipal employees, hence the new strategy to move with your stock.

ENHANCING SURVEILLANCE The traders have also increased surveillance. Numerous people are employed to watch for the coming of the raiding municipal officials. All possible approach routes are monitored by one vendor who will not have any stock with them to avoid drawing the attention of authorities as well as to free them from any obstacles when they must rush to raise alarm.

‘In the past we would monitor the police approach routes occasionally but now we have improved. The municipal police sometimes come in civilian clothes, so we have to be extra careful because they can come any time. We are still getting to know the new officers so whilst it is everyone’s duty to look out for enemies, at any time we now have people that are not selling anything but are busy watching for the police approach. These people can then quickly alert those busy trading’ (Eva, 2019).

This increase in surveillance has placed an extra burden on the traders. It was beyond the scope of this study to examine the costs of continuing to trade in the Harare city centre. The indications were however that this is straining the continued existence of vending in central Harare. Its resilience has certainly been stretched significantly. How much longer it can hold however, remains the subject of another inquiry.

FIGHTING BACK A disturbing strategy that the vendors are also resorting to is fighting back; which includes the use of physical violence. Some respondents indicated that sometimes they are ‘forced’ to fight the city officials especially if they feel cornered with significant stock or think the number of raiding officials can be resisted.

‘In a few instances we have been forced to fight the municipal police. Sometimes we just can’t handle the pain of losing all your wares in these difficult times. You wonder what happens next. Unozongodzimara waona kuti hapana kusiri kufa saka pamwe toita zvejambanja (sometimes you are left with no option but to use violence because either way, we lose)’ (Anonymous, 2019).

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 28 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) One incident of violence was witnessed during the study. Police officers raided a street and started confiscating vendors’ wares. The vendors supported by some members of the public started throwing stones at the officials. Some of the municipal vehicles used in the raid sustained broken windscreens. A few officers were injured in the exchange. Although the municipal police got support from the national police and won the battle, a lot of damage to nearby shops occurred. Clearly there were no clean winners in the violence, both sides and other parties lost.

N ETWORKS Street vendors are also operating in networks with other business persons or their workers to build protection for their trade. Numerous vendors reported that they are planning with other businesses so that they can store their wares in their premises during raids. The businesses with which they make such arrangements are sympathetic to them and their businesses do not compete with them for customers. This strategy is a variation of an old strategy where Harare vendors were using other hiding spaces in the event of raids. Now they use networks as safer ways of ensuring their wares are safe from the officials. The study found some of the businesses assisting the vendors being questioned by municipal officials. The sustainability of the strategy is therefore under threat. It is not far-fetched to see the threat to this strategy.

N EW SITES The city officials have also designated new sites where they want all vendors to relocate to. Two main sites were identified in different parts of the city, outside the CBD. The first site is located in Graniteside, three kilometres south of the city centre on the road to one dormitory city called Chitungwiza. The other is situated some 5 kilometres west of the city centre along Bulawayo Road adjacent to the National Sports Stadium. A third suggested site is a disused commuter bus holding bay just outside the south-western boundary of the CBD. This was confirmed by a senior municipal officer.

‘Under this new strategy and policy, new sites were proposed, all of them outside the CBD namely Coventry Road Holding Bay, Coca Cola Corner in Graniteside, and Golden Quarry Bus Terminus near the National Heroes Acre’ . (Housing Director, 2019)

Whilst it is understandable that officials would want vendors moved to more appropriate sites, it is the suitability of the sites that is debatable. The sites

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 29 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) require some development to make them attractive to both customers and traders. That all the sites are located outside the CBD also is a source of conflict with the traders. Small-scale businesses thrive on sites attracting high traffic volumes. The fact that Harare residents were buying from them means that their services were required in the CBD. It is not contested that authorities must regulate their activities. The regulation should consider the contextual realities of both residents and vendors’ livelihoods. Taking them away from the known attractive sites means both the traders and their customers have been denied an opportunity to make business and get a service.

LIFE AT NEW SITES Whilst city authorities used the designation of new sites as justification for moving vendors from the streets, problems with the new sites were observed. There are challenges regarding the overcrowding of vendors, the poor infrastructure at the sites, as well as the perceived poor location of the new sites.

N UMBERS One of the problems observed at the new sites is over-crowding due to insufficient space to accommodate the large numbers of vendors. Whilst the sites appear inadequate, another challenge is that there is no agreement on the numbers of vendors between the city officials and the representatives of vendors. The representatives of vendors estimate that there are as many as 100 000 vendors in Harare CBD (Matinyanya3, 2019) whilst municipal records indicate far less. A municipal official responsible for the informal sector indicated that there were no more than 20 000 vendors at peak periods in the CBD4. There is therefore, a huge disparity between vendor records in Harare depending on the source of the records.

‘There are about 20 000 vendors operating in central Harare. We are aware that the vendors are more than the space available, but this is a process. We will be able to accommodate all of them over time. In any way, not everyone should be a vendor, we can only accommodate so many’ (Housing Officer, 2019)

3 Not his real name 4 Interview with an official from the Department of Housing and Community Services for City of Harare in Harare on 18 May 2019

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 30 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) The capacity of the city to not only accommodate the vendors but to consider informal livelihoods was doubted by the vendor representatives. They believe the problem starts from the failure by the city to keep an accurate database of vendors.

‘There are no less than 100 000 vendors in the central business district of Harare. There is no way the number can be as low as 20 000 as you claim the city officials indicated. Our own records show at least 100 000 vendors on the streets of Harare. We represent the people and we know better. Due to the economic difficulties many people have been joining our sector. Sadly, the city is not only failing to accommodate our members, they don’t even care. That’s why their numbers are incorrect, they have not even taken time to count. So how do we expect them to have realistic strategies for our sector when they cannot do a simple exercise as counting.’ (Matinyanya, 2019).

The huge disparity in numbers makes planning for these people difficult. The city is assuming a much lower figure, and this reflects in their conceptualisation of the solutions. Their responses point to a small problem that can be easily managed. If their figures are incorrect, their solution will not solve the vendors’ problem.

INFRASTRUCTURE The biggest challenge with the new sites is infrastructure. The sites do not have structures to protect the traders from weather elements. They also do not have basic amenities to support good hygiene such as toilet and cleaning facilities for food items traded. There is no running water on most of the sites. One can conclude that authorities; through their officials, simply dumped these traders at these sites without adequate preparation. This was confirmed by both the traders and the city officials. Vendors are angry with the state of infrastructure and facilities at the new sites.

‘There are no toilets and other facilities. Sometimes you wonder at the logic of the city authorities: Vanokudzinga mustreet vachiti hapana matoilets nemasink but vanokuendesa kwavo kusina futi (They remove you from the streets arguing that there are no toilets and sinks, yet they send you to their own sites without the same facilities.) Better isu mustreet taikumbira kwekuenda (At least in the streets we would make arrangements for toilets with those who have)’ (Matipa5, 2019)

5 Not her real name

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 31 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Even the city officials also acknowledge the undeveloped state of the sites although they express the state of inadequacy of infrastructure more positively.

The new sites are currently under development, so it is work in progress. It is better than what was prevailing in the CBD. Sure, we need to further develop them. We are attracting institutional investors. The Coca Cola site is being funded by CBZ Bank. We are also creating space at the holding bay although we do not have suitable infrastructure in place yet’ (Housing Director, 2019).

Harare is battling with providing basic infrastructure such as roads, portable water or housing. The city; as part of the nation of Zimbabwe, is going through economic difficulties and high unemployment. Residents do not have capacity to pay for their rates and user fees to enable the city to provide basic services. The failure to provide basic infrastructure is therefore reflective of broader economic challenges. If the economic situation does not change soon, it will be very difficult to provide decent infrastructure for informal traders.

LOCATION Most vendors interviewed complained about the suitability of the location of the new sites. The street vendors were concerned that the sites were not viable since their customers shunned them. The sites were inaccessible, and it would cost a lot more for them and the customers to get there. They also thought the new sites were not easily accessible to high-volume pedestrian and vehicular routes, thus making them unattractive. Commenting on this problem, Eva, one of the street vendors at one of the new sites said:

‘Yes, some people have moved to the new sites out of fear of losses but what I have gathered is that there is no business at the new venues. Hakuna vanhu (there are no customers). How do they move you from a place where you were making $200 per day and put you to a new site where you cannot even make $30 per day? This will even cover your payment of council fees, your transport to town and food. It just does not make sense to be operating from these new sites’ (Eva, 2019)

PROBLEMS WITH THE APPROACH OF RE-LOCATING THE STREET VENDORS There are problems with the new municipal strategy to increase the use of regulations as well as the presence of municipal police in the streets. It is not

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 32 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) just the vendors who are experiencing the pressure as a result of these raids. The measures are costly to the municipality as well. The raids are being conducted in teams of up to thirty officials in a unit supported by lorries and other vehicles to carry traders’ confiscated wares as well as the patrol staff. The vehicles require fuel and servicing. They also constantly require repairs to damages encountered during the raids. All this is draining the already inadequate municipal finances. The residents also complain that this is not prudent or efficient use of limited resources. They would rather have money used on provision of services such as water provision and road repairs.

The strategies are also increasing hostilities between residents and municipal officials. That members of the public were found supporting vendors even when the latter were operating from unauthorised sites shows the unpopularity of the increased enforcement. Municipal officials are supposed to act in public interest, hence are expected to be supported by the citizens. This is not the case in Harare. Such hostilities are not good between those in authority and those they are supposed to govern are not good.

SU GGESTIONS GOING FORWARD After realising that the obtaining situation is not sustainable, the study also asked both the vendors and the municipal officials for solutions. Most vendors believe the council strategies are ill-considered and must be reviewed. Whilst acknowledging the need to consider livelihoods, officials believe only a percentage of the vendors can be accommodated in proper sites.

‘I believe there can be two or three suitable vending sites in the CBD. These sites should have proper stalls and adequate functional sanitary facilities. The existing sites such as Fourth Street, Charge Office, and Copa Cabana can still be operated. Unfortunately, the avalanche of numbers that invaded these spaces resulted in authorities regarding all of them as unsuitable,’ (Housing Director, 2018). ‘Whilst we do acknowledge the role of these vending sites as livelihood areas, vending has to be controlled. They must trade from designated spaces. The trading spaces should not promote conflict. For example, it creates conflicts for vegetable vendors to trade in front of a supermarket that also has a vegetables section. There must be engagement regarding such cases with a view to agreeing what goods can be traded from which sites’ (Planner, 2018).

The representatives of the street vendors held a different point of view. The representatives felt that council officials are insensitive to the prevailing economic challenges:

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 33 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) ‘Council must stop this madness until the economy improves. They are fully aware that this is the only productive way people can survive yet they appear like they do not live in this country. Unfortunately, that is the problem of having decisions made by people that are well off who cannot empathise with us. There is no other way forward for now, council must understand the plight of the residents and stop this insensitive campaign’ (Matinyanya, 2018).

Traders suggested several measures including government support, owner- built structures, and identification of more sites in the CBD. They added that council should ask them for solutions because in their opinion, council solutions have not worked.

‘Government must chip in with resources to construct appropriate spaces through the Ministry of SMEs. The reason why there is that Ministry is that they can look after the interests of small businesses. But what are they doing? Nothing. The Ministry should help us because council cannot. Council cannot even provide us with drinking water in our houses, so I cannot expect them to develop facilities for our businesses.’ (Eva, 2018)

‘Maybe they should just tell us what type of structures they approve, and we develop on our own. It may be difficult but that is the only way it can be done. They always say we are an eyesore so let them tell us what we need to do so that we can look beautiful in their eyes. And because it is us and our businesses/livelihoods that are affected, we are the only people that can do something about it. But because we have suffered so many losses, let them tell us what shelters they want us to build for our trade’ (Matinyanya, 2018).

‘There are many places which are suitable here in town where we can operate from. We just need to sit down with council and discuss the options. Sometimes people do not have solutions because they are not talking to each other. Council must give us an opportunity to make suggestions. Ivo vapererwa saka ngavambonzwawo kwatiri (they are clueless so let them listen to our ideas)’ (Anonymous, 2018). There is no agreement between what the council officials see as the solution and the vendors’ position’’.

CONCLUSION The resilience of vendors in the central business district of Harare has been stretched beyond the limits. This has come at a huge cost to their operations. Whilst literature is awash with cases of harassment of informal traders in Zimbabwe and beyond, the new and sustained onslaught on street vending in the central business district of Harare is unprecedented. Many vendors

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 34 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) have reluctantly relocated to the new sites whilst some have stopped their vending operations. Some have however continued to fight for space in the streets. The new approaches have also negatively impacted on the authorities. The monetary and relationship costs may not be sustainable to them too. Literature has proved that small-scale retail traders are resilient (Mitullah, 2004, Skinner and Watson, 2018; Bromley, 2000; Chen, 2012). However, there are no comparable examples of the sustained attack on such traders as the case in Harare. The following recommendations could provide a sustainable way forward. The local authority should adopt strategies that engage meaningfully with the public. The public here refers to groups of people that have an interest in how the city is managed. This includes residents and ratepayers’ associations, vendors associations, the formal business community, and academic or professional planners. They must jointly imagine the acceptable vending environment that is realistic, sustainable and acceptable. This should lead to acceptable numbers of vendors being agreed and the sites on which they operate, from including the types of facilities and who should provide them. Successful small-scale operators’ facilities have been provided elsewhere such as the Warwick Junction in Durban. Achieving successful small-scale business facilities however requires a lot of joint planning from different stakeholders. Meanwhile, in Harare the tension regarding vendors in the CBD continues. Whether these traders will survive this onslaught or not will only be determined by how far city authorities are willing to sustain this or negotiate with traders. For now, the struggle of the poor street vendors in the central business district of Harare continues. REFERENCES Anonymous. (2019) Vendor who was interviewed on the streets of Harare who refused to be identified. Interviewed on 16 May 2019. Bromley, R. (2000) Street Vending and : A Global Review. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 20(1/2): 1-28 Chen, M.A. (2012) The Informal Economy: Definitions Theories and Policies. WIEGO Working Paper No.1, August 2012, Cambridge. Chirisa, I. (2008) Population Growth and Rapid Urbanisation in Africa: Implications for Sustainability, Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, 10(2): 361- 394. De Soto, H. (2000) The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else. New York, Basic Books.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 35 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Eva (2019) Pseudonym of a vendor trading on the streets of Harare interviewed on 18 May 2019. Harare, Zimbabwe Government of Zimbabwe (1996b) Regional, Town and Country Planning Act [Chapter 29: 12]. Harare: Government Printers. Government of Zimbabwe. (1996c) The Urban Councils Act [Chapter 29: 15]. Harare: Government Printers. Government of Zimbabwe. (1996a) Public Health Act [Chapter 15: 09]. Harare: Government Printers. Government of Zimbabwe. (2014) Harare (Vendors) By-Laws. Government Printers, Harare Habitat, U.N. (2015) International Guidelines on Urban and Territorial Planning. United Nations Human Settlements Programme, Nairobi. Housing Director (2019) Person Interviewed Representing the City of Harare Department of Housing and Community Services on 16 May 2019 in Harare. Housing Officer (2019) Official of the Department of Housing and Community Services Responsible for Markets. Interviewed on 18 May 2019. Kamete, A.Y. (2012) Interrogating Planning’s Power in An African city: Time for Reorientation? Planning Theory, 11(1), pp.66-88. Matinyanya. (2019) Pseudonym of a representative of a Harare vendors association interviewed on 17 May 2019 in Harare. Matipa. (2018) Pseudonym of a Vendor Operating in Harare interviewed on 20 May 2019 in Harare. Mitullah, W. (2004) A Review of Street Trade in Africa, in Chen M.A. The Informal Economy: Definitions Theories and Policies. WIEGO Working Paper No.1, August 2012, Cambridge. Njaya, T. (2014) Operations of Street Food Vendors and Their Impact on Sustainable Urban Life in High Density of Harare, Zimbabwe. Asian Journal of Economic Modelling, 2(1): 18-31. Pieterse, E. and Parnell, S., 2014. Africa’s Urban Revolution in Context. Africa’s Urban Revolution, pp.1-17. Planner. (2019) Town Planning official working for the Harare City Council interviewed on 17 May 2019 in Harare. Potts, D. (2008) The Urban Informal Sector in sub-Saharan Africa: From Bad to Good (and back again?). Development , 25(2): 151-167. Rogerson, C.M. (2016) Responding to Informality in Urban Africa: Street Trading in Harare, Zimbabwe. Urban Forum, 27(2): 229-251 Roy, A. (2005) Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology of Planning, Journal of t he A m erican Plan n in g A ssociat ion , 71(2): 147-158. Skinner, C. and Watson, V. (2018) The Informal Economy in the Global South, in Bhan, G., Srinivas, S. and Watson, V. (eds) The Routledge Companion to Planning in the Global South. London: Routledge, 140-151.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 36 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) The Herald (2018) ‘Council Recruits Police Officers’. Newspaper Report in Herald, 18 August 2018 Edition. Toriro. (2014) The Sources of Food Items Being Traded Informally in Harare CBD: Assessing the Footprint of Harare’s Informally Sold Food. Unpublished Paper presented at the Urban Informality and Migrant Entrepreneurship in Southern African Cities Workshop, 10 February, Cape Town. Toriro. (2018) Food Production Processing and Retailing through the Lens of Legislation and Regulations in Zimbabwe. PhD Thesis, University of Cape Town. UNFPA, U. and UN-HABITAT, I.O.M. (2013) Population Dynamics in The post-2015 Development Agenda: Report of The Global Thematic Consultation on Population Dynamics. United Nations. URL http: //www. worldwewant2015. org/ file/ 313464/ down load/ 340868. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. (2014) World Urbanisation Prospects: The 2014 Revision, Highlights. New York: United Nations. Watson, V. (2003) Conflicting rationalities: Implications for Planning Theory and Ethics. Planning Theory and Practice, 4: 395-408. Watson, V. (2014) African Urban Fantasies: Dreams or Nightmares? Environment and Urbanisation, 26(1): 215-231. World Health Organisation (2018) Cholera in Zimbabwe. https: //www.who.int/ csr/don/05-october-2018-cholera-zimbabwe/en/ Yiftachel, O. (2009) Theoretical Notes On Gray Cities’: The Coming of Urban ?. Planning Theory, 8(1), pp.88-100.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 37 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Challenges and Opportunities Faced by Informal Traders at Murahwa Green Market, Mutare KUDZAI NYABEZE1 AND WITNESS CHIKOKO1

Abstract The paper problematises socio-economic challenges faced by informal traders in the case of Murahwa Green Market Mutare. The study draws global literature from Africa and Asia in order to show the socio-economic challenges faced by the informal traders beyond the country. The utility of the capability approach was imperative to the study as it revealed the potential and opportunities that informal traders endow if given the leeway to join the mainstream social insurance. The study interrogates the socio-economic challenges faced by the informal traders at Murahwa Green Market in Mutare. The study was conducted in Sakubva because it is where most informal sector activities take place in Mutare. A mixed method approach was used to collect data through interviews and questionnaires. The study reveals that chief among the socio-economic challenges faced by the informal traders include losses due to fluctuating prices, cash crisis and price hikes. These economic challenges have negatively affected the informal sector business to the extent that some form of social security is needed to guarantee their informal sector business as it has become the largest employment sector in Zimbabwe. Social challenges faced by the informal traders include theft which was reported to be the chief among the social challenges. One of the recommendations of this paper is that the informal traders should be given some form of social security to cushion them in the event of socio- economic challenges affecting them. Social security should be in the form of social insurance for this group.

Keywords: informality, markets, policy, urban management, innovations

INTRODUCTION This paper discusses the socio-economic challenges faced by the informal traders in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe the advent of Structural Adjustment Policies in (1991) which was a policy that stemmed from the World Bank and IMF as prescriptions for Zimbabwe to get loans had undesirable socio-

1Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe economic effects towards the development of the economy as noted by Kanyenze et al. (2011). The introduction of structural adjustment policies in Zimbabwe meant deregulation of the economy thus the government left people to find social security in the labour market. These effects of ESAP led to an increased rate of unemployment which was one of the reasons of the growth of the informal economy in Zimbabwe. The informal economy in Zimbabwe has expanded as the formal sector shrinks which has resulted in vendors congesting urban towns resulting in undesirable socio-economic effects.

LITERATU RE REVIEW Previous study has identified a plethora of challenges faced by informal traders in general. Matshidiso and Kole (2015) state that informal traders are frequently harassed by the municipal police. Munyaradzi (2012: 24) concurs when he observed the relationship between the informal sector and the police which is usually strained, because the law enforcement agents are viewed as being hostile to the informal trading sector. In arguments attributed to Chenga (2013), the streets of major cities and towns in South Africa are a typical illustration of the jeopardies of an unbridled informal sector. He expands that the informal sector is not accountable to anyone, it thrives on muddled governance to a point that the speed with which vendors return back to the streets each time they are driven away by the municipal police indicates the extent of South Africa’s unemployment rate and how this crisis is taking its toll on ordinary citizens.

However, Munyaradzi (2012) points out that because of the deprived remuneration among some of the employed members they resort to vending. The police service has taken benefit of the circumstances in which the practitioners in the informal economy find themselves in. One of the challenges that affect informal traders are the constant conflicts that they engage in with the municipal police regarding the legal trade area. Municipal police capitalise on those trading on illegal sites through taking bribes. However, though these studies reveal constant conflict between the police and informal traders, this study is unique as it will focus on legal informal traders who operate at designated areas such as those provided by the Council and stipulated in the Council’s by-laws. Therefore, their challenges are different from those faced by unregistered traders who bribe the police for them to operate unofficially without contributing taxes to the local authorities. According to Matshidiso and Kole (2015) challenges faced by

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 39 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) informal traders: include harassment by the municipal police, lack of legal frameworks to support the sector, pejorative perceptions by the government, lack of appropriate policies by the responsible authority and gender disparities. Munyaradzi (2012) concurs with Matshidiso and Kole (2015) who both allude to lack of government policies that govern informal markets and harassment by the municipal police. According to Muthusamy and Ibrahim (2016), problems faced by street and market vendors conducted in India also corroborate with findings from Third World countries as they include the fear of harassment by the local authorities, bribes, low incomes, poor working conditions, waste pickers and child labour. All these challenges threaten informal traders who operate at illegal sites. However, these challenges are not similar to those experienced by the legal traders who trade at legally approved workplaces which are the focus of this research.

One of the most daunting among the problems from the findings is child labour. Children at market places work as waste pickers at the nearby sites to enable them to get money for food and to be able to get income despite the health hazards they are exposed to. According to Midgley and Tung (2008) citing the case of South Africa which has a universal coverage, provision of social allowances in the form of grants could have been the remedy for ending child labour as children need protection by the government. An evaluative analysis of the challenges faced by informal traders’ prevalence of harassment by the municipal police, poor working conditions and lack of consistent policies that govern the informal sector. This shows that despite academic literature found across the globe still little has been done to address the plight of the informal sector which makes one to concur with Matchidiso (2015) conclusions that informal traders occur due to lack of organised structures or union to represent them just like any other professional bodies.

Studies have also been done in Zimbabwe by Mupambireyi et al. (2014) on the problems faced by the informal traders although they mainly related to business than social implications, revealing procurement challenges, market constraints and infrastructure issues. This shows that studies have been done from a business orientation mostly since they had some implications on economic development policies that directly showers down to social development. However, an important quotation can be drawn from (Mupambireyi, 2014:81) study on procurement challenges is as follows:

“If your travel document expires, then you are in deep trouble…, what else can one do if that is our only source of livelihood (selling second hand clothes)? It is worth taking the risk; otherwise your kids will die of hunger.”

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 40 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) From the above expert, one can observe that the study focused on economic challenges but the gist of the problem directly translates to problems of social insurance. The problem is that children needed food at home or else they would die of hunger. This had now coerced traders to take risks because apart from their trade they have no other means of livelihood to sustain their families. This has compelled this study to dwell much on the social insurance related challenges in order to close that gap left by economic studies.

INEQUALITIES IN SOCIAL INSURANCE SCHEMES In a case study made in Brazil titled, “Extending social insurance to informal workers” (Homes and Scott, 2017) state that, informal workers face high levels of risks yet the majority are not covered by social insurance. They further reviewed that, women informal traders face specific and delicate risks in the labour market and across the life cycle, yet more women than men are excluded from insurance schemes. Increasingly a number of countries are extending social insurance to informal workers, but with only some exceptions since most policies remain gender-blind. However, gender responsive reforms can ensure increased coverage of women informal traders to address the risks they face. These include legislation in the labour market, recognition of the care economy, innovative policy design in payment options and simplified administrative processes and investment in gender-sensitive delivery capacity. In the case of Brazil, it can be observed that there is still marginalisation of women in the informal economy as their inclusion leaves a lot to be desired. On the contrary, similar studies done in South Africa also confirm the issue of policies that aligns and protects those in the informal sector but most challenges were attributed to poor working environment, sanitation and lack of appropriate legal statutes to support the informal traders (Matshidiso and Kole, 2015).

According to Holmes and Scott’s (2016) study on the need to extend social insurance to the informal sector, the problem of gender disparity was identified as women are the ones who dominate the informal sector and yet coverage is rarely extended to them. Although both men and women face challenges the study also brought significant insights to some gender disparities which have highlighted some gaps in African literature on the informal traders. The study provides the following illustration of gender inequalities in the informal sector as presented in Figure 1:

Figure 1: WIEGO Model of Informal Employment – Hierarchy of Earnings and

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 41 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Average Poverty risk earning Segmentation by sex Low High

Employers Predominantly men Informal wage workers: “regular”

Own account operators Men and women

Informal wage workers: casual

Industrial outworkers/homeworkers Predominantly women

High Low Unpaid family workers

Poverty Risk (ILO and WIEGO, 2013)

Table 1: Extending Social Insurance to Informal Workers (Chen et al. 2005; ILO and WIEGO, 2013)

Street vendors • In many countries, especially in Africa, the majority of street vendors are women: 63% in Kenya, 68% in South Africa and 88% in Ghana. In Buenos Aires, by contrast, only 29% of street vendors are women. • Street vendors constitute a significant proportion of urban employment in Africa, including South Africa (15%), but less so in India (11%) and even less so in Latin America (3% in Brazil). Smallholder farmers • Half of the world’s population works in agriculture: 60% are self-employed as farmers, mainly as small farmers. • In most African countries, agriculture accounts for 70% of the labour force. Women often provide much or most of the labour. • Unpaid work on family farms accounted for 20% of women’s informal employment in Ghana, 34% in India, and 85% in Egypt.

The above table and key findings derived from Holmes and Scott (2016) clearly indicate the key results of the study carried out in Brazil. From the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 42 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) study it is clear that women are the ones who get lowest paid jobs and are exposed to high risks than their male counterparts; which shows the need to extend social insurance coverage for this group. Therefore, a comparison of the two studies shows that the Brazilian research was propelled by the need for equity between men and women; thus, demonstrating gender imbalances. Hence, extending social insurance should therefore be prioritised to women since they dominate lowest paid jobs. Therefore, extending social insurance should be gender based and be a benchmark of the ILO (1952) standards of social security provision.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The research adopted a mixed methods research which made the study to come up with a combination of two research designs that corroborate each other (Creswell 2013). The purpose of adopting a mixed methods design was to allow the study to quantify the socio-economic problems faced by the informal traders at Murahwa Green Market. The study was conducted at Sakubva market place which is located in Mutare District Urban area. Sakubva market place is situated in Mutare in the high-density area of Mutare where most informal activities take place. Sakubva is a high-density township in Mutare which constitutes almost one quarter of the Mutare population despite an area of less than four square miles. The study population were the informal traders who were based at Murahwa Green Market. According to the operational definition to be used in this study are informal traders who operate on lease agreement that are renewable every year. These traders mostly trade in hardware, carpentry and timber. They operate in shops which are lent out by the City of Mutare and licenced on a one-year lease agreement. Through the assistance from the City of Mutare, the study took a survey out of a number of 60 informal traders according to the data base of the informal traders.

The study adopted two sampling techniques which included non-probability and probability sampling techniques. The study included a sample of 52 participants and at least 6 respondents. Sampling size for quantitative sampling was determined using the Krejcie and Morgan (1970) table of formulas. Purposive and cluster sampling were utilised. The study adopted a number of data collection methods. Primary data was collected using in-depth interviews and questionnaires. The data instruments that were chosen confirmed that they fit into both quantitative and qualitative research since the study utilised a mixed methods study. Bailey et al. (2011) note that in-

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 43 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) depth interviews are used primarily when the study seeks to capture people’s thoughts, voices, experiences and stories concerning particular issues. Questionnaires were used to gather information from the informal traders. The use of a questionnaire was a fulfilment of the research approach which adopted a mixed method hence there was need to strike a balance on the research tools to make sure that the findings are equally represented. Data trans\formation was used in the presentation of findings. Data transformation is a process whereby the research concurrently analyses findings from a quantitative and qualitative. SPSS and thematic content analysis where the two approaches used in the analysis of research findings.

RESEARCH FINDINGS The study included the demographic information pertaining to the age of the participants, marital status, and number of children, gender and level of education. Table 2 illustrates the age ranges of respondents.

Table 2: The Age Ranges of Respondents (Survey, 2019)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent 18-25 3 10.0 10.0 10.0 26-30 14 46.7 46.7 56.7 30-45 5 16.7 16.7 73.3 above 46 8 26.7 26.7 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0

The demographic data shows that the informal trade sector from the sample drawn was largely dominated by the range from 26-30 which constituted almost 46.7% of the population. The average range is 26-30. The demographic findings of the study also reveal that 10% of the age range of 18-25 is the least involved in the informal trade. The findings also show that 26.7% of the informal traders were involved in informal trade and they are the ageing population in this study. These findings can be linked to the high unemployment rate facing the country which has led the youths to dominate this sector as it has become a source of livelihood among the unemployed people in Zimbabwe. Among them all, it was mentioned that less than 0-5 years’ period in service, which showed that most of them started this trade

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 44 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) just after attaining 18 to 20 years which is normally the age of the majority in Zimbabwe.

The research also inquired the marriage status and number of children of the respondents. This knowledge was important in analysing the risks of the need for insuring their informal business. For example, if there is an outbreak of fire at a trade place and it destroys all properties, the implications are that the ones with more responsibility and children at home will suffer most than single people (Table 3):

Table 3: Respondents’ Marital Status (Survey, 2019)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Yes 26 86.7 86.7 86.7 No 4 13.3 13.3 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0

Table 2 reveals that 86.7% are married and they have a family to look after through their informal business. The percentage of the informal traders who are not married is 13.3%. The findings of the Table 4 indicate that 10% respondents have no children, 36% have at least one child, 26.7% have two children, 6.7% have at least three children and 20% have at least four children reaching an accumulative frequency of 100%.

Table 4: Respondents’ Number of Children (Survey, 2019)

Do you have children? Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Valid No children 3 10.0 10.0 10.0 11136.736.746.7 2826.726.773.3 326.76.780.0 4 and above 6 20.0 20.0 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 45 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Table 5: Respondents’ Level of education (Survey, 2019)

What is your level of education? Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Valid Not attained any education 2 6.7 6.7 6.7 Ordinary level 24 80.0 80.0 86.7 Advanced level 2 6.7 6.7 93.3 Tertiary level 2 6.7 6.7 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0

The findings from the level of education indicated that 80% have at least attained education up to ordinary level. At least 6.7% are entrepreneurs who have either degree or diploma and this were found to be the owners of the businesses. Also 6.7% had Advanced level as their highest education qualification. Two respondents reported to have not attained either of the types of education mentioned above which means they have never been to school. The demographic findings contributed significantly to the study. It was noted that knowledge on social insurance was popular amongst 13.3 % respondents who knew about the existence of social insurance schemes whilst the rest 86.7 % were unfamiliar with the subject of social insurance which made it difficult for the study to get the actual information that was relevant in answering the research questions.

The information gathered pertaining to the sex of respondents was also important as it reveals that there is a correlation between sex as a variable and informal trade. Gender distributions findings indicate that male informal traders constitute 90% of the market and 10% are women. Thus, twenty- seven against three of the female respondents of the study. The gender distribution was really astonishing as the informal market place was dominated by men and women were not even seen either through observation. Informal trade in terms of mechanics, hardware and timber as an area that is more paying and rewarding is dominated by men. Women dominate vegetable markets and clothes market which have less returns as compared to their counterparts as observed by the research during the market toll and findings from the 30 questionnaires speak to such gender imbalances.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 46 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHALLENGES FACED BY INFORMAL TRADERS The sub-themes included the following: injury at work, theft, meagre profits, price hikes, cash crisis and social implications among others. The socio- economic problems faced by the informal traders are going to be illustrated by means of a table to show the impact of the problem pertaining to the social security of the informal traders. The study questioned the respondents on any encounters of social insurance related challenges before and the results found are illustrated in Table 6.

