Conflict Theory

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Conflict Theory © Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION Photo: © a katz/Shutterstock, Inc. © a katz/Shutterstock, Photo: Is a person who kills another in a bar brawl a greater threat to society than a business executive who refuses to cut into his profits to make his plant a safe place to work? By any measure of death and suffering the latter is by far a greater danger than the former. —Jeffrey Reiman1 9781284105469_CH08_168_193.indd 168 18/09/15 6:22 PM © Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION 8 CHAPTER Critical Approaches to Law and Crime Objectives Texture: © Malchev/Shutterstock; Shooter: © Malchev/Shutterstock; Puzzle Piece: © Photodisc; Police Tape: © SkillUp/Shutterstock Tape: Police © Photodisc; Piece: Puzzle © Malchev/Shutterstock; Shooter: © Malchev/Shutterstock; Texture: Understand the difference between Know how radical criminologists explain a consensus and conflict view of the law, criminal justice system, and society, and the core themes of critical criminal behavior. Pgs. 179–185 theories. Pg. 170 Recognize extensions of radical theory, Recognize how conflict among including peacemaking criminology different interest groups shapes the and critical realism. Pgs. 185—186 content of the law and the operation of the criminal justice system. Appreciate how gender may shape Pgs. 171–173 both criminal justice processing and theories of crime. Pgs. 187—190 Understand the evidence regarding the relationship between race, class, Link specific critical theories with and criminal justice outcomes. their policy implications. Pgs. 170—191 Pgs. 173–177 169 9781284105469_CH08_168_193.indd 169 18/09/15 6:22 PM © Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION 2. Crime as a political concept: The law is not an objective, Introduction agreed-upon list of behaviors that cause the most social damage. Many acts by the powerful that cause damage Are the crimes of wealthy individuals and corporate leaders are not considered criminal. treated with kid gloves compared with typical street crimes? 3. The criminal justice system as serving the interests of If so, why does this situation exist? How did marijuana come those in power: The criminal justice system targets to be legalized in some states but not others? The theories in those who lack power and ignores the crimes of those this chapter raise just such questions. Critical approaches to who have power. criminology discuss why certain acts are illegal while oth- 4. The solution to crime as the creation of a more equitable ers are not. Furthermore, they note that the criminal justice society: Criminologists should work to foster social jus- system only targets certain laws and certain individuals for tice by supporting humane policies aimed at preventing full enforcement. In seeking to understand the content of the harm. law and the operation of the criminal justice system, critical approaches are quite different from the mainstream theories In sum, the focus of critical criminology is much dif- covered in previous chapters. ferent than mainstream criminology. Until now, the theories Critical theories gained popularity in the United States in discussed sought to explain why people engage in crime or part because of the social context of the 1960s and 1970s. Prior to why some neighborhoods are more prone to crime than oth- that time, American criminology was dominated by anomie or ers. The theories in this chapter focus more on the content of strain theories of delinquency the law (What is illegal?) and and crime. Criminologists the actions of the criminal such as Cloward and Ohlin justice system (What laws are argued that broad social re- Norms against enforced?). forms, including the reduction certain behaviors At the heart of critical of poverty, were necessary to theory is the belief that the reduce crime. Support for their begin as folkways and law reflects the outcome of a Mobilization for Youth pro- struggle over power. Prior to gram and the general “war on mores and are eventu- this time, the popular view poverty” indicated that many ally codified into law. was that the law and its en- agreed with their position. By forcement reflected societal the 1970s, however, the social consensus. In the consen- context had changed dramati- sus model, the law reflects cally. The political vision of a “great society” wilted under the common agreement over the fundamental values held by reality of the Vietnam War, the Watergate scandal, prison riots, society; that is, it reflects the interests of the vast majority the shootings at Kent State University, and civil rights demon- and the “shared popular viewpoint” in society.5 Certain strations. Criminologists saw that crimes of the powerful (e.g., acts are prohibited because society generally agrees that Watergate, FBI violations of civil rights, crimes against blacks) this is necessary. Norms against certain behaviors begin as were ignored, while violations of victimless crimes (e.g., mari- folkways and mores and are eventually codified into law. juana use, vagrancy) were pursued vigorously. Arguments for Law is a mechanism to resolve conflicting interests and increasing support for the poor gave way to the belief that an maintain order. Here, the state is a value-neutral entity. economic and political system that created these class differ- Lawmakers resolve conflicts peacefully, the police enforce ences was corrupt beyond saving.2 the law, and the courts arbitrate. Any biases that arise are Labeling theory emerged from this context as a popular ex- temporary and unintended.6 planation of crime. Labeling theorists stated that crime was a so- In the conflict model, the law is the result of a battle cial construction and that government intervention only made between people or groups that have different levels of power. delinquency worse. Theories that emerged during the 1970s, Control over the state—including the law and the criminal however, were “much more explicit about the connection be- justice system—is the principal prize in the perpetual con- tween the criminal justice system and the underlying economic flict of society.7 In that regard, conflict theorists see bias in order, sometimes condemning the state itself.”3 Different com- the criminal justice system as conscious and intentional. mentators have referred to these theories as critical criminology Those in power use the legal system to maintain power and or the new criminology. As will soon be noted, these general ti- privilege; the law and the criminal justice system reflect the tles capture a very diverse body of theories, including conflict interests of those who won the power struggle. Furthermore, theory, Marxist/radical theory, and feminist criminology. crime can directly result from the conflict between compet- Despite this diversity, it is possible to identify a number ing groups in society. 