U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress
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Chester Alan Arthur by Zachary Karabell Chester Alan Arthur by Zachary Karabell
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Chester Alan Arthur by Zachary Karabell Chester Alan Arthur by Zachary Karabell. Completing the CAPTCHA proves you are a human and gives you temporary access to the web property. What can I do to prevent this in the future? If you are on a personal connection, like at home, you can run an anti-virus scan on your device to make sure it is not infected with malware. If you are at an office or shared network, you can ask the network administrator to run a scan across the network looking for misconfigured or infected devices. Another way to prevent getting this page in the future is to use Privacy Pass. You may need to download version 2.0 now from the Chrome Web Store. Cloudflare Ray ID: 66185231de5f05d8 • Your IP : 116.202.236.252 • Performance & security by Cloudflare. Chester Alan Arthur. by Zachary Karabell, Ph.D. , Arthur M Schlesinger (Editor) Browse related Subjects. When an assassin's bullet killed President Garfield, vice president Chester Arthur was catapulted into the White House. He may be largely forgotten today, but Karabell eloquently shows how this unexpected president rose to the occasion. Read More. When an assassin's bullet killed President Garfield, vice president Chester Arthur was catapulted into the White House. He may be largely forgotten today, but Karabell eloquently shows how this unexpected president rose to the occasion. Read Less. All Copies ( 18 ) Softcover ( 1 ) Hardcover ( 15 ) Choose Edition ( 1 ) Book Details Seller Sort. 2004, Times Books. Las Cruces, NM, USA. Edition: 2004, Times Books Hardcover, Good Details: ISBN: 0805069518 ISBN-13: 9780805069518 Pages: 170 Publisher: Times Books Published: 2004 Language: English Alibris ID: 16692677246 Shipping Options: Standard Shipping: €3,66 Trackable Expedited: €7,33. -
("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
The Christian Coalition in the Life Cycle of the Religious Right
UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-1997 Defying the odds: The Christian Coalition in the life cycle of the Religious Right Kathleen S Espin University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Espin, Kathleen S, "Defying the odds: The Christian Coalition in the life cycle of the Religious Right" (1997). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 3321. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/CQHQ-ABU5 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text direct^ from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter fiic^ udnle others may be fix>m any type o f computer printer. The qnalityr of this reproduction is dependent npon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversety afikct reproduction. -
Keynote Speaker, Dr. Zachary Karabell Is Head of Global Strategy at Envestnet, a Publicly Traded Financial Services Firm
Keynote Speaker, Dr. Zachary Karabell is Head of Global Strategy at Envestnet, a publicly traded financial services firm. He is also President of River Twice Capital Advisors, a money management firm. Previously, he was Executive Vice President, Chief Economist, and Head of Marketing at Fred Alger Management, a New York-based investment firm. He was also President of Fred Alger & Company, a broker-dealer; Portfolio Manager of the China-U.S. Growth Fund (CHUSX); and Executive Vice President of Alger’s Spectra Funds. At Alger, he oversaw the creation, launch and marketing of several funds, led corporate strategy for strategic acquisitions, and represented the firm at public forums and in the media. Educated at Columbia, Oxford and Harvard, where he received his Ph.D., Karabell has taught at several leading universities, including Harvard and Dartmouth, and has written widely on economics, investing, history and international relations. His most recent book, The Leading Indicators: A Short History of the Numbers That Rule Our World, was published by Simon & Schuster in February 2014. He is the author of eleven previous books. He sits on the board of the New America Foundation and the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, and is a Senior Advisor for BSR, a membership organization that works with global corporations on issues of sustainability. As a commentator, Karabell writes “The Edgy Optimist” column for Slate. He is a CNBC Contributor, a regular commentator on MSNBC, and Contributing Editor for The Daily Beast, and writes for such publications as The Washington Post, The Atlantic, Time Magazine, The Wall Street Journal, The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Financial Times, and Foreign Affairs. -
Understanding Evangelical Support For, and Opposition to Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 9-1-2020 Understanding Evangelical Support for, and Opposition to Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election Joseph Thomas Zichterman Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Political Science Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Zichterman, Joseph Thomas, "Understanding Evangelical Support for, and Opposition to Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election" (2020). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 5570. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.7444 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Understanding Evangelical Support for, and Opposition to Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election by Joseph Thomas Zichterman A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Thesis Committee: Richard Clucas, Chair Jack Miller Kim Williams Portland State University 2020 Abstract This thesis addressed the conundrum that 81 percent of evangelicals supported Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election, despite the fact that his character and comportment commonly did not exemplify the values and ideals that they professed. This was particularly perplexing to many outside (and within) evangelical circles, because as leaders of America’s “Moral Majority” for almost four decades, prior to Trump’s campaign, evangelicals had insisted that only candidates who set a high standard for personal integrity and civic decency, were qualified to serve as president. -