Table 6: Social Risks Faced by Respondents (Survey, 2019)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Valid Non-social risks 27 90.0 90.0 90.0 Injury at work 1 3.3 3.3 93.3 Theft 2 6.7 6.7 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0

Table 6 illustrates the social challenges related to social insurance that are faced by the informal traders. Quantitative findings indicate that only three respondents have faced social risks which include injury at work (only one respondent thus 3.3%) and 2 respondents have experienced theft which constitutes 6.7%. Findings from an in-depth interview guide from participant (1) reported that injury at work was one of the risks which affect informal traders at work. Injury at work was reported by participant (1). The participant had this to say upon explaining how he got injured at work: “I was once involved in an incident in which l was carrying timber and it suddenly fell on my left foot and sustained a serious injury and took off at work for more than two weeks”

Findings from an in-depth interview guide confirmed with the findings from the study. Findings from another participant during an in-depth interview also revealed that theft was another social risk that informal traders are exposed to. At times they reported losing their items to thieves. One of the participants (2) had this to say,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 47 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) “One day l lost all my belongings to thieves at our workplace and yet there is market security that is selected by the market committee but my items were stolen which included hardware materials worth thousands of dollars.”

Findings from the survey and in-depth interview revealed social risks that are faced by the informal traders at their workplace.

Table 7: Economic Risks faced by Respondents (Survey, 2019)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid Non-economic risks 2 6.7 6.7 Loss 2 6.7 6.7 Price hikes 15 50.0 50.0 Cash crisis 11 36.7 36.7 Total 30 100.0 100.0

Findings from the questionnaire indicate economic risks that are related to social insurance. Respondents have reported that price hikes being the most pressing economic challenge with 50%, those who incurred loss were 6.7%, cash crisis indicated 36.7% and other were non-economic risks.

The study also asked the participants the economic challenge faced by the informal traders that are related to social insurance. Findings from an in- depth-interview guide revealed that price hikes have really affected the informal traders in terms of their business and welfare. Participant (3) reported that due to increase of prices, they would hold their goods to wait for the exchange rate on the market to stabilise as the economy is now controlled by the black market. The participant had this to say,

“The economy has become difficult for us to operate especially when l wants to hoard goods. I am charging bond notes but the producer where we buy our goods will demand United States dollars so in order for us to survive in the market you end up charging USD”

This made them to incur losses as they would not be able to purchase the same goods; they bought using the previous purchase price. Another participant (4) had this to say,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 48 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) “We end up charging prices three or four times of the actual price so that we will be able to purchase our next stocks since we will be racing against the USD currency which is rapidly increasing on daily basis. Otherwise we will fail to fend for our families as we are working for hand to mouth.”

Participants reported that price hikes have become rampant and they run the risk of losing their business as the economy has become highly unpredictable. Findings from qualitative instruments therefore complemented findings from quantitative tools.

Losses in profits due to fluctuating prices were confirmed by quantitative findings were also found to be some of the risks that face informal traders according to in-depth interviews conducted. One participant (5) reported that due to price hikes and currency shortages they are now surviving on hand to mouth. The participant had this to say,

“I don’t make much profit as the money l get only helps me to buy food for my family and nothing much as you can see that the economy is not stable hence, we are just working to survive.”

The researcher further probed to ask on the extent of period of time the participant has been in trade and the participant had this to say,

“I have been in service for more than 20 years and the money you get is not just enough to contribute or to make any savings especially in this sector.”

Participant (3) was also asked about the profits that he makes. This trader manufactures grind mills and has got four employees. At times he recruits students on attachment from polytechnic for practical work. When asked about the profits he makes at his work place had this to say,

“I sell grinding mills at least a minimum of ten to twelve per year depending on the demand per year. At the moment, one grinding mill costs $2700 bond notes and it is not an obvious case that l sale one every month. The moment l sale one l would use that money to pay for my rentals, buy food and pay for my children’s school fees so you would find out that it not too much money that l get due to inconsistence of income.”

The study observed that indeed some were making meagre profits and further asked why they keep on trading while their businesses are not rewarding as they expect. Participant (3) responded,

“I have no other source of income and this is what l survive on so if l quit this trade it means my family will die of hunger so l have no other option rather than to stay in business and work for my family to have food on the table.”

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 49 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) According to in-depth interviews, cash crisis was reported to be affecting many informal traders in terms of their businesses and operations. Participant (2) reported that,

“One of the major risks we are facing is cash shortages and we are charging prices in bond notes and RTGS. The moment you sell your goods and want to hoard again the prices would have inflated double or thrice higher than the purchasing price. As a result, we will not be able to buy the same goods we purchased before so in that case we run risk of losing our businesses cash crisis remains like this.” Participant (2) reported that cash crisis has become a major stumbling block. The study asked the respondent on the strategies they are doing to ensure for them to stay in business and the participant responded,

“I end up charging in USD or charge two or three times the actual price so that when l want to hoard l won’t fail to purchase my goods due to shortage of cash. At times where we buy goods they are now demanding USD as well so it’s quite difficult for us to stay in the market.” Findings from the study reveal complementary socio-economic challenges faced by the informal traders that are related to social insurance. Statistically 50% have been affected due to price hikes which have been confirmed by in- depth interviews conducted with the informal traders. Socio-economic challenges that were identified from both the questionnaire and in-depth interview revealed injury at work, theft, lack of financial backup, meagre profits, price hikes and cash crisis as major problems. DISCUSSION The informal sector expansion can be largely attributed to high unemployment in Zimbabwe as observed by ILO (2015) studies which also identified similar trends in South Asia where it has expanded at the expense of the formal sector which was shrinking. Etsubdink Sibhat (2016) however, was of the view that the major influence of the informal sector is shaped by the culture, politics and the economy of that particular context. In Zimbabwe, demographic survey data attribute to the informal sector’s rise to the current unemployment rate as it not confirmed 80% of respondents with ordinary level as their minimum qualification. The ILO (1972); Sethuraman (1976); Tokman (1978) also confirms with the notion that the informal sector mushroom in countries in which there is stagnant economic growth mostly.

In Zimbabwe, it was discovered that economic challenges faced by the informal traders differ from those faced in other countries to a larger extend.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 50 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Studies by Matshidiso and Kole (2015) conducted in South Africa reveal social problems mostly and no mention is made to economic risks associated with the informal traders. Findings reveal that economic risks are more pressing than social risks due to lack of country’s currency which is causing price hikes on a daily basis. This has affected the informal traders’ operations. Other countries where informal trade is rampant all do have their own currency and the Zimbabwean case is a unique one. No wonder it is presenting different risks that are more economical rather than socially oriented. Matshidiso and Kole (2015) discovered identified strained relationships between the municipal police and the informal traders in which the latter often bribe the earlier. Such kind of problems cannot be directly compared licensed informal traders to in Zimbabwe with particular reference to this study as the target group operates at officially designated places. However, even though they are expected to pay some lease agreements there was no mention of defaults or any threats by the municipal police.

However, similar studies conducted by Mupambireyi (2014) pertaining to the challenges faced by informal traders in Zimbabwe at Mbare also focused on the economic risks which can identify with the findings of this study. The difference is that when Mupambireyi (2014) conducted his studies, it was during the period of multi-currency regime when the USD and the Zimbabwean bond note were rated one as to one. This period witnessed deflation and the challenges identified by Mupambireyi included lack of travelling documents for informal traders to hoard their stocks outside the country which resulted in them taking risks behaviours in order to fend for their lives. The issues of price hikes clearly present new findings pertaining to the economic risks faced by the informal traders. Therefore, this shows that when the economy is not performing well the negative effects directly cascades down upon the social lives of these traders. This also threatens social insurance of the informal traders even if they engage in informal social insurance schemes mention by Kaseke (2002). Informal social insurance schemes such as social cooperatives would be easily eroded by inflation unless they save in United States Dollars (USD).

According to Matshidiso and Kole (2015) studies of the risks that are faced by the informal traders, the following were identified: harassment by the municipal police, lack of legal frameworks to support the sector, pejorative perceptions by the government, lack of appropriate policies by the authorities and gender disparities. Lack of legal frameworks to support informal traders is a major stumbling block as to why this sector has failed to be recognized

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 51 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) in all its efforts in promoting socio-economic development. The informal traders remain excluded in the mainstream social insurance schemes because of government’s failure to recognise the potential of this sector and the need for social insurance protection since they are prone to socio-economic risks similar to those faced by employees in the formal sector.

Basing on the current economic crisis, informal traders are facing risks of losing their business and this might result in poverty as they have no other sources of income. Even if they try to make savings in the current economic crisis, they will lose part if not all of their current savings. Therefore, this means in terms of savings they have to ensure that they covert to foreign currency or buy assets as form of social insurance. Meagre profits were another economic challenge which was reported to be at 6.7% from the study findings. Again, it is another social insurance challenge associated with informal trading. In Zimbabwe the study revealed that informal traders’ profits are not as much as they expect as they are only able to buy food, pay fees and rentals for their families. They survive on hand to mouth thus working to survive rather than to live a healthy and decent life. This type of economic challenges was however not identified in the literature review as it was influenced by the current economic status of the country.

Another major challenge associated with informal traders at Murahwa Green Market was reported to be cash crisis. Cash crisis refers to shortage of cash in the market as they are no longer able to charge prices in cash only. The available payment methods at the time of the research included Ecocash, swipe and cash in either USD or bond notes with USD being cheaper than bond notes. According to Muthusamy and Ibrahim (2016) findings in India risks associated with informal traders include fear of harassment by the local authorities, fear of bribes, low incomes, poor working conditions, waste pickers and child labour and these differ from the Zimbabwean context.

Findings from India and South Africa do not mention anything to do with cash crisis which actually shows new emerging problems associated with the current economic crisis in Zimbabwe. Findings of the study revealed that theft was one of the risks associated with informal traders at their workplace. Theft is one of the social risks faced by the informal traders at Murahwa Green Market. The traders reported that at times they lose their goods to thieves despite the presence of security on duty raising many eyebrows. Social challenges affecting the informal traders in other parts of the world exclude theft but relates to other challenges such as lack of representation. According to South African studies conducted by Matchidiso (2015) in South Africa

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 52 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) informal traders lack representation. Theft in Zimbabwe is becoming rampant probably due to higher poverty levels.

CONCLUSION The research findings divulged emerging economic risks that are associated with social insurance. Some of the economic challenges make savings difficult especially for the informal traders. This has negative implication towards social insurance schemes that are administered to the formal sector. The discussion above has indicated that informal traders face a plethora of socio- economic challenges which put their informal trade at stake. In as much as the informal traders face a lot of socio-economic challenges, this does not stop them from doing their daily business as they have no other source of income. Their lives are entirely dependent upon their businesses. The harsh socio-economic environment does not deter them from conducting their businesses. The findings of the study reveal that economic risks are more visible than the social risks that they face. The respondents reported that they run the risk of losing their businesses due to cash crisis, meagre profits and price hikes. These are the major risks that are faced by the informal traders which also translate down to social problems. However social risks also include theft and injury at work. Findings of the study reveal a strong correlation between social and economic development. Although the risks that are faced by the informal traders relate more to economic problems their implications directly translate to social insecurity since these businesses are their only sources of income. Due to these risks, there is therefore need to ensure social insurance schemes are put in place for the informal traders in the event of socio-economic risks befalling them such as theft, injury at work and economic upheavals currently facing the country. One of the policy recommendations of the study is that the National Social Security Authority (NSSA) should consider including the informal traders in their mainstream social insurance schemes which offers pension and other benefits schemes. This can be done through introducing policies that ensure rationality of contributions in terms of income and consider some market forces that limit consistence of income among the informal traders.

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Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 54 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Housing Provision and Land Management in Mutare City: The Case of the Weirmouth Farm FARAI CHIKODZORE1, LEONARD CHITONGO1, GODWIN K ZINGI1, PARTSON PARADZA2, ABRAHAM R MATAMANDA3

Abstract The study assesses urban resilience in Zimbabwe through the lens of housing provision and land management. Weirmouth Farm in the City of Mutare is used as a case study to situate the urban resilience in the perspective of housing provision and land management. We argue that urban resilience in Mutare is compromised by the mountainous terrain of the region, which restricts urban growth and expansion in light of the rapid urbanisation that the city is currently experiencing. Adopting a mixed-method research design that inclines more towards a qualitative approach, data has been collected through document review that was validated with key informant interviews and household survey. Emerging from the study is that an increase in population has resulted in the urban sprawl. Furthermore, the geological terrain has hindered service provision. The housing model mainly targets low-income earners affecting the quality of houses in the area. Therefore, the study concluded that financial constraints and geological terrain are the major impediments to sustainable smart growth of Mutare City. With population increase and subsequent housing demand coupled with limited land for expansion. The study recommends the need for Public-Private Partnerships.

Keywords: urbanisation, resilience, spatial planning, sprawl, sustainability, management

1Department of Rural and Urban Development, Great Zimbabwe University: PO Box 1235, Masvingo 2Department of Real Estate, BA ISAGO University, 11 Koi Street, Block 7, Gaborone, Botswana 3Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa Corresponding author: [email protected] INTRODUCTION It is estimated that by 2030, the urban population will reach five billion (60%) of the world’s population (United Nations Population and Housing Division, 2010). Over the last decades, the rate of urban growth has been occurring at unprecedented rates at faster rates in the developing countries than in the developed countries. The vulnerability of cities in the developing countries to socio-spatial, economic and political changes related to rapid urbanisation impacts negatively on the urban development process. For example, consequences of this rapid rate of urbanisation on cities in the developing countries is associated with a number of urban challenges which include citizens’ access to basic services, urban poverty, food insecurity, and urban insecurity. The existence and persistence of such challenges in the cities leave many questions concerning urban resilience. The concept of resilience is increasingly being placed at the centre of urban management narratives as stated in the Sustainable Development Goal eleven through which world leaders committed to creating sustainable, safe, resilient and inclusive communities by 2030 (Parnell, 2016). Furthermore, various scholars have shown the significance of resilience which has to be factored in as cities and towns grow (Jones, 2007).

Resilience is a contested and normative concept (Sharifi and Yamagata, 2016). Existing definitions are inconsistent and underdeveloped (Meerow et al. 2016). This can be explained by the multi-disciplinary nature of resilience which has resulted in different interpretations according to needs and priorities. In general terms, urban resilience explains the ability of cities and towns to sustain continuity amid the stresses and shocks that it may go through. Revell (2010) defines resilience as the adaptive capacity of a system to respond to unexpected shocks and unforeseen changes. In their definition, Meerow, Newell and Stults (2016: 39) state that ‘’urban resilience is the ability of an urban system and all its constituent’s socio-ecological and socio- technical networks across temporal and spatial scales to maintain or rapidly return desired functions in the face of a disturbance, to adapt to change and to quickly transform systems that limit current or future adaptive capacity’’. The aforementioned challenges confronting cities symbolise the disturbance to the urban system, which then calls for the understanding and exploration of the level of resilience of the urban system. In this setting, urban resilience is the ability of cities to manage and adapt to change, including their vulnerabilities. Central to definitions of urban resilience are ideas of robustness, mitigation, and adjustment at all levels (This includes national,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 56 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) city and local level formal governance, to how residents respond to their local circumstances at hand). Flexibility and responsiveness in how cities and their residents adapt and respond to change, both positive and negative, are central to understanding notions of urban resilience and sustainability (Sudmeier-Rieux, 2014). As the urban system is confronted with a plethora of stresses which disrupt the ideal or envisaged urban set-up; urban resilience thus becomes of utmost importance as it helps cities to bounce back after going through rough times.

There are three major approaches to resilience thinking. These are engineering, ecological and social-ecological approach (UN-Habitat, 2018). From the engineering perspective, resilience is measured in terms of system’s ability to restore functionality (Masnavi et al. 2018). A resilient system can quickly return to the previous state, while a less resilient system may take more time to recover or may fail to do so. This perspective emphasises persistence ability to remain stable or to resist disturbance and maintain the status quo (Meerow et al. 2016). The ecological approach is measured with the ability to absorb changes and still persist. This approach defines resilience as magnitude of disruption a system can tolerate before failing completely or crossing a critical threshold and changing its structure into a new equilibrium or steady state. The approach values both persistent and adaptability (UN-Habitat, 2018), or emphasis is on transition incremental adaptation (Meerow et al. 2016). Whilst the social-ecological approach is based on the conceptualisation of a system as a dynamic socio-ecological entity that continuously undergoes transformation the system may not necessarily return to an equilibrium state after shock (Sharifi and Yamagata, 2016). This approach is associated with the concepts of renewal, rehabilitation and self-reorganization (Masnavi et al. 2018). Emphasis is on transformability, the capacity to create a fundamentally new system when conditions make the existing system untenable (Walker et al. 2004). A common aspect of all these approaches is the ability to withstand, resist and respond positively to pressure or change.

Albeit the growing attention on urban resilience, it remains unclear as to the best approaches to integrate urban resilience in the development of cities and towns. The pursuit to understand urban resilience is also synonymous with Zimbabwe since the country is a signatory to the SDGs, New Urban Agenda as well as national urban agenda set for 2030, which all strive to promote urban resilience (Government of Zimbabwe, 2015, 2017; Mbiba 2017). Ironically, little research has been undertaken about urban resilience

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 57 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) in the context of human settlements planning, with most studies focusing on climate change resilience (Chirisa et al. 2016). Therefore, this study examines the efficacy and resilience of housing provision in Mutare where informal settlements are mushrooming in some parts of the city, notably in Chikanga (Mabaso et al. 2015). These occurrences have been attributed to an imbalance between population and housing provision attributed to the shortage of developable land (Chitekwe-Biti 2009). The existing status quo calls for an investigation of the urban resilience in the country in the face of the rapid urbanisation. Three main research questions guide this study: What are the land management provisions in Weirmouth Farm? How does housing provision and land-use management process facilitate or stifle urban resilience? Which are the best mechanisms of ensuring sustainable housing resilience in Mutare City?

Mutare City has a housing backlog of 30,000 (Mutare City Council (MCC), 2018). The mountainous nature of the town hinders housing provision. The study is situated in Weirmouth farm, which is zoned for agriculture. However, some of the agricultural plots have formally changed use to medium density residential. Urban expansion is a major cause of land-use changes (Singh and Kumar, 2012). Physical terrain such as rugged terrain, wetlands, mineral lands and water bodies often affect the growth of many cities in the world thus igniting horizontal urban expansion (Harvey and Clark 2005). Globally, the general urban expansion is considered as a modern way of life, which manifests economic growth and development. Minwuyelete (2004) noted that it is horizontal urban expansion that has engulfed more land, turning it into urban areas through the establishment of more industries and warehouses. As a part of this transformation, during the 20th century, there was a massive conversion of land causing changes in the land-use pattern. The land, which was equally utilised for primary purposes, was channelized for residential and commercial purposes (Berry, 2003).

India has witnessed rapid and uncontrolled horizontal urban expansion due to progress in industries, trade and population increase (Soluchana, 2005). The introduction of services and opportunities in cities fuels this growth. When the population increases due to migration, in the outer part of the city, horizontal urban expansion takes its toll on the natural resources leaving some terrains that are difficult to develop. has been out of control and the construction on land has kept expanding blindly, especially in the marginal areas of these cities. The history of how African cities grew is very different from one of the developed world. Horizontal urban expansion

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 58 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) is common in African cities due to some rugged physical terrains, which include large rocks and mountains. In trying to design sustainable cities, planners avoid such features since they require a lot of money and sophisticated machinery to develop hence horizontal urban expansion acts as a way of reducing construction costs. The paper seeks to assess urban resilience in Zimbabwe through the lens of housing provision and land management using the case of Weirmouth housing development in Mutare.

DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA Mutare, the third-largest city in Zimbabwe is also the capital of Manicaland Province. Located in the foothills of the Eastern highlands, the city lies in close proximity to the Mozambique border, which is approximately 10 km away (see Figure 1). The land available for urban expansion is rarely gently undulating hindering, urban growth and expansion. Specifically, Mutare is located 263 km south east of Harare and 290 km west of the Mozambique port of Beira, a situation that has earned the city the name “Gateway to the Eastern Highlands”. The City of Mutare like many other African countries is faced with the challenge of high urbanisation. Despite the scarcity for development, city leaders seem to be proffering a number of solutions to provide sustainable housing to its residents.

Figure 1. Location of the study area.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 59 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) The study area is located in Mutare district and specifically ward 17. A few miles to the south, hidden from view from the rest of the city by a series of hills, are the low-density areas of Weirmouth Plots and Fern valley. (Mutare City Master Plan, 1988). In these areas, residential lots exceed an acre and market gardening is an economic activity. Apart from that, Mutare town lies north of the Bvumba Mountains and south of the Imbeza Valley.

LITERATU RE REVIEW Urban resilience in cities has been used in a number of different contexts ranging from climate change to sustainability and to the role of resilience in reducing the vulnerability of urban areas from natural disasters (Lewis and Mioch, 2005; Chirisa et al. 2015). The concept originates from the need to develop cities that have the ability to withstand various shocks. This is so because by their nature, cities are complex systems in which a number of processes unfold and at times may have negative impact on their functioning. Therefore, the concept of resilience can aid in planning by emphasising uncertainty, nonlinearity, adaptability and consideration of cross-scale linkages. In this regard, cities are nested in uncertainty in that socio-economic and political processes that take place are largely unpredictable and when certain events occur, their impacts may be devastating. For example, the social movements that characterised the Arab uprising in as well as the outbreak of endemic disease as Ebola and Cholera in Sub-Saharan and North Africa were sporadic. Not only does resilience consider these socio-economic dimensions, but rather, it also requires accepting the inevitability of ecological disturbances, including wildland fires (Cascade Forest Conservancy, 2017). The concept makes up a component of ecological integrity, a central element of the U.S. Forest Service’s land management planning regulations promulgated in 2012. Accordingly, many planning units working on revising their land management plans are using the concept.

Despite the growing prominence of resilience in scientific research and in policy studies, many scientists and managers find that the concept means different things in different contexts (Bone et al. 2016). Ecological restoration management activities are often seen as a means for developing resilient landscapes (Timpane-Padgham, Beechie and Klinger, 2017). While resilience plays a central role in adaptation planning, it is often used in conjunction with other approaches. This is evident from the focus on environmental resilience, social resilience, political resilience, and climate change resilience, which is very prominent in resilience narratives (Chirisa et al. 2016). However,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 60 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) albeit the increasing attention to scholarship on resilience, the concept has remained elusive. This is especially true in the context of land-use planning. The lack of indicators for measuring and gauging what resilience is or what has to be made resilient and from what remains complicated in the Global South, especially countries like Zimbabwe that are characterised by a plethora of urban problems. Overall, the resilience approach to land management emphasises uncertainty, nonlinearity, adaptability and consideration of cross- scale linkages. This perspective also considers the feedback loops that link human and natural elements of these systems (Walker and Salt, 2006). There is an inherent linkage between disasters and housing, though such correlation is more amplified in developing countries where housing is considered amongst the most valuable assets for people (Chang et al. 2010). Global paradigms in various disasters and environmental conditions have reflected the importance of sustainable land management. This has resulted in the survival of people and low damage intensity during past disaster events (Boen, 2001).

Rapid horizontal urban expansion in developing countries is usually associated with unplanned development in the periphery that requires high cost of infrastructure (Balchin, 2000). The demand for land in urban areas often compels individuals and groups to reside in the periphery where the pressure for land is less. This is mainly a result of the lack of basic services making the areas less attractive for habitation. Additionally, Balchin (2000) explained that even in planned activity the development of infrastructure does not usually match the large tract of land that develops in a low-density pattern. It is therefore important to note that horizontal urban expansion leads to social, environmental and economic impacts to urban areas and its surrounding communities and these effects can be either positive or negative. It is critical to consider now how urban expansion emerges as a shock to the urban system. Is it only to do with infrastructure needs, the implications of sprawl, and the environmental impacts of such developments or else the governance systems?

Since the reasons for urban expansion are similar to the reasons for urban growth, they are difficult to differentiate (Bhatta, 2010: 10). For instance, in Europe, the growth of cities was related to increasing production whilst in most developing nations it is related to population increase. Horizontal expansion of cities is a new phenomenon and its reason cannot only be attributed to population growth alone (EEA, 2006: 6). Therefore, the determination of horizontal expansion and taking measures against it is quite

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 61 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) important for sustainable urban growth. In many studies, the most important reason for horizontal expansion is indicated as the increase of demand for dwelling in low-density areas. Because of excessive demand for dwelling in city centres, there is an increase in building houses at city boundaries (Chin, 2002; Slaev and Nikiforov, 2013: 23).

During the 16th century, a large number of human populations in Africa lived a rural lifestyle. Since the 20th century, this trend started to change resulting in human populations migrating from rural to urban areas. Western literature has alluded it to as economic reasons (Berry, 2003). Horizontal urban expansion of most urban centres such as Hawassa in , is largely affected by unsuitable environmental factors such as rugged terrain, wetlands, mineral lands and water bodies. These inhibit smart growth and often create leapfrog development sprawl (Harvey and Clark 2005).

In Zimbabwe, the history of urban development can be traced back to the colonial era. During colonisation, human settlements were scattered and sparsely populated, rural settlements with no cities and towns except for the deserted pre-colonial city-states of Great Zimbabwe and Dhlodhlo amongst others (Wekwete, 1992). According to Wekwete (1992) and Zinyama (1993) urban development was because of colonisation as the colonialists set some administrative structures and centres. They developed supportive infrastructures such as urban centres, communication linkages in the form of railway lines, road and telegram lines. The new administration also reorganised spatial land-use by expropriating prime land from the indigenous people. Mutare City is characterised by high-rise mountains. Tracing back to the history of the city during colonisation, these mountains acted as natural barriers that could protect the settlers against enemies (DPP, 1991) because of the rugged terrain (Munzwa and Jonga, 2010). However, the rugged nature of the landscape now hinders sustainable growth and expansion.

METHODOLOGY The study is based on a mixed method research design were both quantitative and qualitative approaches were adopted. The data collected included a desk review of documents, services statistics, and housing scheme records. Three key informant interviews were purposively selected and conducted on officials from the Department of Physical Planning, Mutare City Council Planning and Engineering Department and a National Social Security Authority (NSSA) official. Field observations were purposively conducted on all the five plots that have been subdivided for housing development out of the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 62 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) two hundred and sixty plots in Weirmouth namely Plot 7 which has 30 housing units, plot 31 with 96 housing units, plot 32 which is selling 75 stands and Chimwasa plot containing 152 NSSA four roomed houses and the proposed phase 2 by home-link on the same plot. Out of a population of 1035, the study randomly selected a sample of 280 respondents, through the use of random number tables. The sample size calculator (https:// www.surveymonkey.com/mp/sample-size-calculator/) was used to calculate the required sample size. The calculations were based on the assumption that the population from which the respondents were drawn was normally distributed. The confidence interval for the sample was set at 95% and the margin of error was 5%. Thus, a survey design was employed in the study using a Likert-type questionnaire to collect quantitative data on housing resilience in the area. A survey is a sociological investigation method that use question based or statistical methods to collect information about how people think and act (Mertens, 2003). Analysis in terms of the composition, materials, technology, relevance, and sustainability was performed after collection of data from the field.

RESULTS

EVOLUTION OF WEIRMOUTH Weirmouth has been zoned for medium density residential development under the new master plan. Therefore, those with plots and intent to subdivide them are allowed to do so, if they create medium density residential developments. The area is sparsely populated given that it is a residential- agricultural zone. The minimum size of the existing plots is approximately 7 hectares. Out of 296 plots currently, only 6 have been subdivided for residential stands. The subdivisions being created have stands averaging 350sqm. The houses conform to urban building standards. Plot 7 measuring 40 hectares has been subdivided into 30 stands most of which have been developed. A pre-school (Little Angels has been constructed on plot 8. Other service centres in the area include Muganiwa shop, bottle store and a private school Bridge Academy, which is a secondary school. There is only one primary school Mutare Prison Primary. The City of Mutare is the local planning authority responsible for development control whilst private developers provide services such as water and road network. Weirmouth is a planned settlement with a Local Development Plan. The plots in Weirmouth are privately owned. Private property developers who are purchasing the plots from landowners for development include National Social Security

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 63 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Authority through the NBS Bank which bought Chimwasa plot. Since the area is already cleared for farming activities, there is not much deforestation.

Moreover, all building material such as pit and river sand are imported from outside the area further reducing the prospects of land degradation. In addition, to ensure environmental management, the subdivision and new development taking place in the area are being assessed for environmental impacts in accordance with the Environmental Management Agency (EMA) requirements. Adjacent to Weinrmouth plots is a medium density location developed by Mushamukadzi Housing Cooperative. The change of use from agriculture to housing in Weirmouth plots has affected Mutare’s tenure system given the mountainous nature of the town. According to Eurguden (2001), policies and laws must take into account the specific characteristics, needs, and challenges of mountainous areas, while also considering the broader political context, including downstream interests. Key aspects to be addressed are the improvement of infrastructure and the enhancement of public services. In Mutare, in order to meet such objectives, the central government through the Department of Physical Planning and the local authority must provide adequate financial instruments and resources to support vertical construction to lessen the outward growth of the city.

H OUSING RESILIENCE Housing resilience dynamics emanate from changes of functionality and housing adaptation to the surrounding mountainous area. Since Weirmouth was originally zoned for residential-agricultural smallholding use and now has been rezoned for medium density residential use, some of the areas are swampy and low lying hence prone to flooding. However, despite the area being sandwiched by two mountain ranges, it is relatively flat and very suitable for residential development. The flat terrain explains why it was originally zoned for farming. The area is accessible and is well connected to other parts of the city. The primary distributor road from the southern side is Feruka Road which leads to Feruka Oil Depot. It can also be accessed from the city centre by another primary distributor, Magamba Road on the northern side which is partly tarred. There is also a network of secondary distributors and access road within the plots. The major constraint is the long-distance of over 10 km from the Central Business District (CBD) hindering walkability. The area has a network of electricity lines. However, due to financial constraints, most of the housing units have not yet been connected to the electricity grid. Other infrastructural provisions include

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 64 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) municipal water. Some plot owners have boreholes to support their farming activities. Most of the plots have onsite sewer services apart from a sewer line passing from Mutare Prison Farm.

The greater part of the area in question is still under development. Currently, the roads are not yet surfaced and water pipes are being laid on those farms that are being subdivided. Plot 31 is one of the typical success stories of housing provision. Pear Ville housing cooperative subdivided 96 housing units, which range between 325-723m2. A private developer has developed tarred road, tapped water is available as well as a sewer system. The major challenge is refuse collection; the council only collects refuse ounce a month. A private developer Realty Developer (Zim-Properties) in Plot 32 is selling 75 medium density residential stands to ranging between (375-723 m2).

At the foot of the mountain on Chimwasa plot, NSSA has developed a housing mortgage scheme. The financier is National Building Society Bank (NBS Bank) 152 four-roomed houses all measuring 300m2 have been constructed. Water and sewer have not yet been connected. A key informant from NSSA highlighted that technical factors caused by the mountainous location of the housing scheme is delaying the servicing of water and sewer. Moreover, due to the introduction of the mono-currency system by government, price distortions have had a negative effect on the mortgage facility. Thus, affecting the rate of uptake from potential beneficiaries. There is a proposed phase 2 on the same plot by Home-link. Apart from population increase, the geographical nature of the city is also having a bearing on the causes of horizontal urban expansion. Having noted all these experiences and contributions by these mountains, participation should extend from the international or national to the local level and should involve all stakeholder groups including central government, scientists and technicians, local communities, the private sector, and N.G.Os. Fiszbeign and Lowden (1999) added that local livelihoods play a particularly important role and inhabitants of mountain regions should be actively and continuously involved in the planning, implementation and follow up of development activities

CHALLENGES The sustainability and resilience of housing provision in Weirmouth is affected by an array of challenges chief among them physical factors represented by 32.4 %. The interaction of spatial phenomena such as steep terrain and population growth has a negative bearing on sustainable housing resilience

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 65 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) scheme as it outstrips the capacity of Mutare Local Authority to provide housing. This has been manifested through self-built slums in Chikanga area that are devoid of proper sanitation and water supply. Moreover, there is a correlation between exponential population growth and demand for land, a scenario that provides leeway for slumification. The outward expansion increases the need for a vehicular mode of transportation to get to and from town as the distances are increasing. There is also an increased need for water and sewer infrastructure expansion. Financial challenges account for 25 % engulfing the residence in their quest to achieve sustainable resilience housing, just like the rest of urban spaces in Zimbabwe. The City of Mutare has not been spared from economic challenges that are curtailing the operation of housing developers and financers. Such an arrangement is stalling the private-public relationship in housing provision. For instance, since the introduction of a mono-currency system, the National Social Security Authority has suspended its operations owing to property market fluctuations and distortions. The mixed land-use emanate from the greenlight which have been given to the plot holders to subdivide the land, hence some plot holders are still reluctant to do so as they still engage in horticulture production as was the case with Plot 28.

Table 1: Challenges to Housing Provision in Weirmouth plots (Survey, 2019)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Financial challenges 70 25.3 25.3 Mixed Land-use 45 16.2 16.2 Population Increase 72 26 26 Physical factors 90 32.49097 32.49097 Total 277 100 100

Observations indicate that arable land that was used to produce food for the urban inhabitants is being converted to residential use and this is a threat to food security. This provides a threat to urban agriculture which is the mainstay of urban livelihoods. With Zimbabwe’s economic decline since the new millennium, the agriculture sector has not been spared. A plot holder noted that housing provision is an economic resilience strategy since agricultural production has been on the decline. Moreover, the cost of providing public

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 66 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) services such as water supply, sanitation, electricity, public transport, waste management, is high. This entails that either the quality of these services will be low or that significant subsidies will be required to cover the costs of provision.

DISCUSSION The successful implementation and enforcement of planning policies and land-use plans is important. Weirmouth is an area set aside for market gardening as its major economic activity but due to shortage of land from the inner part of the CBD, agricultural land is being converted into various uses to meet land-use demands. This shows unsuccessful enforcement of land-use plans by the local government as one of the reasons of horizontal urban expansion in developing countries (Harvey and Clark, 2005). Urban studies and authorities argued that infrastructure such as roads, water, and sewerage lines and schools is more cost demanding under expansion than under higher density urban development (Duensing, 2007; Frank, 2009; Duncan, 2009). This explains why; in spite of the macroeconomic challenges affecting the country. Infrastructure service provision in Weirmouth is a great challenge.

By and large, the rapid development of land for urban multiple purposes including housing, production, retail, leisure and the resultant loss of built heritage, natural open spaces agricultural land and pristine green spaces are universal effects as well as consequences of horizontal urban expansion (Chin, 2002). In many communities with regard to future trends in many communities, rapid urban development has led to growing concern that in the near future; ultimately open space will be more remote and inaccessible to most city dwellers. Among other areas, loss of prime agricultural land is a great recurring concern of residents (Goldberg, 2009). Most planners and policymakers believe that horizontal urban expansion eliminates more farmland from agricultural uses than other compact forms of expansion.

The study noted that people who live in sprawling urban fringe areas tend to have more space as houses are spaced out on larger tracts of land. According to Bhatta et al. (2010), the set up itself is not rural in nature but offers much more breathing room than a crowded city block full of apartments. Despite the issue of space, the cost of land is much cheaper meaning that residents can save money. A comparable residence within the higher density city limits would probably cost more. Barton (2009) asserts that the outward growth of the urban environment promotes quietness within the neighbourhoods

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 67 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) since in these areas there will be less traffic. Therefore, the study noted that housing provision in Weirmouth decongested population in the city as well as consuming more space in the peripheries of Mutare.

Infrastructure such as roads, power lines, sewerage system, and water is developing in the area. Ewing (1997) highlighted that in urban fringes infrastructure is a luxury. Thus, if infrastructure improves, this means that prospects of local economic development will be higher. Furthermore, since urban centres attract a lot of people due to unique service provision, there are high levels of crime but if the town or city is sprawling outwards this entails that the levels of crime rate will increase. Furthermore, the research revealed that horizontal urban expansion destroys a sense of community. Weirmouth is located about 10 km out of the Mutare CBD and in a way this isolates people with those who reside in other residential location such as Chikanga and Sakubva. Horizontal urban expansion leads to social problems such as declining and personal neighbourhood ties between residents (Burchell et al. 2008, Ewing, 1997, Calthorpe, 2003). Generally, low-density expansion development makes households connections weak in two directions primarily in the close neighbourhoods and then to the larger metropolitan community urge strongly unsociable values. In the small scale, social linkages with residents in a close neighbourhood are reduced due to several reasons such as low level of residential density, heavy dependence on cars and lack of accessible local retail outlets. In the larger scale of the city, civic linkages with other citizens are also weakened by the forested governmental fragmentation and separated economic resources that avoid commonality of purpose among residents or even make laws for the diffusion of accommodation and workplace in an area. As a result, loss of sense of community provides difficulties in generating support for social and local attacks, which need actions more than local policies (Burchell et al. 1998; Goetz, 2002)

Due to some financial challenges that are being faced by Mutare City Council and other various stakeholders involved in development, the available alternatives to outward growth of the city are cost demanding. Providing services such as water, sewers and electricity are also more expensive per household in less dense areas. This calls for a greater need for Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs). More so financial challenges also affect residents. Alonso (2001) noted that residents of low-density areas spend a higher proportion of their income on transportation than those of high-density areas. From the research, it has been proven that at the time of inquiry the majority of

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 68 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) residents in Weirmouth were spending 4RTGS per day on public transport commuting to work in the CBD taking much of their monthly income. Thus, horizontal urban expansion is a result of lack of financial resources to implement other best alternatives such as vertical development.

CONCLUSION AND POLICY OPTIONS Rapid urban population growth has led to an increase in housing demand. Horizontal expansion in Mutare is limited by mountainous landscape. Thus, this has led to rezoning, consequently leading to mixed land-use in Weirmouth. Several challenges in housing provision were noted ranging from institutional, technical, environmental, economic and social. The study noted the need for Public-Private Partnerships to ensure sustainable land management in Weirmouth. Since the local authority does not have adequate funds to provide infrastructure services, there is need to adopt Public-Private Partnerships in housing provision. Partnerships with the government, private sector, academic scientists and other stakeholders helps provide capacity and a diversity of perspectives to sustainable housing resilience planning. Particularly collaborating with scientists may be important in order to identify possible risks and uncertainties to inform resilience planning. There is a need to carry out a study on the prospects of vertical construction over horizontal urban expansion since Mutare is a mountainous area with limited land for urban expansion.

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Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 72 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Survey Monkey. (2019). Retrieved October 25, 2019, from https:// www.surveymonkey.com/mp/sample-size-calculator/. Timpane-Padgham, Britta L., Tim Beechie, and and Terrie Klinger. 2017. “A Systematic Review of Ecological Attributes That Confer Resilience to Climate Change in Environmental Restoration.” Plos One 12 (3): e0173812. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0173812. UN-Habitat (2009), “Global report on human settlements: planning sustainable cities”, Earth Scan, London. UN-Habitat (2018). Streets for walking & cycling: Designing for safety, accessibility, and comfort in African cities. Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP). United Nations (2014) World Urbanisation Prospects - The 2014 Revision. Department of Economic and Social Affairs. New York. United Nations Population and Housing Division (2010), World Urbanisation Prospects; The 2000 Revision. Data Tables and Highlights, United Nations Organisation, New York, NY. Walker, B., and and D. Salt. (2006). Resilience Thinking: Sustaining Ecosystems and People in a Changing World. Washington, DC: Island Press. Walker, B., Holling, C. S., Carpenter, S. R., & Kinzig, A. (2004). Resilience, Adaptability and Transformability in Social–ecological Systems. Ecology and Society, 9 (2), 5. Wekwete, K. H. (2002). Urbanisation, Urban Development and Management in Zimbabwe, in Wekwete KH and CO Rambanepasi eds. Planning Urban Economies in Southern and Eastern A frica,Avebury, Belmont. Zinyama, L, Tevera, D. and Cumming, S. eds. (2003). The Growth and Problems of the City, University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 73 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Livelihoods Resilience in Peri-urban Communal Areas of Zimbabwe EMACULATE INGWANI1

Abstract This paper reflects on livelihoods options adopted by residents of peri-urban communal areas in Zimbabwe in demonstrating their ability to withstand shifts in survival strategies. The paper characterises the adopted livelihoods options, highlights the drivers of change in established livelihoods strategies, describes the opportunities and challenges from the adopted livelihoods strategies and proposes approaches to building resilient livelihoods options and strengthened rural-urban linkages amid ubiquitous change. Established livelihoods strategies in many peri-urban communal areas globally are generally changing as a result of increased rural-urban linkages, migration, urbanisation, as well as other socio-political influences. In Zimbabwe, residents in peri-urban communal areas demonstrate resilience to such changes as they adopt livelihoods options that enable households to adapt to change and cope with local circumstances. A systematic review of literature guided a detailed and comprehensive search of pertinent and related studies, as well as interrogating patterns on similarities and differences from the selected researches. Online publications including books, peer reviewed journal articles and policy briefs on Google Scholar; Ebscohost; Science Direct; and JSTOR were reviewed to understand emergent livelihoods options in peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe. The livelihoods framework and the structure-agency dialectics were used to extract meaning from the changing local circumstances and the choices made by households to survive in peri-urban communal areas. Peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe are depeasantising. H owever, land remains a critical household asset for diversification of livelihoods options as residents continuously straddle the rural-urban divide. A thorough examination of the growth-point strategy to enhance local development in peri-urban communal areas; reengagement of the third sector (Non-Governmental Organizations) to extend pro-poor credit to small businesses; and addressing the national macro-economic fundamentals are critical to building resilient livelihoods options, and strengthened rural- urban linkages amid ubiquitous change.

Keywords: depeasantisation, livelihoods, peri-urban communal areas, resilience, rural-urban linkages

1University of Venda, South Africa INTRODUCTION Peri-urban communal areas are located in the periphery of urban zones. These spaces are neither rural nor urban and are administered through both the urban and rural land administration systems. Peri-urban communal areas are therefore settlements largely associated with sprawl due to unregulated growth and absence of application of spatial planning functions. In Zimbabwe, the development of human settlements in the peri-urban zones creates shifts in livelihoods strategies for local households that largely depend on peasant farming. Peasant farming in Zimbabwe entails small scale livestock rearing and growing of crops in summer around September and October of each planting season. Mature crop is harvested and stored for food until the next harvest. Peasant farming is seasonal and highly dependent on natural cycles, climatic conditions, as well as good soils. The activity is largely manual and involves use of draught power for tilling land, as well as hoes for weeding. Ranger (1983: 110) refers to the practice as ‘chibhakera’ meaning ‘fist’ cultivation. Holleman (1952: 2) describes weeding as ‘scratching the soil’ using hoes. This approach to agricultural production is labour intensive.

The established way of life in many households in peri-urban communal areas is under siege and no longer holds. These households are left with little or no choice but to remain resilient amid the changing circumstances. Resilience to shifts on livelihoods options reflects the ability of households in peri-urban communal areas to control the perceived challenges from the process of peasant farming. This paper therefore characterises the adopted livelihoods options; highlights the drivers of change in established livelihoods strategies; and describes the opportunities and challenges from the adopted livelihoods strategies. The paper proposes approaches to building resilient livelihoods options and strengthened rural-urban linkages amid ubiquitous change.

This study focuses on peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe that are characterised as small and intermediate human settlements compared to the adjacent towns and cities. Masvingo town and Harare the capital city, are the selected cases to animate this narrative. Masvingo town is largely ‘rural’ and is surrounded by where people mainly practice peasant farming, whereas, Harare is the commercial hub of the country. In Zimbabwe, most urban areas are rather surrounded by emergent human settlements in the periphery – the peri-urban. Most peri-urban communal areas located adjacent to urban centres are slowly transforming from rural to urban and are characterised by a coalescence of activities and residents that interact with

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 75 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) space in dynamic ways. These interactions are largely determined by land rights, thereby impacting the household livelihoods in response to local circumstances. Indigene and migrant households form the broad categories of residents that live in peri-urban communal areas.

LITERATU RE REVIEW Household livelihoods are experienced variedly in space and time. This section provides and overview of literature on concepts that assist to understand the changing dynamics of household livelihoods in peri-urban areas, and how these households adapt. It is therefore important to understand the concepts of land rights and livelihoods in peri-urban communal areas; resilience; and rural-urban linkages.

ACCESS TO LAND RIGHTS AND HOUSEHOLD LIVELIH OODS IN PERI-URBAN COMMUNAL AREAS Access to land rights is a key element in livelihoods debates in peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe. Land rights in peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe are categorized as customary under communal land tenure. These land rights are administered by the local traditional authority on one hand and the Rural District Council on the other. In addition, a plethora of Acts of parliaments including the Communal Lands Acts Chapter 20: 04 of 2002; the Traditional Leaders Act Chapter 29: 17 of 2001; the Regional Town and Country Planning Act Chapter 29: 12 of 2001; and the Rural District Council Act Chapter 29: 13 of 2002 regulate access to land rights in peri- urban communal areas. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment 20 Act of 2013 section 332 (b) (iii) defines communal land as “land set aside under an Act of Parliament and held in accordance with customary law by members of a community under the leadership of a Chief”. The Communal lands Act Chapter 20: 04 of 2002 also defines communal land as, “land which immediately before the 1st of February 1983 was Tribal Trust Land … vested in the President who shall permit it to be occupied and used”. This parallel administration of communal land rights under the system of customary tenure is enabled by both the traditional leadership and the state through statutes of law. Both indigenes and migrant residents in peri-urban communal areas acquire land rights under the system of customary land tenure through an array of mediums and transactions including inheritance, land sales, land grabs, and renting in order to maintain the balance of household livelihoods in their everchanging circumstances. Access to land rights under the system

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 76 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) of customary tenure is important for household livelihoods generation through peasant farming.

The much-used definition for sustainable livelihoods was coined by Chambers and Conway (1991) who define livelihoods as comprising capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living (Carney, 1998: 4; Cahn, 2002: 2). Livelihoods are therefore a combination of resources used and activities undertaken in order to live (Scoones, 2009). Often, this involves a repertoire of activities (Chambers and Conway, 1991). “A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stress and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets ... both now and in the future” (Chambers and Conway, 1991:5). Thus, the sustainable livelihoods framework presents a complex archaeology and hybrid of ideas, practices, and concepts that cut across a variety of development thinking and disciplines (Scoones, 2009). This paper reflects on the sustainable livelihoods framework as proposed by Carney (1999). From that framework, the thrust of the paper is on the livelihood assets and livelihood outcomes from a peri-urban context.

Debates on resilient livelihoods are framed from the perspective of a vulnerability context in peri-urban communal areas in Zimbabwe that engenders people to adapt and cope with stresses and shocks from shifts on peasant farming. For example, trends in population increases, national policy initiatives, national politics, drought and changing land rights all constitute the vulnerability context for many. People’s livelihoods, their capabilities to access and control assets as well as resources are largely affected by the circumstances that surround them, that is, the context in which vulnerabilities to their well-being manifest (Cahn, 2002; Scoones, 2009). This requires them to be resilient. Examining and understanding the household livelihoods resilience is therefore significant in extracting sound and meaningful analysis on what happens to livelihoods in peri-urban communal areas. In this paper, household livelihoods are conceptualised as survival strategies, and simply an art of living.

RESILIENCE AND HOUSEHOLD LIVELIH OODS The concept of resilience emanates from environmental change and ecology discourses. Resilience is used to explain the capability of a system to adapt to change. According to Walker et al. (2004: 2), resilience is the “capacity of a system to experience shocks while retaining the same function, structure,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 77 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) feedbacks and therefore identity”. Marschke and Berkes (2006: 2) also state that resilience offers a lens with which to explore stresses and shocks…” From a household livelihoods perspective, the concept of resilience simply explains the ability and willingness not only of households, but the livelihoods structures as a system to endure changes and shifts from any form of disruption. In peri-urban areas, household livelihoods often respond to changes from the internal and external environments such as migration, policy and political contexts. Therefore, resilience emerges as a combination of strategies that are adopted by households to derive opportunities from challenges they face. The questions that arise from the peri-urban contexts of Zimbabwe focus on how the livelihoods options or strategies are (re)shaped by the activities of everyday; and how these households respond to such change (and often stressful conditions) in order to survive. The assumption is that – the more the peri-urban communal areas experience change, the more resilient households become by not only sticking to the status quo, but switching and shifting to alternative livelihoods regimes for survival. In most cases, these dynamics are sustained by rural-urban linkages.

RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE A reflection on rural-urban linkages in livelihoods debates is important because rural and urban areas are mutually dependent on each other for sustainable livelihoods (Lynch, 2005; Tacoli, 2008). In Zimbabwe, the kinds of rural-urban linkages are complex than usually thought as people continue to straddle the rural-urban divide for survival purposes. These linkages are characterised by movement of people, goods, and services; and the processes are experienced differently in space and time. For example, households that live in rural areas of Zimbabwe largely rely on peasant farming, whereas in urban areas survival activities are predominantly non-agricultural. Since peri- urban communal areas are neither rural nor urban, the survival strategies are a mixity of on-farm, off-farm and non-farm activities as mediated not only by the rural-urban linkages, but the dynamics of human interactions as well.

These rural-urban linkages in Zimbabwe explain the politics of the new movement of people through circular migration from a social, political, and economic perspectives. For example, Bekker (2002) describes rural-urban linkages as important in maintaining both social and kin networks as integral social obligations necessary for continual investment in social capital. The incessant mobility of rural and urban populations straddling the divide is a vital coping strategy that ensures resilience and strengthened livelihoods in

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 78 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) peri-urban communal areas. Well established communication systems and road networks remain key rural development and spatial planning imperatives that enhance ease of movement. It is therefore important to note that the urban influence into peri-urban communal areas demonstrates how rural- urban linkages and migration mediate the processes that characterise generation of household livelihoods as well as resilience that arises not only from local decisions by each of the households, but also from local circumstances since peri-urban communal areas emerge as dormitory villages that host both rural and urban settlement patterns.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY A systematic review of literature guided the detailed and comprehensive search for pertinent and related studies, as well interrogating patterns on similarities and differences from the selected researches (see Petticrew and Roberts, 2006). Online publications including books, peer reviewed journal articles and policy briefs on Google Scholar; Ebscohost; Science Direct; and JSTOR were reviewed to understand emergent livelihoods options in selected peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe. This paper focuses on experiences from Domboshava, Seke and Manyame near the city of Harare, as well as Zimuto near Masvingo town. The author of this paper is very familiar with these urban centres and peri-urban zones because she visited there on a number of occasions. Her personal experience influenced the findings presented in this paper. Literature search through the systematic review approach did not generate the much-needed data to make concrete statistical inferences as earlier thought. Therefore, there was much reliance findings from a PhD thesis (Hungwe, 2014), as well as observations and informal conversations with residents from peri-urban communal areas of the selected cases. However, substantial consideration was made not to impose personal assumptions and values on the livelihoods’ dynamics experienced in these peri-urban zones.

The livelihoods framework (Chambers and Conway, 1991), and the structure- agency dialectics (Giddens, 1984) were used to extract meaning from the changing local circumstances and choices made by households to survive in peri-urban areas. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework postulated by Cahn (2002) explains that people’s livelihoods are based on the nature, availability, and capabilities to access assets also known as resources within the vulnerability context they live (Cahn, 2002). Assets include social, human, physical, cultural, and economic elements (Chambers and Conway, 1991; Tacoli,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 79 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) 1999). The Sustainable Livelihood Framework refers to these as forms of capital (Scoones, 1998; 2009; Cahn, 2002). People are always competing for resources and can do whatever it takes to access them (Peters, 1994; 2007).

Whereas, the structure-agency dialectic by Anthony Giddens sees structure and agency as vital social indicators the interplay of these concepts lead to structuration (Giddens, 1984; 1999). Structuration is a result of the structure/agency relationship - the duality of the structure (Giddens, 1984; 1999; 2001). Structures consist of rules and resources that people reflect upon and utilise in their daily conduct within the social world. Such structures are important reference points that enable or limit human action (Giddens, 1984). Agency is the capacity or requisite ways of individuals in solving social problems that arise while they continuously interact with the structure (Giddens, 1984). For example, the capability of community residents in peri-urban communal areas to survive amid shifts in livelihoods options demonstrates agency.

ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS Peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe are experiencing rapid population growth as a result of circular migration, from the urban areas as well as within the peri-urban zone. Three types of households were identified in the peri-urban communal areas. These include the indigenes, migrants, and migrant lodgers. Livelihoods in these households are also shifting.

H OUSEHOLD ASSETS IN PERI-URBAN COMMUNAL AREAS Secure tribal land rights (through belonging) are a significant component of identity for both indigene and migrant households. In some cases, migrant households hold indigene land rights in their homelands elsewhere. Land transactions are thus an important livelihoods strategy, as well as a process of asset accumulation within peri-urban communal areas. In peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe, land constitutes arable, grazing and the commons. Arable land comprises fields and vlei gardens, whereas the commons encompass forests, water, grazing, wetlands, hills, rivers, and watersheds. Arable land constitutive of fields and vlei gardens is supposedly meant for growing crops and vegetables on a rotational basis (see Plate 1).

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 80 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Plate 1: Arable land and peasant farming in a peri-urban communal area of Zimbabwe

Observations revealed that households in peri-urban communal areas grow crops such as maize (the staple), groundnuts, roundnuts, pumpkins, beans, sweet potatoes, and to some extent sorghum on their fields. They also grow vegetables such as tomatoes, green beans, cabbages, carrots, pepper, and to some extent crops in their vlei gardens. Land use in vlei gardens is often perennial owing to the water retention capacity of soils and dambs. Households often dry surplus vegetables and crops produced from fields and vlei gardens and store them in sacks for consumption during off-season. When households run out of stock, they supplement their food resources through supermarket purchases in urban centres and at local shops. For example, in Domboshava, Seke and Manyame people go to Harare; in Zimuto people go to Masvingo. Clearly shifts from peasant farming does not only engender the process of depeasantisation, but also prompt supermaketisation of food provision as a way of dealing with shocks and stresses of livelihoods in peri-urban communal areas.

Community residents of peri-urban areas have rights to access the commons. Common property regimes such as forests and pastures are collectively ‘owned’ by community residents in perpetuity under the custody of traditional authority. Indigenes that own livestock use common grazing land. Community residents in peri-urban communal areas get firewood for energy

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 81 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) and wild fruit from local forests. Fruit such as loquates (mazhanje) and water- berries (hute) are common in Domboshava, Zimuto and Seke. Wild fruit is critical in supplementing food supplies particularly when households fail to survive on agricultural production during dry spells. Exotic fruit trees comprise but are not limited to avocado, guava, lemon, apple, mango, mulberry, orange, and peach. Gathering wild fruit and leaves is also an important regular source of food in the peri-urban areas. In some cases, fruit are sold at local markets or in urban areas.

Apart from common property rights, community residents hold individual private property rights. These are associated with the built structures such as homesteads as well as household property such as wells, and household furniture. Individuals in communal areas of Zimbabwe can own built structures, but not the land (Communal Lands Act Chapter 20: 04 of 2002). Owning homesteads in peri-urban communal areas entails belonging and distinguishes substantive community members from lodgers. Community residents of peri-urban areas regard homestead owners as ‘landowners’, and lodgers as ‘landless’. Homesteads are significant assets that not only entail belonging, but ‘ownership’ of land although legally land belongs to the state. Cousins (1990: 6) however stresses that, “absolute landlessness is rare in communal areas”.

Plate 2a: Example of homesteads in peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 82 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Plate 2b: Another example of homesteads in peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe

Livestock is also regarded as a significant household asset. Livestock in peri- urban communal areas comprise mainly cattle, chickens, sheep, pigs and goats. Owning livestock is regarded as symbol of status. For example, Vambe (1972) states that traditionally, cattle are as important as the ‘whiteman’s bank account’. Households in peri-urban communal areas use cattle as a hedge against poverty, as well as accumulation of wealth and food production. Household also use cattle to get milk, draught power, and to generate income through sales. Money obtained from sale of livestock is often used to purchase food and to pay school fees among other household expenditures. In some cases, livestock is used as bridal wealth. Migrants that own cattle in their homelands often sell their cattle in time of need to purchase land and building material. Such migrants are thus materially better-off compared to some indigenes as cattle in their homelands are considered as household assets. Homelands emerge as safety nets and fallback positions for migrants in the event that they are ‘fed up’ or ‘tired’ of ‘urban life’ in the peri-urban zone. Many people in Zimbabwe regard their rural homes as retirement spaces (Potts and Mutambirwa, 1990).

Like cattle, goats provide meat, milk, and skin for household consumption and use. Goats and their products are also sold to generate household income.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 83 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) In some cases, small livestock are used to mediate land transactions as gifts, and inversely mediate conflict between community residents. Community residents also owned chickens and rabbits in some cases. For most households it is easier to sell chickens to generate quick cash particularly during emergencies.

SHIFTS IN LIVELIH OODS AND CHANGING PATTERN S OF SU BSISTENCE FARMIN G - DEPEASANTISATION Established livelihoods strategies in many peri-urban communal areas globally are generally changing as a result of increased rural-urban linkages, migration, urbanisation, as well as other socio-political influences. In Zimbabwe, residents in peri-urban communal areas demonstrate resilience to such changes as they adopt livelihoods options that enable households to adapt to change and cope with local circumstances. Households in peri-urban zones of Zimbabwe engage in multiple and extended livelihood strategies. Both indigene and migrant households employ these livelihoods options as a way to adapt to vulnerabilities of living in an ever-changing peri-urban context that requires resilience.

Currently, the practice of peasant farming in peri-urban communal areas is simply a way of avoiding destitution associated with inability to generate income through other means that require wit. Access to land rights and the land holding capacities of households remain critical elements to the practice of peasant farming in peri-urban areas. By resorting to practising peasant farming even on a reduced scale in small gardens and yards, indigenes and migrants demonstrate that they had not abandoned this traditional method of household survival completely, but are simply responding to the local circumstances. Community residents with limited land holding capacities also utilise empty spaces on their yards or small gardens to grow vegetables, and crops such as maize, groundnuts, beans, and roundnuts mainly for household consumption. The practice of peasant farming is related to the symbolic relevance of the peasant economy in communal areas. This demonstrates loyalty to peasant farming as a traditional method of household survival as community residents are not completely ‘dropping out’ but are just ‘hanging in’ this process (Scoones et al. 2010; Matondi and Dekker, 2011). This also shows that peasant farming is not necessarily intended to provide household food that lasts a harvesting season, but is just a way of getting and keeping in touch with the past values. In most cases, the output from peasant farming is inadequate. This renders most households food

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 84 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) insecure as they rely on purchased food from supermarkets in most instances. For migrants, growing of crops in small gardens or on empty residential spaces is a hobby since they practice peasant farming at a larger scale in their homelands in some cases. Clearly, peasant farmers’ ways of life in peri-urban communal areas manifests in different forms, and these are far from being homogeneous, but are simply being replaced by a new economic order. In addition, residents from peri-urban communal areas engage in formal employment as a survival strategy. Cousins (1990: 9) refers to this category of workers as “salariat” because they hold salaried jobs, and earn a salary from their engagements. The salariat include both males and females that participate variously on the formal job market. Formal employment comprises a mixture of professionals and non-professionals. Professionals include inter alia university lecturers, teachers, accountants, civil servants, engineers, and construction workers. On the other hand, non-professionals encompass mainly farm workers, shopkeepers, and domestic servants. Some community residents are retrenchees. The older generation engage mostly in traditional professions such as teaching, lectureship, and civil service, whereas the younger generation associated mostly with construction work apart from traditional professions. Formal employment in Zimbabwe used to be synonymous with education and professional qualifications. Education and professional qualifications of individual household members are significant household assets capable of generating other kinds of income through formal employment. However, some degreed individuals and highly qualified individuals are often unemployed or under employed. As such, community members regard the salariat as better-off because their income streams are often constant although in some instances employers struggle to pay their workforce on time. On the other hand, some professionals choose to engage in nonprofessional activities because they are better paying compared to formal professional employment. Many households in peri-urban communal areas no longer rely solely on farming or formal employment, but engage in repertoire of perennial off- farm and non-farm activities that are largely informal as forms of livelihoods. Such activities are often marginal, of less significance, and not prime cash earners (Bryceson, 1996; 1999). These activities require low investment and are “easy-entry” points (Gaidzanwa, 1997: 161). The place of informal employment as a distinct household survival strategy in peri-urban communal areas comprises income generating activities that are in most cases

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 85 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) opportunistic. Informal employment and activities are referred to as ‘kiya- kiya’ in local language. The idea behind ‘kiya-kiya’ is to generate as much quick cash as possible from opportunistic and usually incidental activities through little or no investment. In this regard, the level of informality does not really matter compared to the relevance and contribution of such activities to household survival. In some cases, community residents survive on a day- to-day basis - literally from ‘hand to mouth’. While Cousins (n.d.) and Scoones et al. (2010) believe such activities are significant within the process of ‘accumulation from below’, for many peri-urban community residents that engage in less significant forms of ‘kiya-kiya’ it is more of ‘accumulation from hand to mouth’ as they survive each day as it comes. The behaviour of community residents shows that household members as agents continuously reflect on their actions to suit the demands and dynamics of survival in a peri-urban resilient context.

Indigenes and migrants engage in an array of informal activities that embrace informal trading and small business enterprises. These include buying and selling, petty trading, vending/musika, cross-border trading; and small business enterprises such as tuck shops, local shops, barber shops, welding, building, brick moulding, small livestock projects, and transport business/ kombi operators (mushikashika). Mushikashika is enabled by ex-Japanese vehicles which are relatively cheap to import from Japan. These cars are also called ‘zvipipippi’ because the drivers horn recklessly to attract commuters. Cross-border activities and migration to other countries is done on short and long-term bases depending on the nature of activities people engage in while in faraway destinations.

Engagement in multiple informal activities is a common phenomenon in peri-urban zones of Zimbabwe. These informal activities are both a source of investment and basic survival. Even those with salaried jobs engage in informal activities. As such, these activities are not relegated to the poor or those informally employed; but are viewed more in terms of generation or supplementing household income. This demonstrates the disparities entrenched in the practice of ‘kiya-kiya’ as a process of accumulation in general, as well as a process of accumulation from ‘hand to mouth’. The returns often depend on luck. Most young women and men in their late twenties or early thirties engage in street vending. This activity is a necessity and not necessarily a choice. Street vending is a response to household survival needs, as well as an alternative to orthodox means of survival such as peasant farming and formal employment.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 86 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) There exists a strong demand by urban residents for traditional commodities such as wild fruit, wild mushroom, wild vegetables, salted peanuts, green mealies, roundnuts, groundnuts, fish, cucumbers, and sometimes firewood. Wild vegetables include wild mushrooms, pumpkin leaves (muboora), and the African spinach ( n yevhi/ cleom e gyn an dra) . These commodities are availed to urban residents through street vending. Street vendors that sell wild fruit and vegetables are driven more by the market demand, as well as the access dynamics associated with season and abundance of common property resources. Community members gather wild fruit from the local forests for sale. However, street vending as a household survival strategy is associated with risks. The city by-laws require vendors in urban centres of Zimbabwe to use designated selling points. However, in most cases vendors opt to sell their wares on undesignated spaces. This attracts penalties such as fines, arrests, and the confiscation of wares. Street vendors intentionally violate local authorities’ by-laws through vending on undesignated spaces resulting in clashes with the municipal police officers. Yet, vendors view ‘risk’ and undesignated vending zones as synonymous with generation of higher returns. The undesignated and prohibited zones mostly in the inner city are the ones convenient to customers. Clearly, street vending by women is open to women “with courage, wit, and resourcefulness” (Razavi, 2003: 18). This clearly demonstrates the spatial and structural complexities associated with household survival strategies in peri-urban areas. It also shows resilience through whichever action households adopt to change their situation or status quo, and that resilience depends upon the capabilities of households to make a difference under prevailing circumstances.

Plate 3: An example of small and medium enterprise in Domboshava

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 87 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Household survival in peri-urban communal areas is rather opportunistic and contingent. Every household member has an obligation to generate and contribute to household income within his or her ability. This provides a sense of responsibility for the individual household members. In such cases, survival strategies are involuntary as household members have little choice. It is not the amount of income generated by these members that is of relevance, but their roles, effort, and contribution to the pool of household income. Household members neither quit nor exit activities that produce low returns, but they continue for as long as they can to accumulate from below, and in some cases from hand to mouth - the idea behind ‘kiya-kiya’. Engagement in informal activities is somewhat a forced choice under these circumstances as traditional methods of income generation such as peasant framing have lost relevance. Community residents as agents use their capabilities to construct their own action as practical and strategic responses to circumstances that surround them (Giddens, 2001). This also demonstrates community residents’ ability to manipulate and resist what they perceived as constraints to their households’ survival - resilience.