ASJ-68-04.Pdf (324.3Kb)
American Studies Journal 68 S. Baudry, G. Marche, C. Planchou (Eds.) © Universitätsverlag Göttingen 2019 “The Moral Equivalent of Rosa Parks?” The New Christian Right’s Framing Strategy in the Latest Chapter of the Culture Wars Marie Gayte University of Toulon, Toulon, France Abstract In evaluating recent developments in the New Christian Right (NCR), this paper uses the social movement theory approach of framing. Social movement organiza- tions try to gain advantages with authorities and the public by framing their demands in ways intended to persuade people that their cause is valid. The most effective way of doing this is to align their specific issues rhetorically with larger cultural themes and values, which makes the frame accessible to larger audiences. After debating as to whether a conservative religious crusade can be considered a social movement, this paper examines the NCR as a collective movement whose influence on society and capacity to mobilize are heightened by resorting to the ‘discriminated minority’ framing strategy. I argue that viewing the NCR as a social movement allows us to deepen our understanding of both religious conservatism and of the culture wars. Keywords: Conservatism, Framing, LGBT Rights, Moral Majority, New Christian Right, Ralph Reed, Randall Terry, Religious Conservatives 1 When observing from overseas the rhetoric used by religious conservatives in the United States today, one gets the impression that they now constitute a minority group that is being targeted and discriminated against, not unlike African Americans until the 1960s.[1] This alleged persecution, in addition to bringing up echoes of the Civil Rights Movement, also points toward a violation of a right that Americans hold dear and that is enshrined in the First Amendment to the Constitution: the free ex- ercise of religion. -
Target San Diego
Target San Diego The Right Wing Assault on Urban Democracy and Smart Government Lee Cokorinos Target San Diego The Right Wing Assault on Urban Democracy and Smart Government A Report for the Center on Policy Initiatives Lee Cokorinos November 2005 Table of Contents Acknowledgments . ii Foreword . iii Executive Summary . v Introduction: The National Significance of the Battle for San Diego . 1 1. The National Context: Key Organizations Leading the Right’s Assault on the States and Cities . 5 A. The American Legislative Exchange Council . 7 B. The State Policy Network . 13 C. The Claremont Institute for the Study of Statesmanship and Political Philosophy . 17 D. The Pacific Research Institute . 21 E. Americans for Tax Reform and the Project for California’s Future . 25 F. The Reason Foundation . 33 2. The Performance Institute and the Assault on San Diego . 39 3. The Battle for America’s Cities: A National Engagement . 49 Endnotes . 57 I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments This report was made possible through the generous support of the New World Foundation. Special thanks go to Colin Greer and Ann Bastian of New World for their leadership in fostering the movement for progressive renewal. Thanks also to Donald Cohen of the Center on Policy Initiatives for contributing keen insights and the benefit of his ground level experience at engaging the right at every step of the research and writing, to Murtaza Baxamusa of CPI for sharing his expertise, and to veteran political researcher Jerry Sloan for his valuable advice. Jerry’s decades of research on the California and the national right have educated a generation of activists. -
Christian Coalition: the Evolving Unity of the Fundamentalist Right
Journal of Political Science Volume 23 Number 1 Article 6 November 1995 Christian Coalition: The Evolving Unity of the Fundamentalist Right Oran P. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Smith, Oran P. (1995) "Christian Coalition: The Evolving Unity of the Fundamentalist Right," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 23 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol23/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHRISTIAN COALITION: THE EVOLVING UNITY OF THE FUNDAMENTALIST RIGHT Oran P. Smith, Universityof South Carolina The earliest studies into the voting behavior of religious people classified religious voters very simply: Protestant, Catholic, Jew. This simplistic understanding has given way in the last 35 years to much more intense scrutiny of the differences within Protestantism, Catholicism, and even Jewry at the ballot box. The most recent analysis has broken down Protestantism further, sifting out the differences between Main Line Protestants, Evangelical Protestants, and Fundamental ists in political behavior. This article will attempt to take this progression in the literature one step further. Instead of subdividing Protestantism into parts and analyzing the distinctions, we will attempt to blend what we have learned from the voting behavior literature with theories of interest groups and social movements to subdivide a part of Protestantism, the Fundamentalis t Right. -
Presidency First: the Unitary Executive Governs America
Student Publications Student Scholarship Fall 2017 Presidency First: The nitU ary Executive Governs America Benjamin R. Pontz Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the American Politics Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Pontz, Benjamin R., "Presidency First: The nitU ary Executive Governs America" (2017). Student Publications. 590. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/590 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Presidency First: The nitU ary Executive Governs America Abstract While considerable debate has occurred over the founders’ original conception of the executive’s proper role, most can agree that the unitary executive theory developed during the George W. Bush administration expanded executive power far beyond that original conception. Though a vocal opponent to Bush’s expansion of power, President Barack Obama asserted similarly sweeping powers in both foreign and domestic policy. While President Donald Trump demonstrates clear ambivalence towards an all-encompassing rule of law, early indicators suggest that he will exhibit a proclivity for robust assertions of executive power that will rival or surpass his immediate predecessors even if, in some cases, he would prefer to punt politically challenging issues to Congress under the guise of not having the power to act. For its part, Congress has largely appeared unwilling or unable – functional equivalents – of restraining expansions of executive power by any of the three most recent presidents. -
White Evangelicals and the 2016 Presidential Election Margaret
ABSTRACT The Elephant in the Room: White Evangelicals and the 2016 Presidential Election Margaret Thonnard Director: Elizabeth Corey, PhD In 2016, eighty-one percent of white evangelical voters voted for Donald Trump—the demographics’ highest showing of support for any presidential candidate in over two decades. Using both existing and original research, this thesis attempts to create awareness for the historical context behind white evangelical support for Donald Trump. Topics covered include the relationships between high-profile evangelicals and presidents such as Nixon and Reagan, as well as the role of televangelists in the 2016 election. After considering the development of partisanship within the evangelical community, the thesis concludes by assessing the practical options available to evangelical voters in upcoming elections. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS: __________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Honors Program APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: ______________________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Director DATE: ________________ The Elephant in the Room: White Evangelicals and the 2016 Presidential Election A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Program By Margaret Thonnard Waco, Texas May 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface................................................................................................................................ iii Introduction ........................................................................................................................ -
CHAPTER 16 INTEREST GROUPS Chapter Goals and Learning
CHAPTER 16 INTEREST GROUPS Chapter Goals and Learning Objectives One of the most influential men in Washington during the late 1990s and through much of the first term of George W. Bush was a Washington, D.C. lobbyist named Jack Abramoff. As a former President of the College National Republican Committee, Abramoff used his long-standing college political alliances to advance his career, eventually joining a prominent law firm’s Washington, D.C. office as a lobbyist after the Republican take over of the U.S. House in the mid-1990s. He developed friendships with such Republican luminaries as Ralph Reed and House Majority Leader Tom DeLay. Abramoff’s influence grew with the Republican controlled Congress and the new administration of President George W. Bush, even serving on the 2001 Bush Administration’s Transition Team. However, in January of 2006, Abramoff pled guilty to several felony criminal counts in a Washington, D.C., federal court on fraud and corruption of public officials charges. In March of 2006, he was sentenced to over five years in prison and ordered to pay restitution of more than $21 million. Abramoff’s case was exceptional. Most lobbyists in Washington go about their business of representing clients in the halls of Congress and before federal agencies without committing fraud or bribery. Yet the Abramoff scandal caused an intense focus on the business of lobbying and the role of special interest groups in American politics and government. Special interest groups spend incredible amounts of money in an attempt to sway the votes of members of Congress and decision-makers in the executive branch. -
Polarization in Institutional Confidence in the Military
Who Follows the Generals? Polarization in Institutional Confidence in the Military Michael A. Robinson∗ Presented for the American Political Science (APSA) 2019 Annual Conference September 3, 2019 Abstract The military institution has enjoyed consistent and high levels of public confi- dence over the past several decades, making it one of the most respected entities in American society. However, this aggregate trend of high public confidence conceals an underlying polarization among partisans, who arrive at different con- clusions over the institutional quality of the military. What explains the partisan divide in this evaluation process? This analysis argues that a failure of partisans to converge on a common understanding reflects a partisan bias resulting from (1) exposure to different information about the military and (2) different cognitive biases in using that information to render an opinion on institutional quality. Us- ing observational data on news media reporting patterns and original text-as-data processed through unsupervised machine learning techniques, I find that partisans during a key phase of the Iraq War were exposed to widely different levels and frames of information on military performance. While Democrats were more likely to receive information on battlefield failures or organizational scandals, Re- publicans were less likely to observe news critical of the military. Furthermore, I find through original survey experimentation that even when presented with in- formation on negative performance by the military, partisans adopt very different sensibilities in how that information is used to evaluate it. While Democrats and Independents clearly punish the institution for poor conduct, Republicans adopt an in-group defensiveness in line with previous study on co-partisan affective polarization.