THE DRIVERS OF CHANGE IN ESTABLISHED LIVELIH OODS STRATEGIES The drivers of change in established livelihoods strategies and the ultimate resilience of households in peri-urban communal areas are dynamic and complex. Exchange of land under the system of customary land tenure for personal gain are the major drivers of change in established way of life in peri-urban communal areas. The most prevalent land transactions are inheritance, direct land sales, and renting. These land transactions also emerge as household survival strategies. Most indigene households practice direct land sales as a household survival strategy as these generate quick and large amounts of money. Speculative hoarding of land by migrants are a form of investment for those involved as they accumulate land for resale at a higher price later. Although direct land sales provide brief gratification, indigenes seek to obtain long-term benefits from the practice through agency.

Rental housing emerges as a common income generation activity for both tribal members and migrants that own homesteads in the peri-urban areas through provision of continuous income streams as households lease rooms or land with homesteads. In some cases, migrants rent out part of their homesteads (rooms) to migrant lodgers. Apart from generation of financial capital through rentals, homesteads also generate social capital through

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 88 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) relationships and networks. For example, households that live in neighbouring homesteads often end up related through sharing common boundaries of homesteads as well as common property resources such as wells, rivers, dams, grazing, and forests. Relations and networks also develop between lodgers and homestead owners.

THE OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES FROM THE ADOPTED LIVELIHOODS STRATEGIES As community residents diversify their livelihoods portfolios, they straddle the rural-urban divide. This activity as a livelihoods strategy, is viewed as significant in coping with the changes in peri-urban environment, and demonstrates that “peasants’ livelihood strategies embrace far wider geographical terrains than the , and their working lives are full of contingent rather than permanent aims” (Bryceson, 2000: 317). Community residents of peri-urban zones of Zimbabwe straddle the divide on both short and long-term basis. Almost all the community residents that participated in this research indicated that at least one of their household members commutes to town on a daily basis. Most peri-urban residents straddle the rural-urban divide to access other services such as health and retail in the urban zone because of the shorter travel time, and availability of transport such as buses, taxis (kombi), zvipipipi and private vehicles.

Competition for provision of transport to daily commuters is also common amongst transport. For private vehicles owners, offering transport services to commuters is a household survival strategy. This is referred to as ‘pirating’ in local language. These fares are however regarded by many commuters as exorbitant given the daily trips they make, and the income generated. Elsewhere in Tanzania and Mali, the cost of transport is a hindrance for those that seek services in urban centres (Tacoli, 2002).

Urban centres also play significant roles in the rural-urban linkages in terms of provision of markets for agricultural produce. Such movement of goods and people does not only sustain the rural-urban linkages (Lynch, 2005; Gough et al. 2010), but defines peri-urbanity of the communal areas as human settlements. Many peri-urban residents work in urban centres while they stay in communal areas on a permanent basis. Movement of people creates linkages for rural and urban people as they drift into zones of comparative advantage (Bekker, 2002). In Ghana for example, most people that live in peri-urban Kumasi commute to work, and to trade in the city

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 89 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) thereby creating diversity in terms of migrants and tribal populations (Berry, 2011).

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe are depeasantising. However, land remains a critical household asset for diversification of livelihoods options as residents continuously straddle the rural-urban divide. Households engage in multi-activities as survival strategies. Customary land rights and homesteads are the major assets. Survival strategies of both indigenes and migrants characterise the processes of accumulation and determine the scale and magnitude on which land-based peasant farming could be practiced. Both indigenes and migrants diversify their survival strategies by continuously straddling the rural-urban divide, and beyond the national borders through migration on short-term and long-term bases. Diversification of household survival strategies in peri-urban communal areas is more of an involuntary and coping activity to supplement household income in response to other stimuli, and not necessarily the reduction of land holding capacities of individual households although land holding is significant in the practise of peasant farming.

In many cases, diversification is a result of opportunistic activities during which advantage is taken of situations to make profit through income- generating activities. Residents of peri-urban communal areas are simply responding to other factors outside the village boundaries that embrace inter alia urbanisation, adverse weather conditions, and the time of research dollarisation of the national economy. Community residents are therefore not trapped by orthodox modes of household survival, but use their agency to adapt to changing conditions within their peri-urban context. Diversification of household survival strategies is processual, and not static. As such, this paper proposes approaches to building resilient livelihoods options and strengthened rural-urban linkages amid ubiquitous change in peri-urban communal areas of Zimbabwe. A thorough examination of the growth-point strategy to enhance local development in peri-urban communal areas; reengagement of the third sector (Non-Governmental Organisations) to extend pro-poor credit to small businesses; and addressing the national macro-economic fundamentals are critical to building resilient livelihoods options, and strengthened rural-urban linkages amid ubiquitous change in peri-urban communal areas.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 90 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) REFERENCES Bekker, S. (20020. Diminishing returns: Circulatory Migration Linking Cape Town to the Eastern Cape. SA Journal of Demography, 8(1): 1-9. Berry, S. (2011). Questions of ownership: Proprietorship and Control in a Changing Rural Terrain. A case Study from Ghana. Unpublished paper. Bryceson, D.F. (1996). Deagrarianization and Rural Employment in sub-Saharan Africa. A sectoral perspective. World Development, 24(1): 97-111. Bryceson, D.F. (1999). Sub-Saharan Africa Betwixt and Between: R ural Livelihood Practices and Policies. De-agrarianization and Rural Employment N etwork. ASC Working Paper 42. Africa- Leiden: Studiecentrum. Bryceson, D.F. (2000a). Rural Africa at the Crossroads: Livelihood Practices and Policies. N atural R esources Perspective N umber 52. London: The Overseas Development Institute. Cahn, M. (2002). Sustainable Livelihoods A pproach. Massey: Massey University. Carney, D. (1998). Sustainable Rural Livelihoods. What Contribution Can We Make? Papers Presented at the Department for International Development’s Natural Resources Advisers’ Conference. United Kingdom: Department for International Development. Carney, D. (1999). Approaches to Sustainable Livelihoods for the Rural Poor. ODI Poverty Briefing 2. London: DID. Chambers, R. & Conway, G. (1991). Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for the 21st century. IDS Discussion Paper 296. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies. Cousins, B. (1990). Property Rights and Power in Zimbabwe’s Communal Lands: Implications for agrarian reform in the 1990s. Paper Delivered at a Conference on Land Policy in Zimbabwe After “Lancaster”. 13-15 February, University of Zimbabwe. Cousins, B. n.d. What is a Small-holder? Class-analytic Perspective on Small-scale Farming and Agrarian Reform in South Africa. Working Paper 16. Western Cape: PLAAS. 1-26. Giddens, A. (1984). The Constitution of society. Outline of the Theory of Structuration. Cambridge: Polity Press. Giddens, A. (1999). Elements of the Theory of Structuration, in Elliott, A. (ed.). The Blackwell R eader. Contemporary Social Theory. Malden: Blackwell Publishers. 119-130. Giddens, A. (2001). Sociology. 4th Edition. Cambridge: Polity. Gough, K.V., Agergaard, J., Fold, N. & Moller-Jansen, L. (2010). Rural-urban Dynamics. Livelihood, Mobility and Markets in African and Asian Frontiers. London: Routledge. Government of Zimbabwe. (2002). Communal Lands Act Chapter 20: 04 of 2002. Harare: Government Printer.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 91 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Government of Zimbabwe. (2013). Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Number 20 Act of 2013. Harare: Government Printer. Holleman, J.F. (1952). Shona Customary Law. London: Oxford. Hungwe, E. (2014). Land Transactions and Rural Development Policy in the Domboshava Peri-urban Communal Area of Zimbabwe. Available online [Stellenbosch University http: //scholar.sun.ac.za. Lynch, K. (2005). Rural-urban Interaction in the Developing World. London: Routledge. Marschke, M. J. and Berkes, F. (2006). Exploring Strategies that Build Livelihoods Resilience: A Case from Cambodia. Ecology and Society 11(1): 42. Matondi:B. & Dekker, M. (2011). Land Rights and Tenure Security in Zimbabwe’s post Fast Track Land Reform Programme. A Synthesis Report for LandAc. Harare: Ruzivo Trust. Peters:E. (1994). The Erosion of Commons and the Emergence of Property: Problems for SocialAanalysis. Unpublished Paper Presented to the Society for Economic Anthropology. Notre Dame, March 1994. Peters:E. (2007). Challenges in Land Tenure and Land Reform in Africa: An anthropological perspective. CID Working Paper N o. 141. USA: Harvard University. Petticrew, M. and Roberts, H. (2008). Systematic Reviews – do they really ‘work’ in informing decision-making around health inequalities? Health Economics, Policy and Law, 3: 197-211. Potts, D. & Mutambirwa, C. (1990). Rural-urban Linkages in Contemporary Harare. Why Migrants Need Their Land. Journal of Southern African Studies, 16(4): 677-698. Ranger, T. (1983). Tradition and Traversy: Chiefs and the Administration in Makoni District, Zimbabwe, 1960-1980, in Peel, J.D.Y. & Ranger, T.O. (Eds.). Past and Present in Zimbabwe. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 20-41. Razavi, S. (2003). Introduction: Agrarian Change, Gender and Rand rights. Journal of A grarian C han ge, 13(1 & 2): 2-32. Scoones, I. (1998). Sustainable R ural Livelihoods. A Framework for A nalysis. United Kingdom: Institute for Development Studies. Scoones, I. (2009). Livelihoods, Perspectives and Rural Development. Working Paper number 72. Journal of Peasant Studies, 36(1): 171-196. Scoones, I., Marongwe, N., Mavedzenge, B., Mahenehene, J., Murimbarimba, F. & Sukume, C. (2010). African Issues. Zimbabwe’s L a n d R ef or m . M yt hs & Realities. Harare: Weaver Press. Tacoli, C. (2002). Changing Rural-urban Interactions in sub-Saharan Africa and Their Impact on Livelihoods: A Summary. Working paper series on rural-urban interactions and livelihood strategies. Working Paper 7. London: IIED.

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Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 93 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) The 4IR UZ-DRUP Urban Observatory: Tactical Urban Resilience through Applied Game Theory DICKSON. D. MHLANGA

Abstract This paper explores the possibility of how urban resilience can be enhanced through the use of applied game theory. The aim is to introduce the concept of a Local U rban Observatory as a tool that will facilitate higher levels of urban resilience. The paper builds on secondary data while making a case in which reflection and application are interwoven into a discussion for mapping the future of the Department of Rural and U rban Planning at the U niversity of Zimbabwe. It is acknowledged that we are now living in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. This revolution is characterised by the emergence of cyber-physical space, the internet of things and networks. Its fundamental characteristic is that of disrupting long standing traditional socio-economic systems which include prevailing urban model paradigms in Zimbabwe. Firstly, an overview of Game Theory is explored as it relates to urban resilience and climate shift. Secondly, the operational paradigm of the fourth industrial revolution and how it is disrupting existing urban paradigms is put forward. The model of the 4IR (4th Industrial Revolution) Urban Observatory is then described and how it can assist in promoting urban resilience. The key issue is to understand how urban resilience and climate shift can be better understood through the use of concept of Game Theory. It is concluded that for enhanced future resilience, urban systems in Zimbabwe need to shift to new paradigms of infrastructure design and deliberately develop 4IR communities. To achieve this, tools such as the Urban Observatory are now indispensable in the future.

Keywords: Game theory, Urban R esilience, Climate shift, Urban Observatory

INTRODUCTION This paper introduces the concept of a Local Urban Observatory as a tool that will facilitate higher levels of urban resilience. It is acknowledged that we are now living in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. This revolution is characterised by the emergence of cyber-physical space, the internet of things and networks. Its fundamental characteristic is that of disrupting long

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 94 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) standing traditional socio-economic systems which include prevailing urban model paradigms in Zimbabwe. Firstly, an overview of Game Theory is explored as it relates to urban resilience and climate shift. Secondly, the operational paradigm of the fourth industrial revolution and how it is disrupting existing urban paradigms is put forward. The model of the 4IR (4th Industrial Revolution) Urban Observatory is then described and how it can assist in promoting urban resilience. The key issue is to understand how urban resilience and climate shift can be better understood through the use of concept of Game Theory. The paper builds on secondary data while making a case in which reflection and application are interwoven into a discussion for mapping the future of the Department of Rural and Urban Planning at the University of Zimbabwe.

LITERATU RE REVIEW ‘Life indeed is a game!’ Game in this statement is not attributed TO that casual, loose context construed to the realm of pleasure and recreation. Game here is described within the perspective of Game Theory as put forward by John Von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern (1944). Game Theory is described as the formal study of decision making where several players must make choices that potentially affect the interests of other players (Turocy, Von Stengel; 2001). In Game Theory, players are described as decision makers within the context of a situation. Each player employs a strategy, which is a plan of action set to achieve a particular outcome that has benefits. These benefits are defined as pay-offs. A pay-off may be positive, negative, tangible or intangible. The information set is described as the information available online: any given point within the game and upon which players make decisions on choice of strategy. Equilibrium is a point within a game where all players have made decisions and an outcome has been arrived at.

Within the context of pay-off, games may be described as zero-sum games or non-zero-sum games. The zero-sum game is where the summation of the rewards of all players equals zero. In this type of situation, the gains of one set of players combined with the losses of the other set of players equals zero. The assumption here is that there are positive and negative rewards. A Non-Zero-sum game is where the summation of the rewards of all players (both positive and negative) does not equal zero. Within the context of duration; games may also be described as finite and infinite. A finite game is described as a game with known players, fixed rules and agreed upon objectives; for example, football. An infinite game is described as a game

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 95 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) with known and unknown players, the rules are mutable and the objective is to keep the game in play ad- infinitum and life is an example of such a game. In the infinite game, it continues forever. Obsolete players exit the game whilst new ones enter as the match continues in perpetual state of flux.

Figure 1: Principles of Game Theory

Table 1: Game Theory Parameters

1. Nature of the Game (Duration) Finite or Infinite 2. Nature of Game (Pay-off) Zero or Non-Zero-sum Game 3. Players Which are the current known players, which player is heading towards redundancy, which player is evolving? Always factor in the unknown new player entering the game at any time 4. Information Set What is the current information available to players within the game? Do all the players know this information set 5. Strategy What is the strategy being employed by the players in the game? 6. Pay-off What is the pay-off that each player in the game is expecting? Are they tangible, intangible, positive or negative? 7. Equilibrium What are the possible points of equilibrium in the game?

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 96 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) THE STRATEGY: URBAN RESILIENCE In the infinite game of life, humanity uses urban systems as a strategic platform to acquire pay-offs. The aspiration of humanity is to derive positive pay-offs that satisfy their needs. One of the requirements of the urban system is that it be resilient. Resilience is defined as the ability of an urban system to maintain continuity through all shocks and stresses while positively adapting and transforming towards sustainability (UN- Habitat, 2019). One of the most pragmatic ways of understanding urban resilience is to place it within the context of the life game scenario. This allows for more expansive thinking as regards how urban resilience fits into this. It demands a clearer definition of who the players are, what information sets exist at specific points in time and what the pay-offs are. Table 2 contextualises urban resilience using the game theory parameters.

Table 2: Expanding the Urban Resilience Paradigm

Question: Urban Game Theory Parameter Context Resilience Game Context It is an infinite non-zero-sum game Player profile Known players; humanity and ecosystems Unknown players: Unknown at this time but contingency demands their acknowledgement as a game variable Pay-Offs Humanity: Positive Ecosystems: Positive Strategy Humanity: There is a drive towards sustainability and a new urban agenda although current methods use 3rd industrial revolution economics and production processes. The use of urban systems as platforms to acquire need a fulfilment. Ecosystems: Perpetual evolution of ecosystems through tectonic movements and climate shift. Cyclones, earthquakes, drought, flooding and extreme temperatures as facilitators of ecosystem evolution.

THE KNOWN PLAYERS In the life game scenario, the assumption is that it is an infinite non-zero- sum game and each players strategy seeks positive pay-offs.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 97 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) H UMANITY Manfred Max-Neef (1991) proposed nine fundamental human needs which are subsistence, protection, affection, understanding, participation, leisure, creation, identity and freedom. He further stated that these needs operate within the four existential dimensions of being, having, doing and interacting. This elaborate definition of human needs clearly sets out expected pay-offs (nine fundamental needs) and also the four strategic activity areas to realise them (the dimensions of being, having, doing and interacting). UN-Habitat predicts that by the year 2050, 70% of the global population will be living in urban centres (UN-Habitat; 2019) and it is in these urban systems where human needs will be fulfilled. It is with this in mind that urban centres must be prepared for this role. The future will place new, exacting demands on urban infrastructure and its management. To survive into the future, new paradigms regarding infrastructure design and urban management must be developed.

Another major consideration which must be factored by present and future generations is the player life-cycle. The highest global individual life expectancy is currently at 84.2 years (WHO; 2016) whilst the probable existence of humanity can be perpetual, depending on how they play the game. It is thus important for humanity to develop a strategy that ensures individual self-actualisation whilst at the same time guaranteeing the perpetuity of the species in the infinite game. Simply stated, to survive the future urban systems must carefully rethink production and consumptions patterns and this will entail developing new green based urban system and economic models.

N ATU RAL ECOSYSTEMS An ecosystem is a system comprising of living organisms and non- living components (Odum, Eugene; 1971). This system is symbiotic in its design although continually evolving and can exist in perpetuity. Within the infinite life game scenario, it is important to quantify the magnitude of this player. Natural ecosystems have been in existence for millions of years, continually changing structure along their evolutionary path using complex physics such as gravity, magnetism and climate shifts. In 2018 alone, weather catastrophe related economic losses were pegged at US$ 215 billion dollars (www.statista.com; 2019). This statistic alone clearly shows how humanity has failed to properly put into context natural ecosystems as a player in the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 98 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) life game scenario. The scale of strategic movements that natural ecosystems make is large in scale and it is imperative that the global community understands this and begins to factor its strategy based on it. With this knowledge it is clear that the infrastructure of future urban systems cannot be static or macro in its design. To achieve a higher resilience factor, future urban infrastructure design must be based on self-sustaining cellular units that allow individual cells of infrastructure to function independently.

N ATU RE AND DYN AMICS OF U RBAN DATA REQUIRED TODAY Spatial planning in its definition is the professional practice that creates places where people can exercise their free will to fulfil their needs. The definition of needs is defined according to the Max- Neef hierarchy of needs (Max- Neef, 1991). To make urban systems more resilient, specialised urban planning data sets must be developed. This data must include the physical and intangible aspects of place.

PHYSICAL DATA OF PLACE This involves the collection of local geo-physical aspects (climate shift, meteorology, oceanography and volcanology), physical infrastructure and designated land use data. This cluster of data will be used to indicate indexes such as climate shift vulnerability, infrastructure functionality, convenience, accessibility and safety as they are contextualised in the sustainability and new urban agenda.

INTANGIBLE DATA OF PLACE The physical data is basic platform upon which the true operations of spatial planning commence. To create contemporary urban systems, the following dynamic data sets are required:

• Human Needs Data: This data will illustrate and explain where and how urbanites are fulfilling their human need requirements. Mind mapping techniques are useful in this endeavour. • Sensory Perception Data: This data is developed based on the five human senses of sound, sight, touch, taste and smell. It is used to determine where urbanites feel the highest pleasant and unpleasant sensations of these senses. This will be developed to indicate green, orange and red

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 99 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) zones. Green zones will be where urbanites feel the most comfort, orange zone being the middle ground and red zones being the most uncomfortable zones. • Urban Culture Data: This is data on cultures, beliefs and values that exist within urban systems and how they are expressed spatially. Urban areas are cosmopolitan melting pots of local, regional and international cultures. This cultural diversity can be very useful in developing vibrant urban systems through the use of mediums such as music art and culinary culture. • New Urban Ideology Paradigms: This data set will catalogue emerging new urban ideologies and their impact on existing and future land use and development models. Ideas such as the fourth industrial revolution, the economy for the common good, block chain, digital currencies and e-commerce would fall into this category. • Intelligent data: This is based on the work of Josep Sert, Team Ten and the International Congress of Modern Architecture (Benninger, 2002) and it encompasses the following data sets: — Ecosystem Data: This data examines the built and natural environments as a balanced equation determining how much the urban system can expand to reach a point of equilibrium with the natural environment. This data also examines the nature of inputs and outputs of the built environment and their impacts on natural ecosystems. Aggregate data on recycling and re-use initiative is also collected. — Appropriate Urban Technologies: Data on geo-climatic conditions, local resources, demographics and financing structures will be collected to determine appropriate technologies that will enhance resilience — Conviviality: This data is linked to the new global concept of GDH (Gross Domestic Happiness). It details social interaction hierarchies, the infrastructure used, cultural preferences and demographic profiles of the users. It focuses on social infrastructure based on individual, friendship, household, neighbourhood and community preferences. — Urban Efficiency: This data set is used to assess how efficient urban systems are at utilising resource inputs such as energy and human capital to create goods and services. It also highlights any wastage points in the urban system.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 100 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) — Urban Human Scale Data: This is anthropometric data that is used to assess how usable the urban system is from the human perspective of scale and the four dimensions of length, width, height (the 3 Dimensions) and time. — Opportunity Matrix: This data list and compares the opportunities of regional urban systems against each other. This data will indicate opportunities for personal and social development. — Regional Integration: This data will indicate socio- economic relationships between neighbouring urban systems — Institutional Inclusion: This data will indicate to what levels various institutions within the urban systems are included within the spatial planning process.

GLOBAL AND REGIONAL EXPERIEN CES IN OBSERVATORY DEVELOPMENT A typical observatory is defined as a location for monitoring terrestrial or celestial events. Astronomy, climatology/meteorology, geophysical, oceanography and volcanology are examples of disciplines for which observatories have been constructed. Observatories can be ground based, airborne or space based (Wikipedia, 2019). The majority of urban observatories today simply expand from this definition and go beyond collecting geo-physical data to also monitoring human activities including infrastructure and its performance within urban centres. The inception of the third industrial revolution brought about the need to understand more about the dynamics of production and trade as it related to economic processes. This brought about the establishment of the first rudimentary economic observatories and the 1940s saw the development of monthly publications that presented economic indicators that evaluated the performance of the American economy. This was taken further in the 1960s and 1970s when scientists developed indicators to measure social change and in the 1990s broad indicators relating to sustainability emerged and thus the first urban observatory platforms were developed (Wong 2006).

Today, there are a multitude of observatories globally. These observatories usually operate within the thematic areas of infrastructure (water, sewerage reticulation, and energy), transportation, land use, sustainability, climate and economic activity. Across all these categories, their main function is to collect urban data, analyse it, package it and finally disseminating it for purposes of

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 101 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) assisting in decision making processes. It is important to note that they do not make decision, but provide relevant data for decision making. The skills required to operate a functional observatory will inevitably vary depending on its mandate. However, it will operate around four critical cores which are a multi- disciplinary team, statistical analysis, information management and a communications centre. There currently is a 4- level classification of Urban Observatories which are global, regional, national and local (UN-Habitat, 2019).

GLOBAL AND REGIONAL U RBAN OBSERVATORIES: CASE OF UN-H ABITATS’ GLOBAL U RBAN OBSERVATORY Global observatories collect, analyse and disseminate data through the formulation of global principles, policies, standards and information. These are then taken up by national governments for implementation at local levels through its democratic structures and can be done solo or with the assistance of development partners. In essence, global urban observatories are excellent data sources which when used in conjunction with innovative local delivery systems, can yield extremely positive results. UN-Habitat maintains a Global Urban Observatory in charge of global monitoring mainly its habitat agenda and other agendas’ which are within the urban sphere. It monitors building capacities of governments. It is also responsible for establishing local, regional and global mechanisms for urban indicators covering the thematic areas of economy, environment, social dynamics, health and transportation (UN- Habitat, 2019). Key agendas that are facilitated through this observatory are the current Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) and the New Urban Agenda.

N ATION AL OBSERVATORY: CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA National observatories generally host national data-sets obtained from individual provinces or states. The critical distinction that such observatories have is that data is collected and interpreted based on current national short, medium- and long-term interests. An observatory of this classification is usually under the custodianship of national agencies. The South African National Development Plan 2030 launched in 2013 aims to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030. According to the plan, South Africa can realise these goals by drawing on the energies of its people, growing an inclusive economy, building capabilities, enhancing the capacity of the state, and promoting leadership and partnerships throughout society (South Africa

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 102 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) National Development Plan 2030). To achieve its 2030 vision, one of the tools proposed to be developed is an observatory that will develop the capacity for effective spatial decision making and implementation. One of the tasks of this observatory would be to monitor urban and rural space with the focus on the development and management of terrestrial space (Coetzee, Smit, 2015).

LOCAL U RBAN OBSERVATORY: CASE OF UKCRIC (U NITED KINGDOM COLLABORATORIUM FOR RESEARCH ON INFRASTRUCTURE AND CITIES Local observatories can fully function in isolation developing and providing data for their metropolitan regions. Within the hierarchy of urban observatories, they collect the most detailed data of all. This data will then be used in local decision-making processes. These observatories can also be utilized as a network to provide data for designated regions. United Kingdom Collaboration for Research on Information and Cities (UKCRIC) is a collaboration of UK based network of local observatories hosted 14 universities. Its main thrust is on infrastructure and cities. The networks’ focus on infrastructure is on how to make it adaptable, resilient, reliable, affordable, robust and sustainable. Its thrust on cities centres on how to make them healthier and more sociable (UKCRIC, 2019). Therefore, the network of local city observatories collect data which is concerned on achieving these set objectives. Emphasis on infrastructure and cities is logical as the two are interconnected. Infrastructure is required to move people, goods and services through the city. Further to this, the network of observatories is tasked to facilitate the UK government’s industrial strategy which focuses on transformation, mobility, happy and healthier living for all, clean growth and the impact of artificial intelligence on the economy.

OPERATIONALISING U RBAN RESILIENCE: A REVIEW OF CURRENT GLOBAL APPROACHES Urban resilience is characterised as the structural property of an urban system and is related to the system’s capacity to continually self-organise and adapt to ongoing shifts. Operationalising resilience is arguably one of the most impactful global issues for future research as it implies linking the concept about what urban resilience is and what urban resilience ought to be (Caldrice, Brunetta, Tollin, 2019). With more than half of the world’s population now

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 103 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) living in urban areas coupled with the increased frequency of natural and man-made disaster, understanding and operationalising urban resilience is now a global priority. The global resilience drive is currently based on a two- tier approach. The first and most common approach is top-down policy and framework formulation. This is done at global, regional and national level. The second approach, primarily adopted by communities with good social network infrastructure is the bottom-up participatory approach.

TOP-DOWN POLICY AND FRAMEWORK FORMULATION The last five years have seen major global resilience policy initiatives being devised. On the 1st of January 2016, the 17 sustainable development goals of the 2030 agenda for sustainable development adopted by world leaders in September 2015 came into effect (United Nations, 2019). Sustainable development goal number 11 was to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable.

To complement the 17 sustainable development goals, UN-Habitat launched the City Resilience Profiling Programme (CRPP). This programme supports local governments to build capacity for improved resilience through the use of comprehensive integrative urban planning. It also provides tools for measuring and profiling resilience for all types of hazards (UN-Habitat 2019). Apart from the resilience profiling programme, UH-Habitat also developed the Urban Resilience Hub, a website which provides knowledge, solutions and tools designed to share resilience strategies globally. Some of the tools developed under the resilience hub are the Quick Risk Estimation (QRE) and the Disaster Resilience Scorecard (DRS). In 2017, the World Bank also came aboard the urban resilience drive by establishing a city resilience programme that empowers cities to pursue infrastructure investments that build greater resilience to climate and disaster risks (World Bank 2019).

BOTTOM-UP PARTICIPATORY U RBAN RESILIENCE APPROACH Although climate stresses are a global phenomenon their responses are reflective of local contexts. One of the most common features of global south governments is their capacity and resource limitations. Therefore, Urban Resilience adoption plans and policies must be designed according to local institutional strengths and civic participation. Pivotal to the success of these plans is the engagement of local actors. While current literature

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 104 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) addresses the motivators and enablers for urban adaptation planning and policy making, scholars and policy makers have not paid enough attention to the role of civil society and other non-state actors in participating, facilitating, and implementing adaptation options over time (Ruth & Coelho, 2007). A study carried out between 2008 and 2014 (Chu, Anguelovski, Carin; 2016) compared two case communities to establish the benefits of the top-down and bottom-up approach. Quito in Ecuador was cased for its bottom –up approach whilst Sarut in India for its Top-down approach. The Ecuador case found that the involvement of a wide variety of local actors and institutions produced positive results in the short term. The Sarut, India case showed that the top-bottom approach inhibits the community ability to pursue immediate participatory approaches.

THE CRITICAL ROLE OF LOCAL AGENTS IN U RBAN RESILIENCE Instead of focusing on discrete measures to adapt to specific perceived future climate risks, it may be more effective for cities to consider the problem as one of building resilience (Tyler, Moench, 2012). The global south is characterised by rich bio-diverse ecosystems which responds quicker to climate shifts. It is thus important to have both top-bottom and bottom-up approaches to implement resilience strategies more effectively. Local agents can be developed to be “first responders” as they possess local knowledge systems and due to this fact can negotiate, analyse and produce swifter, strategic responses. They do not need to rely on long chains of communication and in an information age can disseminate practical knowledge faster to local communities

THE FOURTH INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION AND SHIFTING GLOBAL PERCEPTIONS Humanity is in the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), an age in which scientific and technological breakthroughs are disrupting industries, blurring geographical boundaries, challenging existing regulatory frameworks, and even redefining what it means to be human (World Economic Forum; 2019). It brings together digital, biological and physical systems. One of the consequences of this merger is that it has the potential to make inequalities visible and to make them less acceptable in the future (Peter Maurer; President ICRC, 2016). This has largely been brought about by the rise of the Infocracy.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 105 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) One of the most important disruptions that the fourth industrial revolution has brought about is the emergence of Infocracy. Infocracies are defined as systems or organisations whose operations are based on the flow of information (www.wiktonary, 2019). These systems depend on digital platforms which support informational transactions and communication between community members. Infocracies have the distinct advantage in that they are self-dependent, foster a strong sense of community, allow for the exercise of free choice, are designed to be relevance oriented, flexible and transparent. Infocracies started out as purely social platforms, evolving to cater for professional needs and now with the emergence of block chain technology, it is only a matter of time until these systems agglomerate into new models of social self-governance.

The nature of the existing urban system is under threat from the advances of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. The traditional concept of the urban structure depends of democratic systems of local governance and bureaucracy to deliver developmental programmes and objectives to communities. In this system, communities depend on representatives to communicate their needs and desires up the hierarchy to central authorities where decisions are made. Communication in the democratic system is two way between the top and bottom structures. In this system, all hopes and dreams of the individual and community are tethered to the bureaucracy within the democratic structure. The assumption has always been that the success of the democratic system equates to the success of the individual or community and the failure of the system also equates to the failure of the individual and community.

Enter the Forth Industrial Revolution and infocracies and the situation is transforming. The emergence of infocracies has allowed for individuals to create their own communities which cater for their needs without as much dependency on the democratic system and its bureaucracy. These cluster communities have the distinct characteristic in that they endeavour to cater for their own needs through information provided within or by cross connecting with other communities both locally and internationally. Infocracies are strongly redefining how virtual and physical space is being used and have drastically impacted on the form and functioning of existing urban systems and their democratic processes. These digital networks are defying traditional spatial and economic models with large volumes of information and trade being done through these platforms. Companies such as Visa, MasterCard and digital currencies like Bitcoin and Etherium are key

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 106 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) drivers in this sector. In an information age, infocracies in most instances have access to more relevant information which can help community clusters than the traditional democracy and its bureaucratic systems.

THE FRAMEWORK OF THE 4IR URBAN OBSERVATORY

FUTURE DIMENSIONS FOR SPATIAL PLANNING PRACTICE To enhance resilience within the urban systems of Zimbabwe two new concepts inside the local spatial planning terrain have to be explored. Spatial planning in its definition is the professional practice that creates places where people can exercise their free will to fulfil their needs. With the advent of the Forth Industrial Revolution another dimension must be added to the definition, this dimension introduces the informative component to spatial planning. One gross injustice in today’s modern community is not a lack of freedom but a lack of understanding of the basic human needs throughout the entirety of life. There is an assumption that communities inherently know the basic human behaviour drivers and how to fulfil their needs. In this digital age, information has the power to change lives. Thus, current and future spatial planning practice must set out to inform and educate communities about basic human needs and how they can be sustainably achieved within urban systems. The second concept concerns the palatability of spatial planning knowledge to the citizens. Current explorations of spatial planning knowledge are largely confined to academic and professional circles with the generality of citizens having virtually no understanding of spatial planning terms, products or services. Thus, current and future spatial planning practice must set out to make spatial planning knowledge and practice palatable, informative and relevant to all citizens.

THE UZ-DRUP U RBAN OBSERVATORY With distinct advantages in population numbers, physical environmental quality, existing digital backbone infrastructure and literacy, a developing country such as Zimbabwe is uniquely positioned for integration into the Fourth Industrial Revolution. To transition spatial planning in Zimbabwe into this digital age, a specific tool is required that will focus on the development of future urban systems, planning professionals and communities. This is the proposed UZ-DRUP Urban observatory (University

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 107 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) of Zimbabwe-Department of Rural and Urban Planning Urban Observatory). The Urban Observatory will focus on three distinct areas which when combined will contribute to enhancing urban resilience in the country. These three areas are urban functionality modelling, professional development and future communities’ development. The informational back-bone of the Urban Observatory will be based on the following data:

• Geo-physical data: This will be data on geology, hydrology, topography, ecology, volcanology and climatology. • Infrastructure and Land-Use Classification: This data will show major urban infrastructure and designated land uses with urban boundaries.

UZ-DRUP Urban Observatory

Enhancing Urban Resilience

Urban Functionality Professional Future Communities Modelling Development Development

Output: Output: Output: Local Authorities Training Programs for Development of Digital Training Programs and Spatial Planning Platforms for Enhanced Country-side Urban Practitioners Community Resilience Models

Figure 2: Structure and Function of the UZ-DRUP Urban Observatory (Author, 2019)

Urban Functionality Modelling: This strategic unit of the Urban Observatory will focus on developing spatial planning models that explain how urban centres in Zimbabwe are currently functioning. This modelling will be based on the following data sets:

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 108 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) • Human needs • Urban Culture • Principles of intelligent urbanism • Sensory perception • Existing operational urban ideologies

Once these base models have been developed, concepts such as 4IR, Urban Resilience, Common Good Economics, Climate Shift and Gross Domestic Happiness can be applied to improve them and create future road maps. Strategic partners for this endeavour will be local authorities’ country wide.

Professional Development: This strategic unit of the Urban Observatory will focus on the development of in-training and post- training spatial planning practitioners. It will train practitioners on trending developmental topics such as 4IR, Urban Resilience, Common Good Economics, Block Chain, Climate Shift and Gross Domestic Happiness. The strategic partners for this unit will be current planning students, qualified practitioners and national spatial planning professional institutions.

Future Communities Development: This strategic unit of the Urban Observatory will focus on community education and information dissemination. The aim is to develop more informed communities that are aware of human need dynamics, the role of spatial planning in urban development and its relation to their livelihoods. Using digital platforms, urban communities will be informed on human need dynamics, 4IR, Climate Shift, Principles of Common Good Economics, Block Chain and Gross Domestic Happiness as it applies to them. In developing future communities, the urban observatory will look to work with the new generation of 4IR change agents. With the greater access to information, the global community is now looking to a new breed of change agents, change agent that embrace the use of infocracy and information as the basis upon which their endeavours depend. Gone are the days of financial moguls whose sole focus was the bottom of the balance sheet. Todays’ most influential change agents are those that are making the planet a better place for the larger majority. These change agents cover a wide spectrum from countries, tangible physical products to individuals. Countries such as Bhutan with their Gross Domestic Happiness thrust are now pioneers in new socio-economic engineering. The Dali Lama and Pope Francis are shining beacons in a new thrust of practical spirituality. Innovators such as Manoj Bhargava with his ‘Billions in Change’

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 109 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) drive are changing the lives of rural communities with their inventions and innovations. This is the new pedigree of change agents. Using this archetype, the observatory will disseminate practical 4IR livelihood development information to communities.

INFO-DRIVE: THE DELIVERY MODEL FOR THE U RBAN OBSERVATORY The Urban Observatory will be designed on an Infocracy model and will be based on spatial planning data. Information will be packaged digitally and designed using a two-tier approach. The first set of data will be designed to be a Community Decision Support System (CDSS). This will be used by the public (individuals or groups) to access information pertaining to human need dynamics. This set of data will be free of charge. It will be accessed via digital applications, newsletters, podcasts and videos. The second set of data will be designed for the providers of spatial planning products and services (local authorities) and it will operate on a freemium basis. This means that all basic spatial planning data will be accessed freely whilst more specific data sets will attract a premium charge. Specialist consulting services will also be provided to public organisations and local authorities.

CRITICAL STAKEH OLD ERS The proposed UZ-DRUP Urban Observatory is being developed in a digital age and thus the best model to utilise is the one based on infocracy. The idea is to create innovative relationships with identified stakeholders to facilitate the exchange of information and experiences through direct contact. The aim is to communicate directly with local communities through mediums that appeal to the current and future generation. This will be done through the use of a new breed of urban planners trained as ‘information disseminators of the Forth Industrial Revolution’. The following are therefore the critical stakeholders:

In-Field Town Planning Practitioners: Zimbabwe has over sixty districts and the majority of these have urban planners who manage spatial development within the district. By developing training programmes that focus on urban resilience and new development paradigms the Urban Observatory can ensure that resilience knowledge is disseminated to local levels. There is also the distinct advantage that concepts of resilience and other new planning paradigms begins to be percolated into daily planning decisions at local level.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 110 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) In-Training Town Planning Practitioners: Zimbabwe has a significant number of planning schools which can benefit from curriculum review and the introduction of seminars, courses and programmes that focus on matters of Urban Resilience, the Forth Industrial Revolution, Principles of the economy for the common good, block chain, new Urban Agenda and E-commerce just to name a few. The study of these concepts and how they are impacting existing and future urban forms is invaluable. The exploration of these concepts whilst training allows students to begin to cognise these ideas as possible future directions and as they transition into planning careers the application of this knowledge becomes automatic practice. Relevant Global Development Agencies (UN-Habitat, WEF): Global development agencies have a wealth of knowledge and experience that can be useful at local levels of planning. One of the roles of the observatory will be to facilitate information exchange between global development agencies and local urban planning practitioners and in-training students. Local Communities: One of the major functions of the Observatory will be to develop practical urban planning information for local communities. This will entail the design of local outreach programmes for various urban demographics. It will also include the identification and collaborative training of local change agents. In the development of more informed local communities, it is important to understand shifts in urban culture and develop programmes that are in current taste with new generations. Private Sector Philanthropy: Some of the most influential drivers of the fourth industrial revolution are philanthropists. These exist in all communities and it one of the primary tasks of the observatory to identify and partner with them. This means that the Observatory must be developed into a structure that demonstrated integrity, goodwill and good ethical culture. Innovative Countries in Urban Development: There is a lot to learn from countries that are leading the way in terms of innovative urban development paradigms. There are countries such as Bhutan with its GDH (Gross Domestic Happiness Index). There are cities like Buffalo in Americas New York State and their urban renewal approaches and countries like Austria with their concept of the economy for the common good. The digital age now allows for the creation of relationships over distance and linkages with such examples of global innovation will realise profound future results for Zimbabwe. University of Zimbabwe- Department of Rural and Urban Planning (UZ- DRUP): With UZ-DRUP being the host of the urban observatory, it will

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 111 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) be critical that key human resources be developed and have firm grasp of current global, regional and local planning dynamics and trends. This will be achieved by specialised training that will focus on developing skills required to operate the urban observatory.

CONCLUSION Game theory affords the opportunity to understand and contextualise urban resilience from a new perspective. It demystifies the players, shedding light on the nature of strategies involved, including their magnitude and time lines utilised. Urban systems of the future must put these considerations into context and develop models that accommodate the dynamics of ecosystems especially as it relates to physical infrastructure. It is clear now that the strategy employed by ecosystems is immense in magnitude and urban systems must now become fluid and adaptable to such phenomenon. Thus, the current use of terms like natural disaster or catastrophes simply demonstrate how unknowledgeable and unprepared humanity has been in playing the infinite game. Newton’s third law of thermodynamics (Thomson and Tait, 1867) states that for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. In the quest of meeting its needs, humanity must re-orient strategy and understand how its actions have responses (reactions) in the game scenario. To survive into the future, new paradigms of production, consumption and re-cycling must be adopted. The development of urban resilience has to be augmented by fostering better informed communities and the digital technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution will greatly assist in this regard. Today information is power. Better informed communities will make better decisions about their lives as they evaluate the greater number of opportunities’ that will continually become available to them. With infocracy, global communities are now developing their own social structures and choosing a new caste of global leaders in the areas of science, education, philosophy, spirituality and economics to name a few. These digital communities are the new “nations” of the world with examples such as TED and Mindvalley leading the way. The ultimate quest of the Urban Observatory is to develop a platform through which cities and their inhabitants can access information that will assist in them to play the infinite game of life to the best of their ability. It is also the ideal tool through which global development goals can be realised locally and thus truly satisfy in the saying “Think globally, act locally”.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 112 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) REFERENCES Benninger, C,. (2002), Principles of Intelligent Urbanism: The case of the N ew Capital Plan for Bhutan. , 69(412/413/414), 60-80. Retrieved from . Caldarice O, Brunetta G, Tollin N. (2019), The Challenge of Urban Resilience: Operationalization. In: Brunetta G., Caldarice O., Tollin N., Rosas-Casals M., Morató J. (eds) Urban Resilience for Risk and Adaptation Governance. Resilient Cities (Re-thinking Urban Transformation). Springer, Cham. Chu E, Anguelovski I, Carmin J (2016), Inclusive Approaches to Urban Climate Adaptation Planning and Implementation in the Global South, Climate Policy, 16:3,372-392, DOI: 10.1080/14693062.2015.1019822. Max- Neef M,. (1991); Human Scale Development; New York; Apex Press. Matthias R, Coelho D,. (2007) Understanding and Managing the Complexity of Urban Systems Under Climate Change, Climate Policy, 7:4, 317-336. Maurer P,. (2016), World Economic Forum, 2016, Fourth Industrial Revolution, www.youtube/worldeconomicforum., Accessed August 2019. Odum, Eugene; (1971), Fundamentals of Ecology; New York; Sanders South African National Development Plan, 2013, www.sa.gov. Thomson W, Tait P G,. (1867), Newton’s L a ws of M ot i on : A T r ea t i se on N a t u r a l Philosophy Turocy T and Von Stengel B,. (2002), Encyclopaedia of Information Systems, United States, Academic Press. Tyler S, Moench M,. (2012), A Framework for Urban Climate Resilience, Climate and Development, 4:4, 311-326, DOI: 10.1080/17565529.2012.745389 www.ukcric.org., Accessed August 2019. Von Neumann J and Morgenstern O (1944), Theory of Games and Economic Behaviour, United States, Princeton University www.statista.com, Weather catastrophe economic losses globally from 2000 to 2018 in billion U.S. dollars, Accessed August 2019 www.unhabitat.org, City Resilience Programme, Accessed September 2019 www. unhabitat.org, Global Urban Observatory, Accessed August 2019 www. unhabitat.org, resilience, Accessed August 2019 www.un.org, sustainable development agenda, Accessed September 2019 www.unhabitat, Urban Resilience Hub, Accessed September 2019 www.who.life expectancy, Accessed August 2019 www. wiktionary, 2019, Infocracy, Accessed August 2019 www.worldbank.org, resilient cities program, Accessed September 2019

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 113 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Urban Decay and the Resilience Factor in Bulawayo’s Downtown Precinct SIBONGILE NDHLOVU AND JEOFREY MATAI

Abstract This paper provides an assessment of the impacts that urban decay has on the various urban activities and subsequently on the resilience of cities. This is against the background that despite being a matter of public concern for many years, urban decay has not been given enough attention in Zimbabwe’s urban planning and management platforms, yet its impacts affect the social and economic activities of cities and is central to their resilience. By definition, urban decay describes a condition of observable indicators of the physical deterioration of the built environment that end up attracting crime, vandalism and pollution. This usually results in the decline of social and economic activities as more and more businesses relocate to more prosperous areas where infrastructure and services are adequate and development opportunities exist. The implications of urban decline to urban resilience are that the economic and social systems of a city may not be able to return to or to surpass equilibrium after experiencing stresses and/ or shocks. The research adopted a mixed- methods approach, using primary and secondary data sources, making use of questionnaires, observation, key informant interviews and document analysis to gather data from the public, property owners, business operators and selected participants from central and local government. Findings reveal that the major indicators of urban decay in the downtown area of Bulawayo are segregation, crime and disorder, infrastructural dilapidation, building obsolescence and poor solid waste management. Conclusions were made that urban decay affects economic and social activities as well as the environment negatively, making it difficult for cities to recover after shocks and stresses as opportunities for businesses and employment are lost. Therefore, it is recommended that areas that are experiencing decay be transformed by way of regeneration, or revitalisation to ensure that economic and social activities are at least maintained and enable resilience.

Keywords: urban decay, urban activities, downtown, impacts, resilience

INTRODUCTION Cities in the developing world are experiencing urban decay in some parts or neighbourhoods. Considering that the majority of the world’s population

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 114 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) now live in cities and is expected to grow in the next decade (UN-Habitat, 2017), instances of continued decay are likely to increase proportionally with increasing population. Whilst this is expected, the health of cities should be at the centre of planning and management of cities if the quality of life of the inhabitants is to be improved because places that are experiencing decay are exposed to further decay, forming a spiral of deterioration. This decay can affect the city’s resilience. A considerable amount of literature has been published on urban decay in Zimbabwe, for example, Ahmad et al. (2010); Chirisa (2010); Mutisya (2016). These researches provide an understanding of urban decay and its dimensions which are critical for transformation and policy proposals. However, the effect of decay on urban activities and resilience of cities has not received attention in the Zimbabwean context despite, evidence of its prevalence and the increased dependence of citizens on cities as shown by the rise of urban populations. This study builds on the observation that urban decay affects urban activities (Acioly & Acioly, 1999; Mosselson, 2015) and argues that this affects the resilience of cities. Thus, this paper assesses the impact of urban decay on urban activities and the subsequent effect on resilience using Bulawayo down area as a case study. Findings to this study provide answers to the question; how does urban decay affect urban activities and influence the resilience of cities? Brandman (2003) defines urban decay as; observable indicators of physical deterioration that end up attracting crime, vandalism and pollution. This decline is often associated with a sharp decrease in economic activities as businesses and industries depart to more prosperous areas of the city where adequate services and infrastructure are in place and development opportunities exist due to, among other reasons, better accessibility and less congestion and vice (Acioly & Acioly, 1999). The decline of infrastructure and economic activities as a result of urban decay can compromises the potential of places to bounce back to their original condition in the event of shocks and stresses such as economic depressions and natural disasters. For example, places experiencing urban decay are often exposed to further decay as more and more businesses and people relocate to better places. This leads to poorly performing city economies and unsustainable growth of cities as this can lead to sprawling development of cities as businesses and individuals relocate to suburban places. Urban decay dates back to the Post World War II era where cities in the United States were seen as the “urban wilderness?. These cities were

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 115 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) characterised by social decay - diseases, disorder, crime, corruption, drugs and danger (Smith, 2005). Some cities in America experienced an increase in physical decline of the core neighbourhoods and commercial districts as well as a decrease in population and industry due to urban decay. Real estate leaders responded by calling for government intervention to curb the numerous effects of urban decay in order to protect real estate investment in the deteriorating areas. Real estate industry lobbied for, among other things, a series of policy proposals that could facilitate the acquisition of blighted areas for resale to potential developers. The State Acts also empowered the municipalities to redevelop the blighted areas, for example, Housing Acts of 1949 and 1954 as well as the National Real Estate Board.

In Africa, urban decay is prevalent in the downtown areas and first colonial neighbourhoods such as Hillbrow in South Africa, Jerusalem Estate in Kenya and Makokoba, Sakubva and Mbare in Zimbabwe. Hillbrow, for example, is characterised by informality, vice and dilapidating buildings which have been disconnected from water and electricity supplies despite being occupied by people (Ahmad et al. 2010). Financial institutions red-lined the area as they became more and more fearful of the places as an investment destination. This discouraged the landlords from maintaining and improving their buildings or prevented new investors from acquiring properties in these areas. This precipitated a corkscrew of decay as the already-ageing buildings started to crumble under strain and neglect (Mosselson, 2015) resulting in a cycle of disinvestment.

In Zimbabwe, Mbare (in Harare) is experiencing decay (Chirisa, 2010). It is filthy and aesthetically unpleasing, with old and dilapidated buildings, heaps of solid waste, burst sewerage and water pipes which have become an eyesore (Muchadenyika, 2015). Informal activities and unsocial behaviour including baggage looting, drug dealing and theft are also dominant (Chirisa, 2010). Bulawayo’s downtown area is not an exception. The area is characterised by old, vacant and dilapidated buildings as well as informal activities such as touting and vending among others. Such conditions and activities depict signs of urban decay. If nothing is done to monitor such conditions, the place can fall into disrepair. This is likely to worsen urban problems including poverty and crime among other social, physical and economic challenges and affect the resilience of the city. Against this background, the study examines indicators of urban decay and analyses how they can affect activities in the downtown area with the context of resilience.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 116 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS Urban decay can best be understood by two theories namely the Spirals of decline theory by Prak & Priemus (1986) and the Broken Windows theory by Wilson & George (1982). The Spirals of Decline Theory argues that urban decay is a result of three main aspects. These are social decline, economic decline and technical decline (Kempen, Vermeulen, & Baan, 2005). Social decline is about the changes that occur in the tenant population with regards to household income (Prak & Priemus, 1986). The logic behind this is that when estates, neighbourhood or part of the city becomes less attractive, the high-income occupiers move out leaving the low-income households (Kempen et al. 2005). The result is that social control may weaken while vandalism and crime flourish making the area less attractive. According to this theory, the moving out of high-income population leads to high tenant turnover rates. This will, in turn, lead to increased void levels, vandalism and all forms of pollution (Somerville, Beckhoven, & Kempen, 2009). Such issues result in technical decay which is the fall in the quality of buildings and infrastructure such as water and sewerage pipes. In this spiral of decline, it turns out to be challenging to maintain an area with buildings of bad quality and poor infrastructure.

When urban decay starts to have an impact on the operational costs of the property, it is termed economic decline. This is the third spiral of decline which touches on property values. Property owners lose money because tenants will be leaving, businesses and investments tend to scale down due to increased costs and reduced benefits. According to this theory, the property owners will be forced to invest less in maintaining the property, thus promoting further deterioration of the building. Crucial to note is that; all the three spirals of decline are inter-linked and they can create a cycle of urban decay, where the vacation of people will lead to voids and deterioration which will further lead to the decline in property values and investment. The theory explains urban decay in social, technical and economic terms. However, it does not fully demonstrate how these spirals of decline affect urban activities and the resilience of cities, hence, this study contributes to the body on knowledge by assessing how urban decay affects urban activities and the resilience of cities.

The Broken Windows theory also explains urban decay by looking at disorder, the dilapidation of buildings and infrastructure, abandonment, social ills such as prostitution, intoxication, declining property values and residential instability (Harcourt & Ludwig, 2006). The theory argues that leaving

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 117 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) broken windows unrepaired attracts further vandalism, hence, accelerating urban decay in the area. This will lead to a decline in property values (ibid.). Therefore, delayed maintenance and repair will fast-track the deterioration of the city or neighbourhood. The theory informs policymakers to take due cognisance of the areas that seem to be deteriorating before the situation gets out of hand. This study borrows from the Spirals of Decline and the Broken Windows theories, on how decay affects activities in the city.

The Spiral of Decline, Broken Windows theory and the Urban Resilience concept form the conceptual framework for this study (see figure 1). The two theories explain both the causes and indicators of urban decay which are broadly categorized in terms of physical, social and economic. Urban decay affects different activities which include retail, vending, circulation and recreational among others. Urban resilience is hinged on the “… capacity of urban systems, communities, individuals, organisations and businesses to recover and maintain their function and thrive the aftermath of a shock or a stress …” (Frantzeskaki, 2016:6). The concept of urban resilience provides a framework for cities to sustain the effects of a shock or stress. Urban decay can be a result of or a cause of economic shocks such as market failure (Sagara, 2018) or social stresses such as urban population growth (ResilientCity.org, 2019), social exclusion and extreme poverty (Sagara, 2018). Based on the aforementioned stresses that are associated with cities, urban decay should be addresses if cities are to be resilient. Figure 1 summarises how urban resilience could address the challenges presented by urban decay themes.

LITERATU RE REVIEW INDICATORS/MANIFESTATIONS OF URBAN DECAY Andersen (2002) states that urban decay is connected to social segregation which tends to concentrate the poor in the least attractive parts of the city. In this case, segregation is seen through social and economic classes (Skogan, 1992). This affects the attractiveness of the place and usually results in changes in the population composition of the area – characterised by poor families. These groups are usually involved in the vandalism of property and drug dealing, prostitution and pickpocketing (Andersen, 2002).

Crime is associated with violence, harm, destruction of property, denial of respect to people and institutions as well as illegal activities (Morrison, 2013). Skogan (1992) adds that disorder is a sign of the breakdown of the collective social order in a neighbourhood. The disorder can be in terms of rampant

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 118 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) URBAN DECAY FRAMEWORK

Spirals of Decay Broken Windows

Physical Economic Social Economic Physical

Infrastructure De-investment Crime and De-investment Infrastructure decline Disorder decline

URBAN DECAY

URBAN ACTIVITIES STRATEGIES • Unregulated retail • Regeneration • Vending • Mega Projects • Poor pedestrian • Improved regulatory mobility approaches • Unregulated transport • Comprehensive system development

URBAN RESILIENCE

Figure 1: Model of Challenges Presented by Urban Decay Themes and Their Alleviation through Urban Resilience (Sagara, 2018). fights, drug dealing and panhandling. Crime and disorder also include theft, vandalism of property and belongings or public goods. Gibson (2003) notes that downtown crime compromises public safety, thus, when an area is no longer safe for people, it is decaying. Skogan (2012) argues that disorder is debatable since some of the activities are prohibited by law. For example, law enforcement agents apply of regulatory measures created by authorities in order to apprehend people involved in illegal activities. Whilst this is done to ensure compliance with the established town planning standards, the approaches used, such as, chasing, causes chaos and disorder. It is important to note that whilst Skogan (2015) elaborates on disorder, he does not go further in explaining how neighbourhood disorder affects urban activities in the area.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 119 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Harassment is also an indicator of social decay as morals and values will be eroding. On the other hand, Andersen (2019) links crime and disorder with empty properties. From his analysis, crime and disorder are stimulated by vacant buildings thus, “If the properties are empty, then they will be vandalized within hours of the former occupants leaving the property. Anything of value such as combination boilers and pipework, kitchen units and bathroom units are immediately stripped from the properties and sold” (Power & Mumford, 1999:30).

Infrastructure dilapidation is also associated with urban decay. It includes the deterioration of building structures and physical infrastructures such as water, sewer network, roads and pavements (Acioly & Acioly, 1999). In high rise buildings, some of the floors cannot access reticulated water (Ahmad et al. 2010), subsequently compromising the wellbeing of the inhabitants. In some cases, electricity cables would also be non-existent or malfunctioning such that the building will not receive enough energy supply. Thus, darkness and physical dilapidation attracts malicious mischief. The facades of the buildings in the city should relate harmoniously with the adjacent buildings. The moment the façade patterns start to differ because of wear and tear that signifies that urban decay is setting in. The prevalence of fire-damaged buildings is also an indicator of urban decline in the area (Sahely, Kennedy, & Adams, 2005).

Urban decay is also seen through building obsolescence. Thomsen & van der Flier (2011) define obsolescence as the useless, outdated, worn away, eroded, effaced and broken-down buildings. The major reasons for this are technological changes and demand changes in the type of buildings and houses. Technological changes may mean that the designs are no longer appealing to the people in the modern world. Obsolescence in buildings leads to loss of investors and has consequential effects on the income generated by the building. This results in deferred maintenance of properties, leading to further decay as explained by the Spirals of Decline theory.

Illegal solid waste dumping and poor waste management are manifestations of decay (Cointreau, 1982). Urban decay manifests itself when an area starts to have heaps of uncollected waste. This becomes an environmental concern especially during the rainy season (ibid.). Decay manifests itself by the presence of trash dumps and garbage Solid waste can also block sanitary lanes in these areas. This affects the economic aspect of cities in the sense that the presence of uncollected solid waste in sanitary lanes which are near the buildings decreases the property values.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 120 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) CAU SES OF URBAN DECAY Voids in buildings are a cause of urban decay. If a building is left empty, it attracts vandalism and other social ills such as burglary and drug dealing. Most vacant buildings are used by people for illegal activities (Anderson 2001). Abandonment increases the obsoleteness of building structures because it will be lacking maintenance. Andersen (2002) explained urban decline as a chain of events occurring with one event leading to another problem. Thus, vacant lots and building structures result in the damage of buildings (Wallace & Wallace, 1990), loss of consistency and collapse in controls which will generate serious management problems, deteriorating services and turmoil.

De-investment occurs when there is investment failure in an area. In such cases, industries, businesses and property owners start to reduce the workforce, downsize development or relocate. This leaves vacant buildings and consequentially deferred maintenance exposing the area to urban decay (Sahely et al. 2005). The area becomes less attractive and starts to deteriorate. Investor confidence in the area decreases (Mutisya, 2016).

Deferred repair and maintenance is another cause of urban decay. This usually happens when properties are left empty. Since there will be no incentive for maintaining them, they are left idle to decay. Meinen (2014) notes that repair and maintenance require money. In a poor performing economy with low levels of investment, most property owners rarely repair their buildings. Similarly, repair and maintenance of infrastructures such as water, sewerage pipes and roads, drainage channels and electricity power lines are usually non-existent in an ailing economy, leading to urban decay.

Local Authorities can also contribute to urban decay if they have poor mechanisms for regulating activities in cities. When development control is ineffective, people carry out any activity without regard to the effects. Regulations can help Local Authorities to coerce property owners to refurbish their buildings if they are ageing. However, many local authorities in developing countries tend to ignore downtown areas leaving them to decay. (Mutisya, 2016 p. 13) states that “poor regulation maintenance and poor urban policies may result in urban decay”.

Frantzeskaki (2016) stresses that the appearance of places has an important effect on their resilience. Places which appear worn out and dilapidated are less resilient. Thus, a place’s infrastructure and buildings should be adaptive

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 121 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) and robust to ensure delivery of resilience (Deshkar & Adane, 2016). Urban infrastructure should maintain function over time regardless of the stresses and shocks experienced and should provide services that meet present demand and social and economic needs for future generations. Since infrastructures are the hardware of cities that warrants that basic services are delivered to all citizens in urban areas, they should be maintained and upgraded to avoid decay and guarantee resilience.

Frantzeskaki (2016) argues that for urban places to have social resilience, there should be sense of community and social ties. The extent to which sense of community prevails is dependent on the peaceful relations between the different communities in a society. This implies that the business community, informal traders and the general public should be in harmony. It enables people to act in solidarity in the aftermath of a shock and further reinforces their social ties.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The methodology aims to find out how urban decay affects the resilience of cities using Bulawayo’s downtown as a case study. To achieve this objective, a case study was adopted making use of the mixed methods approach was adopted. Questionnaires, interviews, observations and document analysis were used to collect data that answers the research questions.

The target population for the study comprises of the general public in Bulawayo’s downtown area. These consist of people who visit the area and hence, convenient sampling was used to select the participants to reach saturation point because the population size is unknown (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006). The saturation point for the general public was reached after interviewing 30 participants. The other group of participants in this study are the informal traders (vendors) and illegal transport operators whose size was also difficult to ascertain. A total of 30 questionnaires was used to collect data using the saturation criterion as espoused by (Guest et al. 2006). The business operators in the area also formed part of the study population. The sample size for this population group was dependent on the number of buildings in the study area. After carrying out a pilot survey, the businesses were clustered into various types in relation to the spatial distribution of the buildings. The study area comprises of 60 buildings which were all selected in this study based on Gay (1985) recommendation that for a population ranging from 0 to 100, a 100% sample size should be extracted. The other group of participants comprised of property management companies in

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 122 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Bulawayo, particularly those in the downtown area. Five major companies that are listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange were selected in this respect. Professionals who comprise of five officials from Bulawayo City Council’s Departments of Housing and Community Services, Health Services and Planning as well as the Bulawayo Municipal Police also participated in this research. These were purposefully selected and were the key informants of the study. The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) also participated in the research as a key informant and one official was selected. Data collected was analysed using qualitative and quantitative techniques. Descriptive analysis was used to analyse textual data whilst computer programs were used to analyse quantitative data.

RESULTS

INDICATORS OF URBAN DECAY IN DOWNTOWN BULAWAYO Research findings reveal that one of the indicators of decay in Bulawayo’s downtown area is segregation. From the study findings, 56.7% of the participants, comprising of, formal and informal traders and illegal transport operators in the downtown area received less than US$100 income per month. Although the cases of earning less than US$100 per month can be true with other places in the CBD, this revelation is good evidence to confirm the assertion that low-income earners usually occupy the downtown area.

Crime and disorder manifest itself in terms of theft, harassment and chaos in the downtown area. Findings reveal that chaos is the order of the day in the downtown area. Illegal transport operators established their pickup and drop off points in some parts of the downtown area. Vendors tend to be concentrated at the pick-up and drop-off points since there is high human traffic. This makes the area congested and accelerate the rate of disorder and exposes people to theft in the area. For example, research findings show that 67% of the participants from the general public, 80% of the business community, 48% of the informal traders and 40% of the property companies are affected by the theft of their belongings all the time. Based on these findings, it is clear that social decay in Bulawayo downtown is rising. On the other hand, responses from the business owners in the downtown area revealed that the sanitary lanes are not a safe place at night. They have become a hub of criminal activities such as theft and robbery. Statistics from the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) show that 13 of the rape cases reported

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 123 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) between the period January to December 2017 are said to have occurred in the sanitary lanes in the downtown area. Observations made also reveal that the sanitary lanes in the downtown area are associated with activities such as prostitution and drug dealing during the night.

Property owners, with the support of the Local Authority, have resorted to erecting gates at each side of the sanitary lanes to restrict access to the sanitary lanes by property users only. The Town Planning Department has been issuing permits for the erection of the gates with conditions that every property user abutting the sanitary lane has access at any time they wish to. However, some sanitary lanes have been blocked without a permit from the council, hence, making them inaccessible for Bulawayo City Council (BCC) to collect waste. Observations and interviews show that the vendors in the area dump their rotten fruits, vegetables and mealie cobs in the area. When this is combined with the poor waste collection services by the BCC, the waste situation in the area worsens.

Vandalism of property is another indicator of decay in Bulawayo. All participants from the general public, property companies and business indicated that they have been affected by vandalism, except for 12% of the informal traders. Vandalism does not only occur on the participant’s belongings but also on public goods. For example, street lights and street benches have been damaged. Interviews also revealed that vandalism is not only caused by the thieves but that the Bulawayo Metropolitan Police (BMP) also vandalizes some of the infrastructures when chasing away the informal traders and illegal transport operators in the area. Some of the infrastructure is broken during this exercise, for example, street lights, traffic lights and even nearby buildings in and along Fifth Street, Leopold Takawira Avenue and Hebert Chitepo. This often leads to conflicts between council and property owners.

Harassment is one of the indicators of decay in Bulawayo. From the findings, 80% of the respondents from the general public indicated that they are harassed all the time; 40% of the property managers and 40% of the business owners responded that harassment occurs in the downtown area most of the time. Also, 48% of the informal traders indicated that they are harassed all the time. From the study, harassment was understood in different ways by the different respondents. The general public and the informal traders believe that the Bulawayo Metropolitan Police (BMP) and the ZRP also harass people, especially those who load their passengers in undesignated sites. To the informal traders, illegality is a result of the economic crisis, hence, they

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 124 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) will be looking for a means of living. The public is usually caught in the “crossfire” whenever the BMP or ZRP is chasing the informal traders and informal transport operators who operate in undesignated sites. From the business operators, harassment does not only mean physical but also emotionally abuse because they have the food caravans, maize roasters, fruit and vegetables being sold in front of their shops. To them, it means no or fewer customers since the vendors will be selling the products at a lower price as compared to them.

Infrastructural dilapidation and decline in the downtown area also indicate that Bulawayo’s downtown area is decaying. Study findings revealed that the town has got poor roads, buildings and malfunctioning streets lights and vandalised street furniture. The vandalised, malfunctioning street lights expose the public to danger especially at night. Findings show that high cases of theft occur in the evening because it will be dark, and also that the thieves also take advantage of the disorder that will be at the illegal pick up and drop off points. The research shows that 73.7% of the participants from the general public, 60% from the business and 52% from the informal traders are of the view that the state of the downtown infrastructure is very bad. However, 12% from the informal traders are of the view that the downtown is in a very good state. This might be because it is where they derive their livelihood from. Research results show that the dilapidated infrastructure is having negative impacts on service provision, hence, accelerating decay in the area.

It was also revealed that 4% of the informal traders rated water provision in the area as good. In contrast, 83, 3% from the general public are of the view that there is poor water provision. Perhaps this is because they do not spend a lot of time in the area, unlike the business owners who operate in the downtown for the whole day. Results from observation show that there are no burst water pipes although there are leaking sewerage pipe in the area. However, participants in the areas acknowledged that council quickly address burst pipes. Regarding the state of the roads, findings reveal that the roads in Bulawayo downtown are generally in a bad state. Thus, 86.7% of the respondents said that the roads are very bad and they needed rehabilitation.

Building obsolescence is another characteristic of Bulawayo’s downtown area. Findings reveal that most of the buildings in the downtown area are old and are not being refurbished. From the research, building obsolescence is accelerated by the economic meltdown in the country as a whole. This influences how businesses perform and the ability of property owners to

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 125 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) maintain them. Thus, although interview with BCC reveals that they have raised a red flag on 25 buildings in the Bulawayo CBD, no action has been taken by the respective owners due to the economic challenges being experienced in the country. The property owners leave them vacant. This attracts all sorts of social ills and increases physical dilapidation of the building structures.

Heaps of uncollected waste also characterise the downtown zone of Bulawayo. This is one of the major indicators of decay in the study area. Solid waste dumps were mostly observed in sanitary lanes and along Herbert Chitepo Street. The waste was mostly dumped by vendors and maize roasters during the day and after hours. Although BCC indicated that it collects waste every day, the waste dumps are visible in the downtown area. This shows that the rate of waste generation and dumping is high. The heaps of uncollected waste also attract stray animals (dogs) from the nearby Makokoba residential neighbourhood. Some people use the sanitary lanes in the downtown illegally as toilets.

CAU SES OF URBAN DECAY IN BULAWAYO DOWNTOWN The study revealed that one of the causes of urban decay in Bulawayo downtown is abandonment. Abandoned buildings are prone to vandalism, illegal occupation and fire outbreaks in the area. This is because the neglected buildings attract illegal activities which include drug dealing. Street kids also occupy the empty buildings especially during winter and put on fire to warm themselves and in some cases, the fire ends up destroying the buildings. From the interview it was revealed that, most of the buildings that caught fire are the buildings that the council condemned. It was also revealed that neglect of buildings by the owners makes the buildings susceptible to vandalism, and illegal activities that end up causing burning. This is a reflection of the explanation by the spiral of decay theory. However, if a building catches fire, interview reveal that the building can burn to ashes because the Fire and Ambulance department take long to respond to such cases. Hence, decay is not only an effect of property owners neglecting the buildings, but also a result of the inefficiency or incapacity of the responsible local planning authority in carrying out its responsibilities.

The physical deterioration of the environment in Bulawayo downtown has also led to many business operators to relocate to other places, particularly in residential suburbs. Findings reveal that this relocation is causing problems

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 126 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) in the destination suburbs as there is a conflict of interests. This shows that urban decay does not only affect activities in the downtown area, but the effects stretch to other places. Illegal activities are relocating from downtown to the Suburban area which is mainly a residential zone, according to the BCC town planning records. The bad state of the physical environment, as well as social decay, makes the downtown area unattractive and inhabitable, even to the informal activities themselves, hence relocating to other places, and spreading decay to other parts of the city.

De-investment was seen as one of the causes of urban decay in the downtown area of Bulawayo. The interviews revealed that property and business owners in Bulawayo are struggling to make ends meet. An overview of the property market in the downtown of Bulawayo shows that the property market is depressed due to the subdued economic conditions. Findings reveal that the poor performance of the economy is posing adverse effects on the property market. This results in increased voids, arrears, decreasing property returns and values. For example, rental arrears overall in Bulawayo increased to 35 per cent in 2016 from 25 per cent in 2009, while building vacancies surged from 10 per cent in 2009 closing at 25 per cent in 2016. Records from the BCC properties in the downtowns show that revenue generated has gone down from 82% in 2009 to 33% in 2016. It was also revealed that the deterioration of infrastructure in the city, coupled with lack of parking space, informality and traffic congestion is forcing businesses to relocate to suburban office parks.

The studyrevealed that there was no investor confidence in the downtown area. The property companies who participated in the interview indicated that they are not considering to invest in the area. They indicated that they preferred to invest elsewhere except for 20% of the property development and management companies surveyed who indicated that they have plans to invest in the downtown area of Bulawayo. However, this was on the condition that urban regeneration occurs in the near future.

THE IMPACTS OF URBAN DECAY ON ACTIVITIES IN DOWNTOWN BULAWAYO Interviews revealed that some of the retail activities are performing well despite the signs of decay. Some grocery retail businesses in the area indicated that they were satisfied with the business performance. However, retailers such as furniture stores, small scale tailoring, electronics and appliance stores

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 127 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) are facing challenges. The influx of vendors, hawkers in the downtown area was affecting their businesses since they operated in front of their shops, sometimes blocking the shop entrance and causing chaos and disorder. This is affecting business and reducing profits. There was also the challenge of shortage of parking space. Some of it has been invaded by the informal transport operators who scout for passengers.

Observation and interviews findings revealed that there exist pedestrian congestion and chaos in Bulawayo downtown area. The disorder and confusion associated with pedestrian congestion and chaos create a conducive environment for thieves to steal. This puts the lives of the public in danger. The business operators around this place also indicated that they are victims of theft. Bulawayo downtown area is also infested with illegal money changers who tend to block accessibility and movement of the pedestrians. Although Jacobs (1962) advocates for pedestrian activity in the downtown areas as a way of enhancing urban vibrancy and vitality, pedestrian movement in decayed regions ends up being messy and chaotic.

Informal transportation is negatively impacting on the formal transport system. The informal transport operators establish their illegal pick up and drop off points in strategic areas that make them close to the people. Although the public is not safe because of the inhuman driving behaviour and competition for customers in these areas, they still get more passengers than the formal transport areas who use designated places to pick and drop passengers. Eventually, formal transport operators make two or three trips a day whilst illegal transport operators make up to 15 trips a day. This leads to conflicts and disorder causing endless fights in the downtown area between illegal and formal transport operators. Thus, further compromising the safety and security of the public.

DISCUSSION Overall, the findings show that urban decay in Bulawayo downtown area occurs in spirals as put forward by (Kempen et al. 2005). Decay in the area is largely attributed to the abandonment of buildings, de-investment, deferred repair and maintenance of infrastructure and poor enforcement of regulations by local authorities. It confirms what scholars such as Andersen (2002) and Kempen et al. (2005) put forward that the abandonment of property exposes buildings and infrastructure to threats such as vandalism and fire outbreaks. These lead to decreasing property values in the area which encourages the relocation of investment to better places. This is confirmed in the studywhere

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 128 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) some businesses and property consultants are relocating to residential suburbs area in Bulawayo. Furthermore, the population composition Bulawayo downtown area validates the perception by Skogan (1992) that segregation as a sign of decay.

Segregation is also among the main signs of decay. The study findings show that the downtown area is characterised by low-income earners. As put forward by Skogan (1992) the low-income groups are associated with social problems that lead to decay. There are high levels of chaos and disorder which are worsened by rampant informality in the area. This is also attributable to the bad economic state of Zimbabwe as a whole.

The abandonment of building structures in Bulawayo downtown make them susceptible to vandalism, illegal occupation and fire outbreaks hence accelerating their dilapidation hence physical decay in the area. This validated what was put forward by Wilson & George (1982) in the Broken Windows Theory that broken windows should be fixed before more damage is done. The treatment of the downtown area as that far end of the town exposes the area to neglect by the local authority and property owners. This partly explains why the place has informal activities, poor solid waste management and high noise levels. The evidence of urban decay in Bulawayo’s downtown, characterised by dilapidated infrastructure, buildings, vice and conflicts, compromises the ability of the downtown area to be resilient.

CONCLUSION, POLICY OPTIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTION Based on the research findings, there is need for property led regeneration of the downtown area. This will help to bring back life to the downtown area by reviving it through addressing embedded failures of the market in the area and hence make it resilient. Comprehensive redevelopment can go a long way in addressing urban decay in Bulawayo’s downtown area. This may involve re-planning and rearrangement or reshaping of the downtown area. As much as informality is an indicator and cause of urban decay, there is need to consider informality in the regeneration exercises. This enables informal activities to coexist with formal activities and become a source of revenue for the local authority as well as a livelihood activity for the people, especially in circumstances of economic hardships. This creates a win-win situation that is beneficial to all parties. should consider the changing contexts. Robustness and adaptiveness should be key aspects in design. There is also need for infrastructure maintenance and replacement

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 129 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) in Bulawayo downtown area. This is because the street furniture has been vandalised and the roads are in a bad state. The provision of these facilities makes the area attractive to investment. The provision of proper infrastructure will also help reduce robbery cases and harassment. The City of Bulawayo should come up with a Local Development Plan (LDP) that covers the Bulawayo downtown area. This should offer to revive this decaying region. Thus, the BCC can capitalise on this LDP to revive the area. The LDP will also provide the direction of growth, and help to accommodate new uses which will enhance the ease of doing business in downtown Bulawayo. This will attract investment in the area.

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Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 132 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Savings Groups, Community Resilience Building and Social Protection in Hatcliffe, Harare TANATSWA S. CHINEKA AND MULWAYINI MUNDAU

Abstract The prevailing economic environment in Zimbabwe has given rise to intricate vagaries of an economic nature that have worsened the plight of poor households. It creates a need for appropriate social protection mechanisms of a development nature that improve the resilience of households at risk. This study sought to identify ways in which Community Savings Groups (CSGs) improve community resilience. Informed by the resilience theory propounded by VanBreda (2001), this study employed a mixed methods approach with a qualitative emphasis. Data were collected through focus group discussions and a brief survey on 39 participants who are members of two CSGs operating in the Hatcliffe community of Zimbabwe. In-depth interviews were carried out with selected key informants. An analysis of secondary records was conducted to augment the primary data. The research findings showed that CSGs provide accessible credit facilities that participants resort to in times of crisis. Furthermore, CSGs improve the capacity of participants to acquire assets which are liquidated in times of need. However, institutional and structural frameworks that protect and guide the operation of community savings groups are lacking in Zimbabwe. The study concluded that community savings groups constitute a viable social safety net for vulnerable rural households. The absence of coordinating and guiding institutional and structural frameworks detract from the potential of CSGs to effectively function as social safety nets. It is recommended that government and development agencies urgently provide institutional and structural mechanisms that coordinate and protect the operations of CSGs. A review of the legal frameworks guiding the operations of informal social security schemes such as CSGs is required.

Keywords: community, savings groups, social security, safety net, resilience, livelihoods

INTRODUCTION The economic vagaries present in Zimbabwe perpetuate debilitating conditions that progressively entrap and embed vulnerable communities and

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 133 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) households in vicious cycles of poverty. State instituted social protection mechanisms continue to be inadequate although they are largely remedial and curative. Given the high incidences of unemployment in Zimbabwe, private contributory social insurance opportunities are beyond the reach of the average citizen (Mtetwa, 2018). Nguluwe (2016) has identified Zimbabwe as one of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) states whose social protection coverage is not commensurate with the need for safeguarding citizens from economic adversities. There has therefore arisen the need to proffer alternative approaches to social protection that have a resilient building effect. The successful use of Community Savings Groups (CSGs) by development agencies to improve the livelihood outcomes of project beneficiaries has been widely documented (Brannen, 2010: Nadelman, 2005; Catholic Relief Services, 2010). This thrust has remained rather programmatic, requiring a shift to embrace a community resilience- building trajectory. Further, literature on the resilience building potential of CSGs in Zimbabwe remains rather limited. This study sought to contribute towards addressing that gap.

The bulk of the working population in Zimbabwe, housed within the informal sector, has become increasingly affected by the vagaries of economic instability. Continued price hikes have made business difficult, especially for poor households who have limited capacity to offset the additional cost of doing business. The contraction of local industries has created an excessive demand for imports, increasing the need for foreign currency. The unavailability and inaccessibility of foreign currency through formal financial institutions has created a vacuum which has been occupied by an illegal, flourishing informal parallel foreign currency market. These ‘money vendors’ offer foreign currency at high premiums such that they have been blamed by many as largely responsible for the increased cost of doing business in Zimbabwe. Given such an environment, those participating in the informal sector find their meagre profits continuously eroded, further diminishing their capacity to adapt to the changing environment. Such circumstances create a vicious cycle of poverty that entraps vulnerable households, further casting them into poverty.

There has therefore, arisen a greater need for improving the economic resilience of poor households, a need that calls for appropriate social protection initiatives. Such social protection initiatives should aim to strengthen the capacity of poor communities and households to regain functionality following adversities. The International Labour Organisation

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 134 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) (ILO) has identified the state as having the primary responsibility for providing social protection to its citizens (ILO, 2010). Mtetwa (2018) has highlighted the inadequacy of state funded social protection mechanisms in Zimbabwe. Coupled with the austerity policy trajectory embraced by the current administration, this renders formal state sponsored social protection an unviable option. Given such imperatives, community-based alternatives become the preferred option.

Mutual aid groups and related community mutual support initiatives have been hailed as pertinent resilience building strategies. Gitterman & Shulman (2005), state that the concept of mutual aid shifts the responsibility and ownership of change from external agents to community members themselves. Community Savings Groups (CSGs) have emerged as a central facet of development agencies’ efforts designed to improve the economic outcomes of programme beneficiaries. Conceptualised beyond the traditional programmatic role of improving program beneficiaries’ access to credit, these financially oriented mutual aid groups are vehicles for transformation. Their emphasis on harnessing social capital for sustainable transformation provides an impetus for exploiting them for community resilience building.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The study adopted the resilience theory as discussed by Van Breda (2001). The discussion conceptualises resilience as a multifaceted discipline that addresses the strengths that people and communities demonstrate, enabling them to rise above adversity. The domains of resilience theory broadly transcend individual, family, community, and policy resilience. Adger and O’Riordan (2000) argue that resilience should be regarded as a continuum seen in degrees or extents in relation to vulnerability, rather than a single state. Sen (1990) regards resilience as determined by the livelihood security of an individual or group. In addition, resilience can be viewed as a tool for analysing adaptive change towards sustainability, with greater resilience promoting greater sustainability. The resilience theory has particular relevance to this study given its focus on triumphs in the face of adversity, rather than vulnerability. It therefore represents a paradigmatic shift from deficit models to strengths-based models. Such a thrust reflects a focus on solutions that provides the needed conceptual framework for addressing the seemingly unsurmountable challenges associated with providing social security for those in the informal sector. Its relevance is quite pronounced when targeting underperforming economies such as those characterising the Zimbabwean

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 135 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) context. Given such vulnerability prone contexts, a deficit-focused approach will not result in much progress, but may rather give rise to despondency. The alternative approach provided for by the resilience theory is in keeping with the strength-based, grassroots approaches to development. This arguably best depicts the thrust of this study in recognising the opportunities presented by community savings groups to address the informal social security provisioning gap in Zimbabwe.

LITERATU RE REVIEW The right to security in the event of contingencies has been established in Article 22 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948). Social protection has been conceptualised as constituting public and private, or mixed, measures designed to protect individuals from life-cycle crises that inhibit them from realising their needs (Southern Africa Development Community, 2007). Social protection thus encompasses social security, social services and developmental welfare. Gandure (2009) posits that key features of social protection are predictability, consistency and transparency. These core attributes enable beneficiaries to make future plans and take calculated risks for future investments that can improve their vulnerability status (ibid.). Trust is therefore a key quality of social protection measures.

One of the key studies on social protection in Zimbabwe is a baseline study on social protection carried out by Gandure (2009). The study used a sector approach that classified social protection measures under education, health, food and nutrition, labour/formal sector, livelihoods and informal sector. The study identified the key stakeholders in the provision of social protection across these sectors as government, private and non-governmental organisations. These stakeholders provide a wide range of mechanisms designed for different categories of beneficiaries. Government channels were identified as deteriorating into varying states of decline and collapse whilst provision by NGO initiatives was observed to have patchy coverage and generally lacking in integration into formal systems. The wider coverage was found to be through the informal sector, which is however not well documented and understood.

The ILO (2012) has identified the state as having the primary responsibility for the provision of protection against contingencies that threaten the income security of its citizens. As such the primary responsibility for the provision of social protection in Zimbabwe rests with the state. The continued socioeconomic perturbations characterising Zimbabwe have rendered state

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 136 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) funded social protection mechanism to be largely ineffective. Gandure (2009) argues that most governmental initiatives generally lack predictability, consistency and transparency. Given that predictability, consistency and transparency are key features required of any social protection mechanism, the majority of initiatives in Zimbabwe have become inadequate.

VanBreda (2001) has highlighted the existence of various definitions of resilience. Broadly, these definitions identify resilience as entailing the capacity to maintain competent functionality in the face of adversity, as well as capacity for adaptation and recovery. Thus, the ratio between adverse circumstances and the presence of protective factors provide an appreciation of the degree of individual, family or community resilience. Protective factors include social, institutional and familial safety nets (VanBreda, 2001). These factors are understood to each have a bearing in addressing the hazardous, adverse and life-threatening circumstances faced by vulnerable groups. Antonopoulos (2013) has outlined how vulnerable groups such as women require some range of protection, given the peculiar dynamics (gender dynamics in the case of women) that differentially affect them.

The complex nature of the environments within which individuals live is recognised within the resilience theoretical paradigm. Berkes et al. (2003) have highlighted that the interaction between the systems of people and nature gives way to multiple scales of variables, cross-scale connections, and nonlinear interactions, which generate complex dynamics. As such, partial approaches to building resilience are ineffective as they focus on a singular aspect of reality which is interconnected. Resilience theory has therefore emphasised integrated approaches to development that addresses all the critical dimensions of development.

Resilience theory, especially when applied to community development work, has undergone considerable development over the years. Traditionally, resilience theory considered the community as a risk factor. It proposed that, the stressors that families and individuals have to withstand and which precipitate crises are considered to be originating from the community. Poverty, crime, political instability, discrimination and lack of community resources have all been identified as community stressors that impact negatively on individuals and families. Such a deficit emphasising approach to resilience theory has since evolved, placing a greater focus on the inherent strengths such a community may have. Such strengths are recognised to emerge from the support systems located outside the individual and

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 137 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) immediate family boundaries. They therefore include the extended family, religious communities and the local community.

Several strategies which ultimately enhance the coping capacities of vulnerable individuals and communities have been employed by communities as a way of improving resilience. The phenomenon of coping in the face of adversity provides the springboard for building resilience. VanBreda (2001) has discussed coping as the actions taken by people to avoid being harmed by the strains of life. The basis of most community-based resilience building initiatives is the concept of mutual help. As argued by Gitterman & Shulman (2005), human reciprocal relationships have the inherent potential to provide group members with a sense of greater personal, interpersonal, and environmental control over their lives. This ultimately leads to a greater ability to negotiate high-risk situations.

Social support systems have been identified as providing critical channels for building community resilience. Gitterman & Shulman (2005) argue that in the absence of community and family support, vulnerable people are often at risk of physical, psychological, and social deterioration. VanBreda’s (2001) discussion identifies four forms of support that can be conceptualised under social support systems. These include instrumental support in the form of advice and guidance that promote self-sufficiency, and social support that comprises of esteem and emotional support. Further, material support is a component of the social support system that involves the provision of goods and services that enhance the ability of individuals to meet their needs. Four major sources of social support have been identified across resilience literature. These include neighbourhoods, family and kinship networks, intergenerational support and mutual self-help groups. Of particular interest to these studies are mutual self-help groups, defined as associations of individuals or family units who share the same problems, predicament or situation. Such groups then band together and form a network for the purpose of mutual aid (VanBreda, 2001). Mutual self-help groups have been documented to meaningfully enhance the quality of life of members (Gittreman & Shulman, 2005).

The use of mutual aid to address overwhelming and oppressive circumstances is well documented. Resilience through mutual aid has been observed for various categories of vulnerable populations. Nadelman (2005) has examined the use of mutual aid groups to build resilience amongst adolescents, Getzel (2005) in supporting people living with HIV/AIDS and Knight (2005) in capacitating victims of sexual abuse. These studies have captured how

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 138 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) vulnerable groups have rallied together on networks, using the strength in numbers, to overcome, adapt and cope with life stressors. A recurrent theme across the literature is the healing effect of mutual aid groups; where social capital such as solidarity is used to build resilience.

The focus of social support systems is reduction of stress by improving harmony between the individual and their environment. Primarily, this is achieved through two principal ways. The first involves strengthening an individual so as to achieve better esteem and emotional wellbeing. The assumption is that a person who is emotionally stable and healthy has a better capacity to adapt to and accommodate the environment. Secondly, the provision of network support functions to improve the decision-making influence, self-confidence and autonomy, which develop the capacity of an individual to control and modify his or her environment. As social support systems enhance the individuals’ ability to modify and accommodate the environment, better adjustment and psychosocial functioning is achieved.

Community-based approaches to social protection, amongst them savings groups, have long been established as having the widest coverage due to, inter-alia, their accessibility (Gandure, 2009; Mtetwa, 2018; Gitterman & Shulman, 2005; Nguluwe, 2016). Community savings groups (CSGs), in their various forms, have been identified across social protection literature, as a key facet of informal social protection mechanisms (Mtetwa, 2018; Gandure, 2009; Kaseke, 2018, Brannen, 2010). Founded on the basis of mutual aid, CSGs present remarkable opportunities for building community resilience. They constitute a resilient strategy to community development that focuses on the strengths that communities possess. They therefore constitute an alternative for to state instituted social protection.

The capacity of CSGs to improve the livelihood outcomes of vulnerable households have been captured in various studies. Poor and vulnerable households have competing demands on their limited financial resources. The financial benefits from CSGs have been observed to improve income security, leading to better livelihood outcomes. Brannen (2010) has discussed how CSGs have been used in Tanzania to deal with the consumptive needs and strengthen the productive capacities of poor households. Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) (2010) highlighted how small-holder farmers have built greater resilience through access to basic financial services provided by CSGs. Child Protection in Crisis (2011) has demonstrated how CSGs have been employed in various communities to strengthen the resilience of children, particularly those in child headed households.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 139 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The research design for this study constituted a mixed methods approach. Despite having fundamentally different philosophical assumptions, qualitative and quantitative approaches are not inherently incompatible. Rather, as contented by Rubin and Babbie (2011), they address different aspects of reality. This ability to perceive phenomenon through a wider lens ensures that research captures a clearer and more comprehensive picture of reality. Therefore, the use of the mixed methods approach in this study thus sought to provide a more complete representation of the subjects under investigation. Primary data were collected through focus group discussions and a brief survey with 39 participants who are members of two CSGs operating in the Hatcliffe community of Zimbabwe. In-depth interviews were carried out with 4 selected key informants. These covered the main institutional networks involved in the implementation of CSGs programmes. These included a project officer responsible for training and supporting CSGs, a government official from the ministry responsible for local government, an official from the ministry responsible for community development as well as a field facilitator trained to provide community-based support to CSGs. An extensive perusal of secondary records was then conducted to augment the primary data. Electronic data collection and processing was carried out thorough recording and latter transcribing and translating the data. The data analysis process initially involved organising it into thematic folders. Emerging themes where then analysed in line with the study objectives, allowing for a comprehensive thematic content analysis. Quantitative data were fed into the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for processing and analysis. The results were then placed into tabular form and graphs using Microsoft Excel package. The main thrust of employing a brief survey was to control for group think bias, which may have influenced the submissions during focus group discussions. More individualised responses captured in the brief survey were therefore used to counter such an effect.

RESULTS The data collected through the brief survey showed that the participation of women was larger than that of men within CSGs. Of the 39 respondents who took part in the brief survey, only 7 were men, and 32 women. This has been a consistent demographic trend across other studies on CSGs, with few exceptions. Fletschner and Kenney (2015) as well as Brannen (2010) have similarly found out that the composition of women tend to dominate men in CSGs. This is partly explained by the inaccessibility of other formal

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 140 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) financial and credit services to women, which leaves informal initiatives such as CSGs as one of the limited options. As women have easier access to CSGs, this presents a particular opportunity for building community resilience. Antonopoulos (2013) states that women tend to use their incomes for the betterment of the household and community than men. As such, the dominant participation of women in CSGs is more likely to benefit the household and community, thereby building their resilience. The study sought to identify the various forms of social support available to members of CSGs. Data gathered through focus group discussions and the brief survey revealed that various forms of social support were available to members of CSGs. The study categorised these forms of social support according to the three facets of social support systems discussed by Van Breda (2001). These are namely instrumental support, social support and material support. As submitted during the focus group discussions and brief survey, instrumental support given to CSG members was in the form of advice and information on markets, prices, foreign currency exchange rates and any relevant trending issues. Access to such pertinent information and advice enabled participants to make competent business-related decisions. In the face of increased perturbations, access to relevant information is a key factor that improves the capabilities of individuals to respond to deleterious circumstances. Under the category of social support, related benefits were observed to accrue to the participants. These constitute of emotional and esteem support that increases the self-confidence of members. The socioeconomic challenges faced by participants, as reported during the focus group discussion, have a negative impact on their self-esteem and emotional wellbeing. These derived from both the external and household environments. Submissions from 5 female participants during the focus group discussions revealed that pressures from household responsibilities, failure of businesses and abuse by husbands were amongst the challenges reported by participants. The other participants in the focus group discussions corroborated these submissions, adding that faced with such predicaments, the CSG was a constant source of encouragement and support. Fletschner & Kenney (2015) have highlighted a similar role played by informal social protection initiatives especially in responding to the challenges that differentially affect women. The provision of material support was identified by all the 39 participants during the brief survey, as another facet of social support system present in CSGs. This material support was primarily through access to saving

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 141 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) opportunities and access to loans. Members of CSGs are able purchase a desired number of shares, take out loans and return them with a stipulated interest. The accumulated savings and interest are shared out after a saving cycle, which for the two CSGs runs for 6 months. Each member receives an amount in proportion to the number of shares bought during the cycle. This opportunity for saving enabled the accumulation of assets when members accrued lump sums at share-out periods. These assets, as argued by the World Bank (2009) are a critical resilience building strategy as they can be liquidated and used to address future risks. The accumulation of assets further enables vulnerable households to undertake more risky business activities that have greater rewards, thereby opening opportunities for development. In addition, during the focus group discussions, 8 different participants highlighted that as CSGs provided them with access to loans, they could embark on new business ventures, expand current enterprises, as well as recover if their businesses make losses. The study’s main focus was on finding out the range of employment opportunities available to participants. Further, particular focus was on establishing the role that CSGs played in enhancing access to and maintenance of such employment opportunities. During the focus group discussions, the participants submitted that it was a binding regulation of the CSGs that each member undertakes some income generating activities (IGAs). This would facilitate the use of group loans for productive purposes and minimise their use for consumptive needs. The types of IGAs undertaken by participants included sewing (5), vegetable gardening (15), tuckshops (3), vending (7) and cross border trading (9). During the focus group discussions, it was established that the participants took out loans between ZWL50 to ZWL450 to fund their IGAs. In turn, the participants submitted that they made profits of between ZWL110 and ZWL970 based on these loans. The binding regulations and rules of CSGs therefore gave impetus to the initiation of productive activities, thereby leading to employment creation. Assessing the capacity of CSGs to improve the entrepreneurial capabilities of members was a key objective of the study. This lent particular focus to assessing the impact of participating in CSGs on the ability of members to navigate the adverse economic environments characterising Zimbabwe. Asked in what way participating in CSGs help them to address the economic shocks they faced, participants highlighted that several benefits were drawn from the CSG in this regard. The major benefits noted included access to capital for resuscitating failed businesses and access to information about the current market trends and dynamics.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 142 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) The economic environment in Zimbabwe was found to negatively impact CSGs. This presented through increased costs of doing business and cost of living. In relation to informal initiatives such as CSGs, a danger is created when the buying power of the accumulated savings would be eroded given the rising costs of production and living. Through the focus group discussions, it was established through the submissions of 9 participants that they employed various mechanisms to cushion the value of their savings and mitigate the depreciation of their savings. These included buying groceries as a group, exploiting economies of scale, and stocking them for distribution at their share-out periods. This would ensure that the rise of groceries in the future would have minimal effects on the participants. Another strategy involved converting accumulated savings into stronger, more stable currencies such as the United States Dollar and the South African Rand giving their savings stability and retention of buying power.

The study probed the sustainability of CSGs, which the study fathomed would implicate their effectiveness as channels for cultivating community resilience building. The study thus assessed the range of institutional support available to CSGs. Interviews with key informants revealed that the CSGs trained and administered by development agencies were graduated from agency support after an average of three years. The groups were then expected to rely on local community structures such as local authorities for guidance and support. In an in-depth interview, the key informants, one who was a development practitioner responsible for managing and supporting CSGs, reported that there lacked active coordination with local authorities that made this handover effective. Participants felt that they remained vulnerable if left with no active institutional support.

The study, within the context of CSGs’ sustainability, interrogated the availability of protective and guidance support through policy and legal frameworks. Through the in-depth interviews with key informants, there was found to be a dearth of institutional apparatus in the way of policy and legal provisions for guiding and protecting the operations of CSGs and related informal mechanisms. This has been voiced in various others studies (Mtetwa, 2018; Nguluwe, 2016). Pertinent legislation such as the National Social Security Act (17.04) provides rather vague reference to the operation of informal income strengthening mechanisms such as CSGs. Such a lack of policy and legal direction makes it an unsurmountable task for participants to claim and establish loci standi relating to the range of benefits and rights due to them. Such a loci standi is a prerequisite for CSGs and related initiatives

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 143 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) to be accorded the necessary recognition and space within formal institutional grounds.

DISCUSSION The demographic characteristics of CSGs continue to point to the reality that they remain one of the key social protection and micro-finance mechanisms that women can easily access. This has significant implications for enhancing household and community resilience. The OECD (2011) has highlighted how, in comparison to men, women are more likely to invest a higher proportion of their incomes into their households. As CSGs improve the financial security of women, who are recognised as critical to household and community livelihoods, households improve and community resilience is guaranteed. Given that the macroeconomic environment and general socioeconomic conditions are on an unprecedented decline in Zimbabwe, the livelihood outcomes of households and communities remain highly threatened. As such, enhancing the financial resilience of women through CSGs constitutes a direct and effective way to rein in the worsening plight of households and communities.

Women’s greater participation in CSGs represents an opportunity to redress the vulnerabilities created by the growing trends in female-headed households. Moser (1993) has discussed the various dynamics that exist within female-headed households, challenges that show to a greater susceptibility to vulnerability within such households. Further, Moser (1993) captures the increasing trends of women and children’s detachment from men’s income. Milazzo and Van de Walle (2015) have argued that female- headed households in Africa, though facing numerous vulnerabilities, have seen faster poverty reduction. These patterns point to the fact that the changing trends in marriage behaviour and family formations are giving rise to vulnerability within concerned households and communities. Nonetheless, when women are adequately empowered, such vulnerabilities tend to be reversed. Therefore, it is argued that CSGs, by improving the financial resilience of women, provide an opportunity to curtail the deleterious dynamics created by economic decline.

The instrumental support provided to members of CSGs in the form of advice and pertinent information on markets, prices, and foreign currency exchange rates is seen to be crucial in the current economic environments of Zimbabwe. Given the volatility and vicissitudes obtaining in the economic markets, access to current information becomes a vital resource. The

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 144 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) monetary market in Zimbabwe, dominated by a parallel and illegal foreign currency market, has proven to be quite fragile, giving away to sudden and abrupt changes. As attested to by the participants, such a contrary environment makes it very difficult to do business and retain competitive profit margins. Given that the majority of the working populace occupies the informal sector, a greater susceptibility to such shocks becomes apparent. Access to pertinent market information allows members of CSGs to make timely adjustments in the event of any changes occurring. Such adjustments can be in the form of pricing and related modalities. CSGs, by providing members with access to pertinent market information, improve their decision- making capacities, culminating in competitive advantages.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS The intention of this study was to assess how Community Savings Groups can contribute to community resilience building efforts. In this regard CSGs were conceptualised as alternative social protection mechanism that can address the income security gap created by the inaccessibility and unavailability of adequate formal social protection, specifically social insurance. A further aim of the study was to identify opportunities to expand the purview of CSGs within development work to go beyond programmatic lines. Women have been found to participate in CSGs more than men. This makes CSGs particularly better placed to improve community resilience as the gains that women accumulate in development efforts are more likely to be ploughed back into their households and communities. Thus, CSGs are viable platforms from which community resilience efforts can be launched. In addition, as women constitute a vulnerable sub-group of communities, these findings show that CSGs can be harnessed to capacitate even the most vulnerable members of societies.

The three facets of social support systems discussed by VanBreda (2001) were found in CSGs. These include social support, instrumental support and material support. A key finding was that participants acknowledged that CSGs provided them with financial benefits in the form of loans and saving opportunities (instrumental support). These benefits enabled them to embark on new business ventures, expand current enterprises and resuscitate ailing businesses. The opportunities for saving money enabled participants to accumulate assets. These could then be used to withstand future shocks, as well as provide security to undertake riskier endeavours that have greater returns. CSGs are therefore, viable channels for building the capacity of

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 145 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) vulnerable groups to accommodate and control external threats to their stability. The study findings highlighted that CSGs enabled participants to create employment opportunities for themselves. This provides some range of stability to the incomes of their households, thereby building their resilience in the face of future shocks. Of particular interest was the observation that participants employed various mechanisms to cushion the value of their savings in the wake of increased cost of production and living. This ingenuity within CSGs makes them ideal for promoting adaptability and change management. These are arguably valuable aspects of any resilience building mechanisms. It has been established within the resilience paradigm that resilience and sustainability are interconnected and integrated concepts. Berkes et al. (2003) state that the greater the resilience the greater the sustainability. Conversely, sustainable enterprises reflect greater resilience. The sustainability of CSGs was found to be undermined by a lack of continued institutional support. Further, a dearth of institutional support was evident. A lack of adequate legal and policy frameworks guiding and protecting the operation of CSGs and related informal initiatives makes them vulnerable. Opportunities for formal engagements thus remain limited. In light of the conclusions made in the study, the following recommendations are proffered: • The participation of women and other vulnerable groups in community savings groups should be actively encouraged. • Government should make urgent efforts to strengthen the legal and policy frameworks that apply to informal livelihood improvement initiatives such as community savings groups. • Development agencies should actively improve integration of community savings group programmes into local and national government structures. • The design of community savings groups’ programs should include a continuous capacity-building component facilitated through an integrative referral system. REFERENCES Adger, W. N. & O’Riordan, T. (2000). Population, Adaptation and Resilience. In: O’Riordan, T. (Ed.) Environmental Science for Environmental Management. 2nd Edn. Longman: Harlow, pp. 149-170. Antonopoulos, R. (2013). Expanding Social Protection in Developing Countries: A Gender Perspective. New York, Levy Economics Institute.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 146 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Berkes, F., Colding, J. & Folke, C. (2003). Navigating Social-Ecological Systems: Building R esilience for Complexity and Change. New York, Cambridge University Press. Brannen, C. (2010). An Impact Study of the Village Savings and Loan Association (VSLA) Program in Zanzibar, Tanzania. BA Hons. City: University. Aga Khan Development Network. (2010). Improving Small-Holder Farmers’ Access to Basic to Basic Financial Services and Agricultural Input and Output Markets. esearch R eport. Available online: https: //mangotree.org/files/galleries/ 779_Zimbabwe_85x11_LR.pdf> 08/08/2019. Catholic Relief Services. (2010). Savings and Internal Savings (SILC): The K ey to Helping Zimbabwean Youth Overcome Poverty. Baltimore, Catholic Relief Services. Child Protection in Crisis. (2011). The Impacts of Economic Strengthening Programs on Children: A R eview of the Evidence. Columbia, Columbia University Press. Fletschner, D. and Kenney, L. (2014). Rural Women’s Access to Financial Services: Credit, Savings, and Insurance. In; Gender in Agriculture. Springer, Dordrecht 187-208. Gandure, S. (2009). Baseline Study of Social Protection in Zimbabwe. Social Protection Technical Reference Group. Getzel, G, S. (2005). No One is Alone, Groups during the AIDS Pandemic in Gitterman, A. & Shulman, L. (eds) Mutual Aid Groups, Vulnerable and Resilient Populations and the Life Cycle (3rd Ed), New York, Columbia University Press. Gitterman, A. & Shulman, L. (2005). Mutual Aid Groups, Vulnerable and Resilient Populations and the Life Cycle (3rd Ed), New York, Columbia University Press. International Labour Organisation (2012). Social Security for A ll, Building Social Protection Floors and Comprehensive Social Security. Geneva: International Labour Office. International Labour Organisation 2010. Extending Social Security to all: A guide through challenges and options. Geneva. International Labour Office. Knight, C. (2005) Healing Hearts: A Bereavement Group for Children in Gitterman, A. & Shulman, L. (Eds.) Mutual Aid Groups, Vulnerable and Resilient Populations and the Life Cycle (3rd Ed), New York, Columbia University Press. Milazzo, A. and Van de Walle, D. (2015) Women Left Behind? Poverty and Headship in Africa. World Bank, Policy Research Working Paper 7331. Moser, N., O., C. (1993) Gender Planning and Development: Theory Practice and Training. New York, Routledge. Mtetwa, E. (2018). Rural Social Security for Zimbabwe: Challenges and Opportunities for State and Non-State Actors. African Journal of Social Work Vol 33, No 1 (2018). Nadelman, A. S. (2005). Sharing the Hurt, Adolescents in a Residential Settin. In: Gitterman, A. & Shulman, L. (Eds.). Mutual Aid Groups, Vulnerable and

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 147 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Resilient Populations and the Life Cycle (3rd Ed), New York, Columbia University Press. Nguluwe, M. S. N. (2016). Extending Access to Social Security to the Informal sector in South Africa: Challenges and Prospects. Mini Dissertation, North- West University. OECD (2011) Women’s Economic Empowerment . Paris, OECD. Rubin, A and Babbie, E. R. (2011). Research Methods for Social Work. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole Cengage. Sen, A. (1990) Gender and Cooperative Conflict. In: Tinker, I., Ed., Persistent Inequality, Oxford University Press Oxford, 123-148. Southern African Development Community (SADC). (2007). Code on Social Security in the SADC. SADC, Gaborone, Botswana. United Nations. (1948). Article 22: Universal declaration of human rights. UN General A ssembly. VanBreda, A. D. (2001). Resilience Theory: A Literature Review. Pretoria: South African Military Health Service. World Bank. (2009). World Development Report 2000/2001: Attacking Poverty. Washington, DC: World Bank.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 148 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Building Urban Resilience in the Face of Climate Change in Harare BRILLIANT MAVHIMA1

Abstract The paper focuses on aspects of Harare’s urban environment (H arare CBD in particular) that influence the city’s climate change adaptive capacity. The paper acknowledges that climate change has escalated from simply being an environmental issue to becoming an aspect of human lives. Whilst the initial emphasis was on mitigating climate change, the trajectory has changed to adaptation. Cities are now aiming for urban resilience as the effects of climate change on urban settlements are worsening by the day. Scholarship points out that climate change is caused by both natural and anthropogenic activities. As such, climate change adaptive capacity is linked to various issues including urban construction material and urban management institutions. The paper is informed by both qualitative and quantitative research techniques. Purposive sampling and randomised sampling were used in coming up with various samples. Interview guides, questionnaires and observation checklists were employed in data collection. Content analysis and statistical measure of central tendencies were used to analyse the data. The research established that the CBD of Harare is succumbing to the effects of climate change. The material used in the construction of pavements and buildings, the design of the city and the institutions for urban management within the city are not properly adapted to the change of climate demands. The paper recommends that a cycle lane be added within the CBD, a change of the type of material used in the construction of pavements and the conversion of Speke and First Streets into garden streets were proposed so as to encourage walking and place making in the CBD.

Keywords: climate change, urban resilience, adaptation.

INTRODUCTION Climate change issues began shaping up in 1987 with the Montreal Environmental Protocol. Though it had no climate change directly on the agenda, scholars believe it has made more impact on climate than the Kyoto Protocol (Intergovernmental Protocol on Climate Change, 2001).The agenda of climate change was then brought into play with the World

1Department of Rural & Urban Planning, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe Meteorological Organisation and the United Nations when they initiated the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The developments of the initiated board manifested in 1992 with the formation of the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change (UNFCCC). Though UNFCCC was later enforced in 1994 as a matter of disagreements among governments, it has had significant impact on global climate. In 1997, through the UNFCCC, governments met in Japan and the Kyoto Protocol was agreed upon. This was a convention on climate change which was later ratified in 2005 because of conflicts between governments (IPCC, 2007). Most recently in 2015, IPCC met in Paris COP15 under the UNFCCC and concluded that the procedures of the Kyoto Protocol were globally binding (IPCC, 2001). This has brought about a revolution, with UN Habitat focusing on climate change adaptation on designs.

The construction of Leadership in Energy and (LEED) approved buildings is evidence of the revolution (United Nations Environmental Program, 2009). The IPCC report indicated that Africa will suffer most from the consequences of climate change (Rankomise, 2015). In response, the African Union has also refocused its attention towards climate change. This focus has brought about the draft African Strategy on Climate Change of 2014 which aims to reduce emission of carbon as well as to adapt to climate change. Southern African Development Community (SADC) has also cemented the African effort to deal with climate change by producing the climate change adaptation strategy that came to being in 2011. Locally, climate change has also gained recognition by the government of Zimbabwe. The government acceded to the Kyoto Protocol in 2009 and re-acceded on the convention agreements in Paris UNFCC Conference in 2015 (GoZ, 2015). In reinforcing this the Government of Zimbabwe, through the Ministry of Environment, Water and Climate setup the Department of Climate Change that came up with Zimbabwe’s National Climate Change Response Strategy of 2015 (GoZ, 2015). All these efforts have had little impact on the designs that are under production in Zimbabwe (Rankomise, 2015). Harare has fallen victim to a series of climate change-imposed calamities that include heat waves, flash foods, erratic rainfall, and high temperatures among others (Chirisa et al. 2016).

LITERATU RE REVIEW Whilst climate change was less discussed in the 20th century, in the 21st century it has gained recognition in many global facets. Projections to

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 150 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) determine the dangers of climate change dates to 1987 (UNFCC, 2009). Findings show that the dangers of climate change internationally, regionally and locally have led to the decline of many economies and loss of human lives (UN Habitat, 2014; NASSA, 2011; UN, 2014). In response to the alarming discoveries, the initial trajectory of dealing with climate change was mitigation. However, upon realisation that the climate has changed, nations have refocused towards adaptation as a way of developing urban resilience. (Revi, 2008; De Vries et al. n.d) Urban resilience is gaining popularity in line with climate change adaptation as it offers better options of co-existing with the changing weather condition (UN Habitat, 2014; NASSA, 2011; UN, 2014). Climate change is not an isolated component but is rather interlinked with the socioeconomic aspect of an urban setup and thus requires a systems approach (EEA, 2011). To develop urban resilience, designs and policies policy need to be reoriented towards climate change adaptation. In line with this, cities need to enhance their adaptive capacities through designing for flexibility as well as placing relevant policies to deal with climate (European Environmental Agency (EEA), 2016). Harare in particular is also suffering the effects of climate change. This is resulting in flooding; heat waves and unreliable rain fall patterns being experienced in the city. These vulnerabilities prove the need for consideration of climate change in cities’ plans, development control and urban management.

The atmosphere has five different layers which are troposphere, stratosphere, mesosphere, thermosphere and exosphere (Hanwell, 1980). In the stratosphere lie the different gases which are transparent to solar radiation [short wave] from space and terrestrial radiation [long wave] into space (Whyte, 1995; Tanaka, 2006; Godrej, 2002). This is a natural process that cools or warms up the earth. If the atmosphere’s greenhouse gases are increased, more radiation and heat will be trapped between the Earth’s surface and the layer and therefore result in global warming. Global warming is one of the greatest factors that contribute to climate change. Figure 1 shows how the climate system operates in relation to the modifications by human and natural systems.

The earth has been facing high levels of emissions that have led to the modification of the ozone layer. Thus, greenhouse gases, mostly carbon have been increasing in the atmosphere. IPCC (2001) notes that in 200 years the carbon concentration has risen from 275 parts per million to 369 parts per million. This is a huge change that has resulted in the increase in temperature, hence the change in climate trends.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 151 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Figure 1: The Climate System (Whyte, 1995: 29)

The greenhouse effect is a process that is mostly pinned to development as it is a process that requires energy (Whyte, 1995). It is through the production of various energy forms that emissions are made, hence modifying the climate system. The process in which humans modify the natural environment to come up with settlements has driven us to another concept termed the ‘’urban heat island effect’’ which is a product of concrete jungles (Brown et al. 2005).

U RBAN H EAT ISLAND EFFECT Urban areas are generally warmer than their rural counterparts (Brown et al. 2005). This is because of developments, the replacement of natural vegetation and permeable surfaces with tarmacs and buildings that not only generate terrestrial radiation but also absorb more solar radiation. It means the environments are warmer during the day and at night. This process affects all areas, and they all become heat islands. The existence of these islands also modifies the climate of its surroundings and hence climate change occurs. When humans develop a virgin piece of land into a settlement, vegetation and the natural ground are modified. The buildings and pavements that are constructed generate more terrestrial radiation than what natural grounds generate (Tanaka, 2006). At the same time, the developments in

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 152 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) the area imply storage of extra solar radiation from space thus the area becomes hotter than normal and hence causes modification of the local climate.

D EALING WITH CLIMATE CHANGE The modification of climate by the greenhouse effect, and urban heat island effect among other processes [natural/anthropogenic] has left most urban areas vulnerable to drought, floods, high temperatures, decreased water quality and quantity among others (Chirisa et al. 2016). This change implies a transformation of human behaviour, environments as well many other aspects to suit the climatic trends. In trying to suit to the new climate patterns (EEA, 2016) drafted 3 forms of adaptation that cites adapt to generate urban resilience. The three are coping approach, incremental approach and the transformation approach. The coping approach is a method that entails decision makers/ planners choosing to cope with the stresses that the change in climate would have imposed. This is a reactive approach that involves methods to try and restore the quality of life in an area as well as trying to reduce the impacts of the disaster. This method only focuses on current problems and is not futuristic. The approach is more dependent on emergency budgeting and only focuses on problems that have happened and not what might happen for instance when Ernakalum (A city in Asmall City in India) flooded on the 9th of October 2011, the government began to send food aid to the people in temporary shelters as a means to survive. This is evidence of a coping strategy (Mathew et al, 2012). The incremental approach is a method of improving on existing structures to reduce the effects of the changes as well as increase the potential benefits that may arise. To augment the coping approach, the incremental approach adds the protection of current lives as well as reduction of potential negatives. This method focuses on trying to keep the current operations active. This approach has futuristic benefit but limited budgets. When cyclone Idai hit Mozambique, the governments entered a project of rebuilding clinics and covering the health sector to avoid water borne diseases (Hope, 2019). The transformational method approach tries to employ technology and human behaviour to transform the human lives to meet the needs of a potential climate change hazard or benefit. This is a proactive method of dealing with climate change-imposed stresses. It entails integration of all relevant stakeholders but remains flexible to ensure dealing with all changes that may arise. This approach can be evidenced in the introduction of conservative agriculture methods in areas like Chivi to deal with drought in the region.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 153 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) CLIMATE CHANGE AND CONSTRUCTION MATERIAL The construction sector has been contributing much in the emission of greenhouse gases (Institutional Investors Group on Climate Change, 2004). Buildings alone have been contributing 40% of the world’s energy usage, thus responsible for approximately one third of the world’s greenhouse emissions (United Nations Environmental Programme, 2009). The emissions in a building life span ranges from the manufacturing of the building material up to the demolition of the structures. Building material like cement has been noted to produce 8% of global green house during its production (Rousseau, 2009). Cutting down of wood for construction has also been contributing highly in deforestation and climate change. Consequent of the effects of building material on climate change, the concept of green buildings has been introduced. Green buildings have been defined as buildings with increased efficiency. This cover, energy, water and the construction material employed to reduce hazard in human health and well-being. In defining the green concept in architecture, nine indexes of buildings have been coined (Bauer et al. 2007). These include: • Green index- these focuses mainly in greening the place from walls, roof, water drains among other components of a building • Daily energy saving index- this looks at the energy efficiency of a building on a day to day basis. They include the window areas, sun, glass openings, heat insulation, air circulation, building material among others. • Water resource index- it takes cognisance of the water efficiency of a building. This also includes issues like rain water harvesting and grey water reuse. • Bio-diversity index- the index signals how a building includes components of the ecosystem for its continuous existence. • Carbon dioxide reduction index- It considers how a building reduces carbon dioxide emitting materials • Waste reduction index- includes good use or recycling of material, to reduce pollution. • Base water index- Includes permeability of floors • Sewage and trash improve index- Includes rainwater and sewage diversion, the enhancement of waste collection. • Interior Index-Simply the interior pollution control, and air purification.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 154 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Therefore, weighing each building in relation to the 9 indexes of green building can help in identifying the extent to which it skewed towards being a green building or not. This will also be determined by whether the construction material used is green material or not.

Building construction material bears certain elements of thermal comfort. Bricks have been known for having high thermal mass which make them relatively slow in heat conduction (Rousseau, 2009). Therefore, walls that are constructed with bricks are cool even in hot temperatures. Reinforcing steel for all structured buildings are fast conductors of heat but have relatively low impact on thermal comfort of buildings compared to bricks (UNEP, 2009). Construction and construction material of public infrastructure is also a factor that determines the adaptive capacity of an area. The construction of bitumen road surfaces for instance, plays a huge role in climate modification. Tar sands are one of the dirtiest and carbon intensive fuels on planet and thus are not sustainable given the climate status (Bauer et al. 2007). The emissions from production of bitumen currently are greater than carbon dioxide which is produced by Kenya and New Zealand combined. Thus, the American Concrete Pavement Association (Bauer et al. 2007) has come up with green highways as a substitute of asphalt roads that have a very high sustainability cost form its production up to maintenance. The concrete pavements are made from cement which besides its high carbon emission during production has relatively, larger advantages like minimal fuel consumption in vehicles because of its reduced deflection, construction of pavements requires lesser fuel than that of asphalt and the process of laying concrete pavements needs fewer raw materials as it is processed from by-products of industrial process like fly ash and slag cement (American Concrete Pavement Association (ACPA), 2007).

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The study by its nature was inclined in line with the pragmatist worldview; therefore, it engaged the mixed method approach. Questionnaires, observation checklist, interview were employed during the collection of quantitative data. Questionnaires were used to collect data from the vendors along the George Silundika, First, Angwa and Speke Streets. 40 respondents were engaged, 40 was selected as it lies within a range that assures statistical relevance (Bartlett, Kotrlik & Higgins, 2001). From a head count that was carried on the 6th of January 2017, it was found out that the area had 73 vendors in all. So, for the selection of the forty a code number was given to

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 155 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) each of the 73, all the 73 codes were written on pieces of paper and placed in a hat, they were mixed then randomly chose the 40 from the hat. In identifying the adaptive capacity of the area, observations and plates were engaged.

Street observations were carried on against a street observation checklist and a building checklist was used for all buildings. The process involved walking around the study area taking pictures to fully identify the adaptive capacity of the area in relation to infrastructure. These observations aimed at buildings, roads, walkways, trees, green spaces, drainage, water harvesting techniques among others. Pictures were taken with the consent of the people involved. Plates of climate change related features were taken, some of them included pictures of clogged drainages, forms of pollution present, buildings with interesting features, air-conditioning systems, lighting systems, flooded streets, tar macs among others. The selection of these features will be guided by literature review for example elements of LEED designs (United Nations Environmental Programme, 2009).

Interview guides were used in collecting qualitative data. In determining the area of research purposive sampling was engaged. In collecting data from climate change related institutions, semi structured interviews were engaged. These were done as they allowed me to interact with the key informants. These interviews were done in a face to face setting and therefore it allowed me to probe different questions of interest. An interview guide with properly structured questions was used. Statements like “tell me”, “as an expert what is …” were used as they allowed the interviewee to feel dignified and therefore bonded with me and gave me extra information. In collection of data of how institutions have dealt with climate change, documents were reviewed. Data collected through interviews and questionnaires were first coded then Statistical Package for Social Scientists was used to derive the means medians and modes among other statistical variances. In collection and dissemination of data, respondent protection was ensured.

RESULTS According to interviews carried out the causes of climate change from public perspective were divided into three, emissions [mostly from ex-Japanese cars and industries], deforestation and God’s time. 50 % of the interviewed members of the public believed that climate change was a result of emissions from cars, 35% from deforestation and 15% thought it was due to natural

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 156 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) change or God’s time. Emissions of greenhouse gases lie in first part; deforestation fits within the concept of urban heat islands and concrete jungle and God’s time can be linked to natural occasions like the El Niño effect. Whilst the public had this perception, officials from the Ministry of Environment Water and Climate placed the blame to emissions. In their policy document of intended contributions submitted to UNFCCC in 2015, a chart of the distributions shows that 49% of the emissions are from the energy sector. Their view is that the major contributor of Zimbabwe’s emission is the energy sector. This is attributed to the fact that 40% of Zimbabwe’s energy production is thermal and therefore emits greenhouse gases. This implies the need for Zimbabwe to shift its energy (off national grid) reliance patterns and move towards other alternative energy sources like solar energy. There is need for a shift from material and designs that need too much energy for heating, cooling or lighting. Figure 2 shows the emission contributions of different sectors to the carbon emissions of the nation as indicated by records from the Ministry of Environment, Water and Climate.

Figure 2: Zimbabwe Sector Emissions (The National Climate Change Response Strategy: Ministry of Environment, Water and Climate, 2017: 42)

EVIDENCE OF CLIMATE CHANGE The climate has changed, the records of climate from the meteorological department, proved that Harare had a maximum temperature of 27°C and minimum of 17°C in 2016 and in June the average maximum was 22°C and a minimum of 9°C comparing with the temperature from the same source,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 157 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) in 1980, the maximum was 24°C and the minimum was 14°C in January and 21°C maximum and 10°C minimum in June. These statistics evidence that hot days have become hotter and cold days have become colder. Figure 3 is a comparison of the data acquired from the Meteorological department shows a graph of temperature variation during the year 1980 and Figure 3 shows climate in 2016, the variances shows a change of climate. Comparing them to the climate variables in earlier studies, evidence that there are hotter days and less cold days and also show that general temperature has increased although it’s a slight change.

Figure 3 Comparison of minimum temperature: 1980-2016 (Adapted from Met Department, 2017)

EFFECTS OF CLIMATE CHANGE Climate change effects tend to be affecting people differently. 67.5% of the interviewed members of the public confirmed that the heat waves affected them the most. 35% mentioned cold temperatures and 15.5% flooding.Figure 4 shows various climates’ elements’ effects to different people. Most people prove to be suffering most from the heat waves. Amongst other variables this can be attributed to the fact that the CBD of Harare is 100% paved. The material used to pave the surfaces is mostly oil tars which absorb heat quickly therefore making the area generally warmer. Furthermore, Harare has fewer trees in the CBD and therefore the sun hits direct on people and surfaces exacerbate its effects.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 158 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Figure 4: Effects of climate change (Survey, 2017)

Inside buildings, climate change affected occupants differently. Data collected using questionnaires showed that occupants did not complain a lot about temperatures as most had air conditioners but however 63 % complained about the flooding in the streets and the rains claiming it was slowing down their business. Data collected using observation checklists indicated that the problems of flooding to business can be felt in Harare as the area does not have pervious surfaces and the drains are flooded. When the streets are blocked, movement is reduced in the CBD and therefore business is disturbed.

CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION METHODS AND VULNERABILITIES Climate change adaptation was done through various ways. Of the distributed questionnaire targeting the general public in the outdoor space, the effects of climate change were divided into heat, cold temperatures and flooding. In dealing with each of the effects, the public employed different approaches. During hot days, 60% took fluids (i.e. water, juices). 25% stayed under shade, 7.5% stayed indoors and the remaining 7.5% used other methods like sun screen, and hats among others. The intake of fluids by many respondents proved to be a way of refreshing and replacing fluids lost through sweating. The percentage also proves the need for clean water supply in Harare as most of the fluids taken in was water which they bought claiming that Harare water “was not safe to drink.”

The reason why 25% responded to the use of shade proved not to be a matter of choice but rather scarcity of cool places. Whilst they would want

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 159 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) to walk in direct sunlight, they had no option. Observations made proved that the outdoor area had more than 80% tarmac roads with trees less than 3, 80% again had no public shades or sitting areas. Thus, the people who responded that they go for shades were mostly concentrated in one street, first street. Besides First Street the other options were verandas, which are not conducive for sitting because of customers moving around. This meant that the CBD of Harare required trees and shades to help reduce the effects of the sun on people

Plate 1 shows people sitting in First Street in a very hot day. However, because of the few trees in the street, some have to suffer the excruciating pain of broad sunlight. This proves how deforestation has left Harare CBD prone to the effects of climate change particularly heat. Consequently, Harare CBD is now an urban Heat Island and thus worsening to climate change

Plate 1: First Street (Fieldwork, 2017)

During cold weather, 67.5% of the respondents to questionnaires confirmed they wore jerseys or jackets, 17.5% took in hot beverages (tea, coffee) and 15% stay indoors. The responses showed that most people wore warm clothes to help with the cold temperatures. By its altitude, Harare is bound to be very cold in winter. This is worsened by clear streets that allow free passage of wind, thus pointing to the need for trees in the CBD. In the context of artificial flooding, 75% confirmed they stayed indoors or on verandas, 22.5% claimed to use cars and 2, 5% said they did nothing. Flooding has been

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 160 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) blamed for killing business by property occupants. This can be confirmed by 77.5% of the public stating that they do not move. Maps show that Harare CBD is built on Mukuvisi River catchment area, therefore it is bound to flood. The poor urban management systems have seen litter clogging the drains and therefore water flows on pavements. This is added on to the fact that 100% of the street surfaces are impervious surfaces, therefore runoff results in flooding. In dealing with hot days, 60% confirmed that taking fluids was their way of dealing with the heat. The sources of water they took in varied. 80 % of the interviewed confirmed that they bought bottled water. 10% either brought from home or got it from restaurants, 7.5% drank from council toilet taps and 2.5% said they had nowhere to find the water. The alarming statistics of 80% of the population buying bottled water proved the reduced quality and quantity of water in Harare. The CBD of Harare had no public water drinking points in the area of study. This is disturbing as the area is has two pedestrianised streets 50% of the office users depended on air-conditioning for cooling. The 50% rate of air conditioners proved why the energy sector had the highest emission level of greenhouse gases. Air conditioners are known for their high-energy demand. This also confirms the extent to which the infrastructure in the CBD is not adapted to current climate patterns. Plate 2 shows a fan inside a building that is used as a method of cooling the building. The picture shows a very old fan which is not very energy efficient. It requires more energy and hence more emissions. This method of adapting to climate change reveals that the building material is not conducive enough to self-regulate the heat levels of Harare CBD, thus rendering the buildings less resilient to climate change. As an approach to dealing with hot day, property occupants mentioned water. The water was drawn from various sources, 38.9% drank council water from taps and 2.8% either bought from home or drank from restaurants. 58.3% of people who had taps in their offices confirmed that they bought drinking water. This showed the level of trust that the respondents had in the purity of council water quality. However, it is worth noting that 38.9% still depended on water from council sources, implying the need for securing the continuous supply of council water.

CLIMATE CHANGE VULNERABILITIES The area of study had 5 streets namely; George Silundika, First Street, Speke, Angwa and Jason Moyo Avenue. 80% of the total street surface was paved

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 161 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Plate 2: Fan for Cooling (Fieldwork, 2017) with bitumen tarmacs. Only First Street had partially permeable surfaces in it. This proved that the CBD of Harare is what has been termed a “concrete jungle”. Observation of the material used in the design of the impervious surface, most of it absorbs heat and thus the area has qualities of urban heat island. The existence of many impervious surfaces may also explain why the CBD is affected by a series of artificial flooding. The surfaces do not allow for the infiltration of water resulting in high amounts of overland flow causing flush. Exacerbated by the poor drainage system in the CBD, the CBD suffers a lot from artificial flooding. The flooding in the CBD is also worsened by the fact that the CBD has few trees. From the 5 streets that were observed, it was noted that 60% of the streets had less than 10 trees. Jason Moyo Avenue had 1, Angwa Street had no tree, George Silundika had 2 Speke had 2. Only First Street had trees above 10. Table 1 shows different ranges of numbers of trees in the streets. The reduced numbers of trees implies that the area is now hotter than usual and given the changes in climate patterns, it can be even worse. Trees have been known for reducing greenhouse gases as they hold them in what has been termed carbon sink (Rankomise, 2015). Given the number of trees in the CBD, Harare CBD is a net emitter of greenhouse gases.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 162 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Table 1: Trees in the study area (Survey, 2017)

Number of trees Frequency Percent 0-10 3 60.0 11-20 1 80.0 01 100.0

The few trees observed in the CBD imply that there were few sitting spaces under the shade. Four of the streets had no sitting spaces for the public and neither did they have shades. Observations proved that of the populations under study only First Street had sitting spaces that were either under trees or under the sun. The unavailability of sitting space can be attributed to the uses of surrounding properties Most of them are offices and parking spaces. However, Speke Street is a pedestrian dominated street, and therefore requires seating spaces. Table 2 shows a table that evidences the availability of sitting spaces in the area of study.

Table 2: Sitting spaces in the streets (Survey, 2017)

Availability Frequency Percent Intermediate 1 20.0 No 4 80.0 Total 5 100.0

Around the few sitting spaces available, finding drinking water was a problem. The only visible water reticulation structures were observed malfunctioning water fountains in First Street meant for scenic purposes. This shortage makes Harare CBD occupant very susceptible to climate change, particularly heat waves. The unavailability of water in pedestrian streets needs to be addressed since some people fail to find water in the CBD, thus jeopardising their lives.

The area of study had pedestrian walk ways in every part of the street. However, there were no cycle lanes or cycle parks. Harare CBD accommodates pedestrian traffic and vehicular traffic this is clear as pedestrian paths are everywhere. However, according to secondary records it is worth

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 163 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) noting that the safety of public when crossing roads is not guaranteed as the infrastructure that was built for that purpose was installed in 1989 (Local Development Plan 22).

The CBD of Harare does not accommodate cyclists. As a result of having no infrastructure present to accommodate cycling, it gives the CBD focus on two modes of transport which are driving and walking. Whilst walking is the most sustainable way, driving on the other hand involves a lot of emissions and congestion which make the area hot. This corresponds with the responses of the public on the use of bicycles with one saying in an interview “kuchovhachiii? N dokutsvaga kufa manje!”1 Meaning riding what? Its suicide! This approach towards cycling explains why 70% of the people chose footing and 30 mentioned cars as a way of transport.

Observations also identified that the CBD is still depending on old technology of street lighting. The lights were close together with a light after every 10 metres. This density can be justified by the darkly coloured asphalt roads that require more lighting. In the sampled area, all the lights depended on electricity from the national grid. Thus, the continued use of the lights means more electricity demand and hence more emissions during production

Plate 3: Street Lighting Technology (Fieldwork, 2017)

1 A vendor interviewed on the 4th of February 2017

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 164 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Plate 3 shows the image of the street lighting technology that is used in the CBD of Harare, Angwa Street. The technology relies on the national electrical grid. The lights are old models and thus are not energy efficient. Thus, their continued use implies intense pressure on energy meaning need for generation of more electricity and high emissions.

Besides the 100% tarmac used in street design, 94, 4% of the buildings were constructed using glazing and brick. Finishes like wall cladding (mostly using clay) and plastering were dominant within the study area. This type of material has a low thermal mass implying that it is slow in heating as well as cooling. This explains the need for artificial warming and cooling which has been seen by the existence of fans, air conditioners and heaters. Since most buildings are multi storeyed, the reinforcing steel makes fast conductors of heat contributing to the effects of heat waves in buildings in the CBD.

The buildings observed in the study area had different roof types. 69, 4% of buildings in the area has IBR sheets covering the roof. 16.7% were concrete slabs, 8.3% asbestos and only 16.7 % had concrete tiles. Figure 5 shows the percentages of different types of construction material used in the CBD. Roofing that is mostly used in the CBD is made of steel which is a very good conductor of heat. This is exacerbated by the fact that most of the roofs are made of dark coloured material that retains heat. As a result, they are always hot. Concrete slabs used to cover some buildings offer an opportunity for green roofs. Whilst if dark coloured roofs are painted in light colours, they can reflect the short wave (extra-terrestrial radiation) and reduce the effects of heat waves on buildings.

Figure 5: Roofing Material Used (Survey, 2017)

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 165 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Observations on buildings also proved the limited existence of water harvesting. From the 36 buildings observed, only 5 harvested water. The water was harvested using the bucket, and from interviews with the occupants, it was used for mopping the floors mostly. The shortage of water in Harare and the poor quality of Harare City water demands for the engagement of water harvesting. The reason for occupants not harvesting water can be linked to the response that water in the CBD was flowing from the tap 24 hours a day. As a result, the occupants had no need to harvest water. However, harvested water is cleaner and less contaminated than the city’s water (as confirmed by 51,8% water buying rate of occupants and 80% drinking water buying rate of the public), thus need for considering water harvesting as an option.

DISCUSSION Urban Heat Islands and Emissions, Harare CBD can be considered as an urban heat island and it also attributes highly to emissions. This is attributed mostly to the design of Harare buildings and infrastructure. The observations showed that of the 36 buildings observed, only two, Batanai Gardens and ZB building had elements of a Low Energy Efficient Designs, meaning that most buildings were not properly adapted to the current climatic conditions. Climate change impacts in Harare are being made worse by the type of material used in the construction of buildings. The material employed all has high thermal mass, making them hot during hot days. Rating the buildings with the index shown none can be called a green building as the water and energy indices cannot be met. Though some buildings have a good greening index like that of Batanai Gardens, most of them have 0 on green index. In trying to adapt to climate change, various approaches have been mentioned, Harare proved to be applying the incremental approach. This can be seen in the introduction of solar lighting in some parts of the city. However, it is worth noting that climate change issues are not yet fully appreciated by authorities and they are still taken lightly. Whilst the city authorities are working towards climate change, the major body of physical planning, the Department of Physical Planning is not yet adapted properly. This therefore reduces the capacity of the CBD as it is also affected by institutional rigidity.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Using a sample of the CBD of Harare, particularly the area bounded by Angwa, George Silundika, First and Speke Street, the study was focused on

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 166 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) assessing the climate change adaptive capacity of the CBD in search of potential for generation of urban resilience. It aimed at identifying the material employed in the design of the infrastructure for retrofitting purposes. The research identified that the area of study was mostly pavement and thus exposing the area to various effects of climate change. The impervious surfaces that had 80% asphalt roads and 20% concrete rendered the area a concrete jungle. The material used mostly absorbed extra-terrestrial radiation, thus making the area an urban heat island. This status implied that the area was not adaptive enough for the shocks of climate change.

The research also proved that the CBD had fewer trees and most of them were only on First Street. The levels of deforestation in the CBD also made it vulnerable to direct sunlight. This makes the CBD very hot during the hot days.

The CBD of Harare mainly depends on electrical energy in powering the light, cooling and heating the buildings and every other activity. This makes the CBD less adaptive as it depends on non-recyclable energy that involves emissions during its production.

Whilst the National Climate Change Response Strategy (2015) corroborating with the Zimbabwe Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (2015) identified ways of managing climate change mostly via reduction of vulnerabilities, the planning policy framework is still outdated and has not yet included climate change, making designs that are under production climate change vulnerable.

The evidence in the CBD indicates a high degree of vulnerability and limited climate change resilience. For the CBD of Harare to improve in terms of climate change resilience there is need for an improvement of both hard and soft infrastructure. In the context of soft infrastructure, the major planning bodies should add climate resilience as part of the planning systems, with the government through the Department of Physical Planning taking centre stage. In the context of hard infrastructure, resilience is linked to a reinvestment in climate change adaptive infrastructure. This includes water systems, solar harvesting mechanism, and adaptive road infrastructure among others. Having a combination of adaptive infrastructure both hard and small will pave way for climate change resilient city centre in Harare. In addition, the study recommends their cycle lanes be included within the CBD and Speke Avenue and First Street be converted into garden streets to reduce carbon emissions.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 167 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) REFERENCES ACPA. (2007). Environmentally and Economically Sustainable Concrete Pavements. Skokie: American Concrete Pavement Association. Bauer, M., Mösle:, & Schwarz, M. (2007). Green Building: Guidebook for Sustainable Architecture. Stuttgart: Springer. Brown, M. A., Southworth, F., Stovall, T. K., Ridge, O., & National Laboritory. (2005). Towards a Climate-Friendly Built Environment. Pew Center on Global Climate Change. Chirisa, I., Bandauko, E., Mazhindu, E., &Kwangwama, N. A. (2016). Building Resilient Infrastructure in the Face of Climate Change in African cities: Scope, Potentiality and Challenges. Development Southern Africa, 33(1), 113-127. doi: DOI: 10.1080/0376835X.2015.1113122. De Vries, H. J., Revi, A., Bhat, G. K., Hilderink, H., & Lucas,: (n.d.). India 2050: Scenarios for an Uncertain Future. Bilthoven: . Netherlands Environment Assessment Agency (MNP). EEA. (2016). Urban Adaptation to Climate Change in Europe 2016: Transforming cities in a Changing Climate. Copenhagen: European Environment Agency. doi: 10.2800/021466. Hope, M. (2019). Cyclones in Mozambique may reveal humanitarian challenges of responding to a new climate reality. The Lancet Planetary Health, 3(8), pp.e338- e339. IIGCC. (2004). Climate Change and the Construction Sector. Institutional Investors Group on Climate Change. IPCC. (2007). Cambridge University Press. UK: Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Mathew S., Truck S and Henderson-Sellers, A (2012). Kochi, India Case Study of Climate Change Adaptation to Floods: Ranking Local Government Investment Options. Global Environmental Change. 2012 February 1: 22 (1): 308-19. Rankomise, O. A. (2015). Climate Change in Zimbabwe: Information and Adaptation. Cape Town: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Retrieved from www.kas.de/Zimbabwe/. Revi, A. (2008). Climate Change Risk: An Adaptation and Mitigation Agenda for Indian cities. Environment and Urbanization, 20(1), 207-229. Rousseau, D. (2009). Environmentally Friendly Building Material. Sustainable Built Environment. Tanaka, S. (2006). Climate Change. Toronto: Ground wood. UN Habitat. (2016). Climate Change Adaptation and Resilience. UNEP. (2009). Buildings and Climate Change: Summary for Decision-Makers. Paris: United Nations Environment Programme.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 168 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) UNFCC. (2009). Climate change: Impacts, Vulnerabilities and Adaptations in Developing Countries UNFCCC: Least Developed Countries under the UNFCCC. United Nations. (2014). Open Working Group Proposal for Sustainable Development Goals. Retrieved 12 04, 2016, from http: //undocs.org/A/ 68/970. Whyte, J. P. (1995). The Green House Effect and Climate Change. Springer Publishers. London. Zimbabwe, G. o Z. (2015). Zimbabwe Climate Change Response Strategy. Government Publishers Harare.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 169 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Streetscaping Beitbridge Central Business District for Public Space Quality Enhancement NICHOLAS MULEYA1 AND BUHLE DUBE2

Abstract This study unravels processes and approaches towards external urban environment quality enhancement from a streetscaping standpoint using the case of Beitbridge Central Business District. It acknowledges that the built environment’s public space ought to be enhanced from multiple dimensions. One among them is the streetscape concept. Despite the known benefits of a high-quality public space, there is a dearth of scholarly investigation of this in Zimbabwe. A mixed-method approach that involved detailed surveys aided by structured observation of the streetscape and its usage, key informant and general interviews, and desk review of secondary sources constituted the methodology of this study. Despite substantial work towards the improvement of the urban environment, this study discovered that there is still a significant mismatch between the existing image of the town and the societal expectations from the southern face of Zimbabwe. This call for the prioritisation of public space designing, by the responsible authorities, whose ultimate aim is to enhance the quality of urban environments for maximum value derivation. The study concludes that a ‘street’ is more intimate to humanity due to its three- dimensional nature that integrates buildings, the sidewalk, the traffic surface, furniture and other infrastructure while a ‘road’ is merely a two-dimensional traffic surface that is more intimate to vehicles. The ‘streetscape concept’ is promising to produce inclusive, smart and human responsive urban public space.

Keywords: streetscape, public space, environmental quality, enclosure

INTRODUCTION The ‘streetscape concept’ is promising to produce inclusive, smart and human responsive urban public space. Various commentators agree that ‘public space’ refers to the external component of the built environment that is accessible by the public for example streets, public parks and any land lying between

1Lutanda Private Limited Company (ta Responsive Human Environments) 2Lupane State University private landholdings (UN-Habitat 2016; Carmona et al. 2010; Harvey 2009; Tonnelat 2010; Dilorenzo 2011). Public space is three-dimensional since it includes adjacent buildings (Gillespies 2007, Local Government Association of South Australia 2014) In addition, the Belfast City Centre Regeneration Directorate (2005) emphasised that the term includes all the physical elements that are in that space such as street furniture, surfaces landscape and building facades.

The Local Government Association of South Australia (2014: 9) further revealed that the three key elements that influence public space are “the buildings that enclose and define the space, the space itself, and the people that inhabit the public realm and the way they use the space”. Gillespies (2007: 5) concurred that ‘’public spaces are enlivened by the presence of people. This conceptualisation of public space shows that people cannot be separated from the public space. In support of this view, Lofland (2009) highlighted the importance and inseparability of people from successful public spaces.

It is generally agreed that the quality of public space positively contributes to the people’s quality of life (Dilorenzo 2011; Gillespies 2007; Urban October Background Paper 2015; Wojnarowska 2016) and is also a major contributor to social conscience (UN-Habitat 2010: 140; Rio 2004: 38). The UN-Habitat (2016: 131-132) highlighted that the Sustainable Development Goal Specific target 11.7 is evidence of the importance of public space to humanity:

By 2030, provide universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women and children, older persons and persons with disabilities.

Public space plays a pivotal role in urban structure, character and attractiveness of the townscape (Wojnarowska 2016; New Master Planning Limited 2008; Project for Public Spaces 2012) and thus allows cities to compete for (Rio 2004: 38; Trip 2007: 502). A public space has the potential to reposition, reimage and market a city; and improve the city’s tourism potential (Harvey 2009). It is the ‘lifeblood of the city’ (Carmona et al. 2010: 137) that gives a city its image and sense of place (Dilorenzo 2011; Gillespies 2007; Harvey 2009). Public spaces promote human health (CABE 2011; Harvey 2009), regulates the adverse effects of climate change (Maulan 2015); enhances economic performance and attracts investment (New Zealand Ministry of Environment 2005; UN-Habitat 2015; Urban October Background Paper

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 171 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) 2015) and promote social inclusiveness (Rio 2004; Koray 1999). The Urban October Background Paper (2015: 3) calls public space the “poor man’s living room”. Furthermore, the public space offers to the public ‘opportunities for learning, communication, refreshing and political activities’ (Lofland 2009: 231).

THE STREETSCAPE This study is confined to the streetscape which, according to Jacobs (1961: 29), is the major component of the public space and a chief determinant of the state of public space:

Streets and their sidewalks, the main public spaces, are its most vital organs. Think of a city and what comes to mind? Its streets. If the city’s streets look interesting, the city looks interesting, if they look dull, the city looks dull (Jacobs, 1961:29).

Moughtin (2003: 129) defined the term ‘street’ as “an enclosed, three- dimensional space between two lines of adjacent buildings”. Carmona et al (2010: 183) described the street as ‘linear’. Both sources distinguished a street from a road: the primary purpose of a road is a thoroughfare for vehicular traffic, while a street is more than a road because it runs within the built-up area between adjacent buildings. In this way, the building facades give the street an additional dimension, which makes it three-dimensional. The Project for Public Spaces (2008) indicated that when a street is characterised by minimal human presence, it is merely a conduit for vehicular traffic. In light of the undesirable state where vehicles dominate the streetscape over humans (UN-Habitat 2013; Project for Public spaces 2008), the UN- Habitat (2013: 152) calls “streetwise prosperity versus petrol-powered prosperity”. This is in line with the general consensus that streets must be viewed as human social spaces (CABE 2011; Fredrickson 1999; Project for Public Spaces 2012). The relationship between the street width and its height (walls of buildings fronting the street) is important in assessing the degree of street spatial containment or enclosure. Poerbo (2001: 305) has highlighted that:

[e]nclosed spaces are visually pleasing and create a sense of place. They provide variety of visual interest, and are more ‘comfortable’ at the pedestrian scale. If the space is too large, a frequent problem, there is a loss of comfortable contact with the surroundings and a tendency towards a feeling of agoraphobia. The counterpart, less frequently encountered, is a space, which is too small, leading towards a feeling of claustrophobia.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 172 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) In consistence with the foregoing, the Edinburg City Council (2003) agree that the height to width ratio of 1:3 is an effective ratio; not too wide but still has a spatial appearance. The effect of the streetscape diminishes when the street width is wider compared to its walls, for example 1:6 or more. Carmona et al(2010: 183) concurs that if the walls are low in relation to the street width, visual enclosure or containment is lost. On the other hand, “if the building height exceeds the width of the space, then the tops of the buildings will no longer be visible without looking up”. Such heights reduce light penetration and ventilation into the space, for example a height to width ratio of 2:1. A tree canopy can also be used to spatially define street enclosure as shown in Figure 1 (Edinburg City Council 2003: 43). The enclosure concept seems to provide an opportunity for designers to intimately link public space with human needs and desires.

Figure 1: Street height to width ratios. Source: Edinburg City Council (2003: 43).

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 173 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) PUBLIC SPACE QUALITY Malek et al. (2010: 6) defined ‘quality’ as the “degree of excellence by which we satisfy the needs of the customers”. Quality means fitness for use, capacity to satisfy wants or suitable for its intended purpose (Cafuta 2015; Malek et al. 2010), and conformance to requirements and delighting the customers (Malek et al. 2010). Malek et al. (2012) emphasised that quality is about the actual users. The approach is based on Cafuta’s (2015) user-based definition of quality. Therefore, the quality of a public space is measured by its ability to meet the needs and desires of the users (Malek et al. 2010). Given the definition of ‘quality’, the understanding of human experiences and desires on the streetscape is an important ingredient towards the enhancement of the public space quality.

According to the Urban October Background Paper (2015: 2) the theme of the 2015 United Nations Habitat Day ‘Public Spaces for All’ was proclaimed as a result of a realisation that the public space often has been undervalued, while, in actual fact, it is the backbone of cities and is central to the creation of an inclusive city as required by Sustainable Development Goal 11 that seeks to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable” (ICSU/ISSC 2015: 55). Trancik (1986) concurs that the institutional neglect of the public space is a monumental problem both because of minimal investment in maintaining public space and a general lack of interest in controlling the physical form and appearance of the city. Freirre (2006) argues that most cities in developing countries have to juggle with the desperate needs for basic services required for the growing number of the urban poor. This is seemingly happening at the expense of public space quality. However, Cloete and Yusuf (2018: 36) warns that the ‘quality of public spaces should rather be viewed as a basic service such as transport and sanitation’.

On the other hand, the streetscape which is the major public space in cities and has the potential to influence the quality of public space is reported to have smaller pieces of land devoted to it in Africa. It has less than 20% when compared to other continents that are above (UN-Habitat 2016) and is biased towards vehicles compared to humans (UN-Habitat 2013: 152; Project for Public spaces 2008).

The vision for the Ministry of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing in Zimbabwe reads ‘Sound local governance and quality-built environment by 2030’. However, a lot of literature has been written on

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 174 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) local governance and basic service delivery (Freire 2006; Chaeruka and Munzwa 2009; Chirisa and Dumba 2011; Muderere 2011; Chirisa and Jonga 2009), but there is a dearth in literature on the quality of the built environment, in particular public space quality improvements. Investigations specifically targeted towards the public space, image or physical appearance, the streetscape and beauty of cities are patchy if not absent in Zimbabwe. Practically, it is acknowledged that there is a mismatch between the current urban quality in Beitbridge and the expectations of the border town (Muleya 2006 and Singo 2012). The need to fill this gulf in knowledge about the neglect of urban quality; the desire to check if public space in Beitbridge Municipality conforms to the contemporary theme ‘Public Space for All’ the intention to influence the local and master plans which are yet to be prepared for the first time; and the need to set the scene towards the Ministry’s vision 2030 on the quality of the built environment; provides the necessary basis for this research. This studytherefore strives to find strategies that may be used to improve public space quality from the streetscaping point of view given that the street constitutes the major component of the public space.

METHODOLOGY The study was conducted in Beitbridge Municipality Central Business District. Beitbridge is a border town located at the southernmost part of Zimbabwe and it shares the border with South Africa. Figure 2 shows the location of the study area.

A mixed-method approach that involved detailed surveys aided by structured observation of the streetscape and its usage, key informant and general interviews, constituted the fieldwork of this study (Figure 2).

PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS This section is broadly divided into two major parts namely the street walls; and the street surface and furniture. In alignment with the main objectives of this study, in each case, the analysis will focus on the state of the existing streetscape in Beitbridge C.B.D and discuss the potential of the streetscape concept in the enhancement of public space quality.

STREET WA L L S The study area was divided into ten blocks as illustrated in Table 1.

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 175 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Figure 2: The study area (Source: Google Maps, 2019) Beitbridge Municipality Central Business District.

Block A and B Detailed observations revealed that Block A is characterised by double-storey buildings of uniform height and continuous frontage but the continuity is disrupted by the incomplete structures and a vacant stand at the western end of the block. It was observed that the dominance of glass in the ground floor makes the block interesting, it allows for window shopping and street surveillance. The continuous canopy protects the pedestrian in the sidewalks from the sun’s intense heat and from the rain. However, given the north- west to south east orientation of the block, the entire sidewalk is exposed to the direct sun in summer especially towards the evening.

Block B is dominated by a single-storey and small standalone buildings, a chunk of vacant space, and a double-storey Border Service Station (at the junction with the Hagelthorn Road). The block is characterised by discontinuous frontage and the alignment of buildings in relation to the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 176 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) street (the Great North Road) is not clearly defined. The height, size and unnecessary spaces between buildings next to and including the informal market stand have made the Great North Road to totally lose a sense of coherence and enclosure.

Table 1: The ten blocks in the study area

Block Name Location Notable Buildings or Structures ANorth of Great North RoadThe Barclays Building, Matopo Book centre and Living Waters. BSouth of Great North RoadThe informal market stalls and the Border Service Station. CWest of Justitia RoadThe Barclays, Local Authority Building and government residential houses. DEast of Justitia RoadFirst and Last Building; ZESA office and workshop and ZIMRA flats. EEast of Granite RoadBeitbridge Inn Hotel, the Shushine garage and the Colbro Truck Park. FWest of Granite RoadBorder Service Station and the MIPF building. GWest of Hagelthorn RoadAllen and Wack, the Jayas Restaurant and DHL. HEast of Hagelthorn RoadThe Old Police Station, the Croc Restaurant and the Local Government Offices. IWest of the highwayThe ZESA mall and NSSA hotel. (northern tip, CBD expansion zone). JWest of the highway Stadium and residential areas to the west of a buffer.

Of prominence in block B is the unpleasant- looking market stalls as given in Plate 1. The structures are made of scrap material and wooden supports,

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 177 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) the materials of which, do not in any way meet urban standards. Given their location at the entrance of the C.BD and in front of an appealing commercial block of buildings (Block A); the structures actually detract attention from the attractive amenity of the entire townscape.

Plate 1: The relationship between the informal structures and Block A

It is important to clearly state that vendors and public markets should not be considered as a streetscape nuisance; they play an important role and thus should be accommodated. The market owners and the general public are in unison when it comes to the important role played by markets as they offer convenience to customers who need to buy petty goods. The Project for Public Spaces (2008) argues that markets actually help to bring liveliness and convenience in the street. They specifically promote the kind of shopping that involves small purchases such as newspapers, air time, clothes and magazines, among other things. It is important that vending structures need to be carefully designed and located according to community needs and specific guidelines that will enhance the place’s friendliness and character.

Generally, the two blocks (A and B) are facing the Great North Road, which is actual a transportation ribbon that is not physically connected to the two blocks that it is meant to serve as a street. Observation has shown that the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 178 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) street does not connect to the buildings on either side; it is kerbed and the streetscape was characterised by what used to be an undefined space (currently paved as parking) that exists between the road and the buildings. Conversely, the buildings do not reinforce and define the street character. The striking height and quality contrast between the structures either side of the same street (Blocks A and B); the unnecessary vacant spaces between buildings and low height of buildings on Block B; and the lost spaces between the traffic surface and the buildings contribute to total loss of coherence of the street’s spatial character. The lack of continuity and enclosure means that the relationship between buildings fronting the same street is almost non- existent.

Block C and D Block C is made up of buildings of diverse quality. The visual quality of the Local Authority building and Barclays building is overshadowed by the neighbouring developments in the same block such as the unsightly Public Works workshop and the government houses that are in a state of disrepair. Character appraisal of the two blocks shows that the presence of ‘bad neighbours’ does not only dilute the pleasantness of adjacent quality buildings but also distorts the quality of buildings on the other side of the street.

Blocks E and F Block E is formless while Block F is somewhat continuous in form. The street is disrupted by vacant stands and incomplete structures. The Mining Industry Pension Fund (MIPF), which is one of the first buildings from the border after the service industry, exhibits modern architecture and significantly gives the town a positive image. However, the unsightly, ruinous buildings of an industrial nature and deteriorating bus wreckages in Block E compromises the quality of the streetscape and the negative effects spills over not only to Block F but to the entire street.

Blocks G and H Most characteristics of other blocks discussed earlier are similar to the areas in G and H. One important building stands in block H at the Hagelthorn Road- Great North Road Junction; this is the former Police Station. Observation found that the building is so carefully located in relation to the streetscape such that it actually becomes a ‘distant welcoming structure’ in the C.B.D for people entering through the Great North Road, the

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 179 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Hagelthorn Road and the Granite road. It is so innovatively located that it actively engages the motorists and pedestrians all the way along the Great North Road by way of providing a pleasant vista or views that makes walking and driving a wonderful experience (Plate 2). However, all respondents expressed dissatisfaction over the obliterated state of all government buildings.

Plate 2: The Old Police Station and Old Border post

Block I and J While Block J is largely a buffer Block I characterised by new buildings of modern architectural quality such as the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) mall and the National Social Security Agency (NSSA) hotel. Responses from all professionals and most of the general public are in chorus with this observation, when they stated that the two buildings significantly give the town a positive image. However, analysis of the CBD layout plan (Figure 1) shows that the lack of continuity and enclosure will emerge as a relational problem in the entire Block I. The distribution, big size and layout of the existing ZESA mall stand, the Government Composite, the Civic Centre and the Magistrates court stands encourages the coming up of standalone buildings (Figure 3 and Plate 3). This state of affairs has also been worsened by the cancellation of multiple stands to pave way for the NSSA hotel and the Elliot shopping mall. Character appraisal of the existing streetscape shows that the emergence of adjacent freestanding buildings has already started as demonstrated by the existing ZESA mall and the NSSA building. Whilst the buildings present high architectural quality as individuals, the problems in their relationships is already observable and will worsen as the other stands in the northern tip are developed. Such stand alone or free-standing buildings in a sequence or in a cluster, may lead to a

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 180 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) fragmented, confused and disorienting urban structure-leading urban objects instead of urban fabric. Such buildings of great horizontal extent and covering significant portions of the C.B.D area will lead to loss of street spatial character resulting from lack of enclosure. CABE (2000) insists that a successful urban space (including street space) is defined and enclosed by buildings, structures and landscape. The relationship between buildings on a street and between buildings and the street, are the key to this. Buildings which follow a continuous building line around a street block and contain the private space within back yards or courtyards are often more successful than individual buildings that stand in the middle of a site. Therefore, the quality of individual buildings cannot on its own contribute to overall public space quality, but their relationships and relationship with other physical elements.

Plate 3: Magistrate’s court building standing in the middle of a site. Below: highway, buffer and pedestrians walking on the unpaved roadside.

Most interviewed built-environment professionals believe that an excellent scenario would be a careful mixture of stand- alone building and continuous blocks to promote diversity and legibility in the built landscape. They argue that buildings in a block arrangement helps to direct movement, establish

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 181 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) orientation; allow the incorporation of continuous awnings and canopy that protects pedestrians from harsh weather conditions and promote visual continuity.

Layout plans (Figure 3) are accompanied by Department of Physical Planning (DPP) development standards. The research has found that the standards are similar province wide for both rural and urban settlements and are just described in general as ‘conditions applicable to commercial stands’. Such conditions and standards have little implication and guidance on the management of urban form, physical city image, city beauty and the detailed street scene because they are very superficial and non-site-specific. This leads to decisions about growth patterns made from two-dimensional land use plans, without consideration of the three-dimensional spaces.

Figure 3: Size, layout and distribution of stands in the CBD northern tip.

This study also noted that building plan approval process has a bearing on streetscape character. Section 43(20) (a) of the Model Building by-laws gives local authorities the powers to reject building plans or require that they are

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 182 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) modified, ‘if in the opinion of the local authority, the proposed building is not likely to be in general harmony with the class and character of buildings in the neighbourhood…’.However, a decision as to whether a building is in ‘harmony’ or not is a subjective judgement of an individual assessor (town planner, engineer and health officer), given that there are no detailed and updated guidelines specific to Beitbridge that clearly state the expected ‘character of buildings’ in different parts of the C.B.D. as informed by local conditions. The DPP standards are too general and outdated; and can thus not be efficiently used to perform this function.

Observation has shown that all the streets under study do not provide a sense of enclosure because they are very wide in relation to the street height. Both the Hagelthorn road and the Granite road are about 35-40m wide street space while the street height is about 8m (double storey with parapet) giving a street height- width ratio of 1:5. Single-storey buildings have a height -width ratio of 1: 8. The two ratios do not provide enough enclosure (Poerb 2001; and the Edinburg City Council 2011). The low spatial character resulting from minimal enclosure makes these ‘roads’ to lack street character (Plate 7). The newly planted street trees in linear form are likely to bring a sense of enclosure. This relationship between street height and width shows that the street space is under-utilised by the buildings fronting the street. In other words, such wide streets are normally associated with multi-storey buildings, not only to improve the visual enclosure but also to intensify the functions associated with the spacious streets.

THE STREETSCAPE SU RFACE AND FU RNITU RE A detailed analysis of the streets was done focusing the following sections: pedestrian sidewalks, traffic surface; and street furniture.

PEDESTRIAN SIDEWALKS AND TRAFFIC SU RFACE It was observed that generally the system of sidewalks or pedestrian walkways is not fully developed. The streetscape is dominated by vehicles and the vehicular traffic surface are clearly defined although parking is not fully demarcated. Vehicular circulation has been improved through road repairs, redoing of carriageway markings and introduction of traffic lights. Pedestrians compete with vehicles on the use of the traffic lanes. The highway (Block I and J) is a good example showing bias towards the design for vehicles over pedestrians. There is no sidewalk along the highway such that pedestrians to

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 183 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) and from the border either compete with vehicles on the vehicular surface or walk on buffer where there are no prepared surfaces for walking. The trees planted on the buffer are not related to the sidewalk as to provide shade to pedestrians. Appropriate placement of trees of the right size, canopy and shape can help solve the problem while they also give shade to the sidewalk to supplement the role played by the canopy at different times of the day and different seasons. In fact, the buffer can be used for many human supporting services such as sitting, rest, walkways among other things. The study found that people walk long distances under the scorching sun and over a rugged roadside to and from the border. The highway is actually a road meant for vehicles and does not possess the streetscape character that links with humans.

In most cases, building fronts are dominated by verandas that are characterised by abrupt changes in levels and multiple steps that make navigability by the wheelchair impossible. They are a danger to the visually impaired, and demand a lot of physical effort to go through. That is a terrible experience for the weak, old and sick. Pavements are in place but discontinuous, starting from the MIPF building and stretches for only about 50m on one side of the Granite road. The pavement and verandas, are narrow (about 2m), and do not allow for street seating and socialisation.

Street Furniture The streets are almost devoid of public benches or seats for people to rest, relax and socialise. People have been observed to sit on steps or rocks that were not consciously placed for the purpose of seating as shown in Plate 4. The only public seats in the outdoor space are at the Old Border Post, where they are underutilised now because of a change of use from border post to government offices. The concrete seats as shown in Plate 4 now stand as wasted prosperity, but given their durability, they can be moved to strategic sites where they are needed. One woman interviewed stated that the town centre is not women-friendly because it does not give them opportunities to sit and suckle their children or to change children’s nappies.

Mehta (2006) argues that segments of the town ‘with one on or more public seats are livelier that those without public seats. However, not all blocks with public seating are

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 184 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) Plate 4: No benches in active places (top) and underutilised benches (bottom) at the former

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS This study was done to assess the potential of streetscaping the Beitbridge Central Business District in the enhancement of public space quality. It was found that buildings of architectural quality do exist, both historic and modern. However, the co-existence of such visually appealing buildings with buildings of low aesthetic value, the unsightly light industry in and adjacent the CBD and the undeveloped sites leads to an overall poor public space quality. Lack of continuity and enclosure; the monotonous dominance of single and double-storey buildings and minimal numbers of buildings that

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 185 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) are more than three-storey impacts negatively on the expected urban morphology of the CBD. The net result is lack of diversity in urban form and the absence of a unique skyline; a skyline that is supposed to give Beitbridge Municipality its distinctiveness and identity.

Generally, the CBD is oriented towards vehicular traffic because it is characterised by a well-delineated carriageway, but the sidewalks are not well established. Where sidewalks exist, they are narrow, discontinuous and in most cases stepped or in a state of disrepair. In this regard, the street sidewalk is handicapped to perform its contemporary functions of facilitating walking, encouraging social, commercial, stationary and lingering activities. Public seats are almost non-existent.

It appears there is no profession or statutes that clearly guide the relationship between buildings and the quality of outdoor spaces. Even the DPP planning guides and standards do not give enough detail on the expected character of buildings in the Beitbridge CBD. One would expect detailed standards or a strategy specific to Beitbridge CBD which is informed by the unique topography, climate, and local socioeconomic factors. The objectivity of the plan approval process in terms of the required character of buildings in the CBD has also been questioned by this study because the said ‘character’ is not formally documented. This gap partly explains how two-dimensional thinking on layout planning has led to disintegrated urban objects instead of the desirable coherent urban fabric.

The study notes that generally the quality of the public space is not satisfactory and there is still a considerable mismatch between existing image and the regional, if not international importance of the town. This study recognises that the town is at a youthful stage and the country is faced with an economic meltdown, but this is the rightful time to develop the ideas and vision for its future state. As the face of the country, the town must strive to become a city with an image that is internationally recognised. It is appreciable that work is in progress, and the town is at its infancy stage, but the future of the outdoor space needs to be clearly defined first because in most cases quality does not come as an accident. According to United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (UN News 2015), ‘successful public spaces do not just happen; …’

Drawing from the conclusions and in order to improve public space quality through streetscaping, this study makes the following recommendations:

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 186 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) All the roads in an urban set-up or built environments must be understood, planned, designed and managed as streets. Even national highways have to be streetscaped throughout their length as they traverse built up areas, because of the concentration of people who also need their space along and across the highways. The highway buffer creates discontinuity in the built fabric; leads to underutilisation of land and total lack of enclosure; takes away the possible street character of highways and thus the necessity and size of buffers in urban areas needs to be revisited.

The three-dimensional aspect of streets -emphasising the role buildings, trees or whatever features that front the road surface-is an important design concept. The concept calls for the understanding of the effect that two- dimensional layout planning has on the resulting three-dimensional design. The size of individual plots; their distribution and relationship with the street; and the street width, height and layout shall be appreciated at the design stage in order to create a coherent ‘urban fabric’ and avoid ‘urban objects’. The relationship between the street height and width is not merely a matter of visual enclosure and continuity but can be used to guide the intensification on the use of streets and corresponding properties. In this way precious CBD land is not wasted. Furthermore, the urban elements (buildings, roads and other infrastructure) can be neatly weaved and integrated into a coherent whole. The image and appearance of cities and subsequently urban form can therefore be controllable.

The quality of streets must not confined only be to the vehicular traffic surface but other components that makes it usable by human beings for example continuous and inclusive sidewalks, street walls, furniture and surfaces. Therefore, the detailing of the street walls and surface shall cover all physical elements that support human basic outdoor activities such as walking, seating, stationery lingering activities. The quality must be based on the ability to satisfy inclusive human needs and desires. The streetscape concept demands that the character of the buildings and any other physical elements is defined, documented and legalized; understood and shared with designers; maintained and enhanced. A CBD Local plan or public space strategy is therefore necessary to give room for objectivity in design decisions.

The final recommendation to local authorities and designers is that they need to take advantage of streetscaping in creating a good human multisensory experience through the provision of shade, ease movement, seats, underfoot design, state of the sidewalk, building façade design and

Journal of Urban Systems and Innovations for Resilience in Zimbabwe 187 Vol. 1, Issues 1 & 2 (2019) human comfort in general. Therefore, the streetscape concept can potentially be advanced to humanise public space and subsequently improve the quality of the built environment and make it inclusive. In short, this paper redefined and expands the streetscaping concept to incorporate the human element. Given the bias towards humans over vehicles, the approach may be termed ‘humanistic streetscaping’. Humanistic streetscaping can therefore be used to enhance public space quality.

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