4 of broad themes that tie these theories together: A host of theories assume that conflict is a natural part 1. Inequality and power as central concepts: Power can be of social life. Early conflict theories tended to be pluralistic; based on social class, race, gender, or other factors. The that is, they portrayed conflict as a result of clashes among powerful will use their power to control the law and the many groups. The pluralistic perspective is discussed in operation of the criminal justice system. this chapter under conflict theory. In the 1970s, theories 17 0 Criminology: Theory, Research, and Policy, Fourth Edition 9781284105469_CH08_168_193.indd 170 18/09/15 6:22 PM © Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION focused on one central conflict: the battle between the very issues, including abortion, gun control, drug laws, pollution wealthy and the rest of the population. This perspective can laws, and the death penalty. Groups such as the National Ri- be considered Marxist or radical theory. fle Association, the American Association of Retired People, the Marijuana Policy Project, and the National Right to Life pay individuals to lobby members of Congress to push for Conflict Theory laws consistent with their values and interests. Indeed, there are over 12,000 registered lobbyists in Washington, DC, and George Vold produced the first criminology textbook that perhaps as many as 100,000 people working on behalf of in- prominently featured the conflict perspective. Vold argued terest groups.15 On a larger scale, conflicts arising from social that the content and enforcement of the law was the result of movements (e.g., the civil rights movement), broad segments the values and interests of those in power: “Those who pro- of society (e.g., the “religious right”), and political parties duce legislative majorities win control over the police power (e.g., Republicans versus Democrats) also influence the de- and dominate the policies that decide who is likely to be in- velopment of law.16 Theory in Action: From Killer Weed volved in violation of the law.”8 In the 1960s, a number of the- to Medical Drug—Conflict over Marijuana Law examines orists, including William Chambliss, Richard Quinney, and how individuals, interest groups and social movements have Austin Turk heightened interest in how conflict shapes law. changed marijuana laws over time. Conflict Theory and the Law Conflict Theory and the Criminal As with labeling theorists, conflict theorists argue that main- Justice System stream criminology focuses too much attention on why peo- ple break the law, while ignoring the reasons that certain acts Those with power not only define the law to serve their interests, are illegal. As William Chambliss put it, “Instead of asking, but also have an impact on the operation of the criminal justice ‘Why do some people commit crimes and others do not?’ we system; that is, they have power over which laws are (or are not) ask ‘Why are some acts defined as criminal while others are enforced. Within the conflict framework, Austin Turk sought not?’”9 Their answer is that those with power and influence to understand crime through society’s authority relationships.
Recommended publications
  • Crime, Politics, and Punishment: Criminological Research for Political Sociologists
    Crime, Politics, and Punishment: Criminological Research for Political Sociologists Thomas D. Stucky Abstract As a sociologist studying the intersection of crime, punishment and politics, it is often surprising to me how many aspects of political sociology and the study of crime and punishment overlap, and yet, there is often limited cross-fertilization of the two fields. For the sake of brevity in this discussion, I refer to those who study crime, deviance, law, criminal justice, and punishment as criminologists. My goal is to provide an extremely brief “primer” on criminology for political sociologists, in the hopes that a short reading of some issues and research in criminology may stimulate additional theorizing and research, as has so often happened when I have read political sociological work. To do this, I begin with a brief discussion of overlaps in political sociological and criminological perspectives. Following this, I highlight some examples of criminological research which incorporates politics, and would likely interest political sociologists, Then, I highlight a hot button issue in criminology—sex offenses—and suggest some ways that political sociologists could examine recent legislation on sex offenders, and conclude with brief discussions of a few additional areas of overlap for the two disciplines. This is the author's manuscript of the article published in final edited form as: Stucky, T. D. (2013). Crime, Politics, and Punishment: Criminological Research for Political Sociologists. Sociology Compass, 7(7), 561-572. http:/dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12048 1 Introduction As a sociologist studying the intersection of crime, punishment and politics, it sometimes strikes me as odd how infrequently various disciplines (or even sub-disciplines within a field) seem to be able to capitalize on the insights of others, even when the topics they study overlap tremendously.
    [Show full text]
  • A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P
    Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 84 Article 3 Issue 3 Fall Fall 1993 Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P. Cardarelli Stephen C. Hicks Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Albert P. Cardarelli, Stephen C. Hicks, Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology, 84 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 502 (Fall 1993) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 009 1-4169/93/8403-0502 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 84, No. 3 Copyright © 1993 by Northwestern University, School of Law Printedin U.S.A. CRIMINOLOGY RADICALISM IN LAW AND CRIMINOLOGY: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES AND RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY ALBERT P. CARDARELLI* & STEPHEN C. HICKS** I. INTRODUCTION: HISTORY AS A PRELUDE As the end of the century approaches, there is a growing senti- ment that we may be witnessing the end of the "Left" as a major ideological force in American society.' The reasons for the pur- ported demise, especially in American politics, are not always in agreement, even among leftist scholars themselves. 2 One explana- tion posits that the fall from power began with the ascendancy of the "Right" in national politics with the election of Ronald Reagan, and was accelerated by the collapse of communist governments through- * Senior Fellow, John W.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sociology of Literature : Georg Lukács
    KENNETH O'BRIEN B.A. (Honours) Social Sciences, University of Leicester, England, 1968. A THESIS SUBKITTED IN PAFtTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREEl?f;;NTSFOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department Political Science, Sociology and Anthropology @ KENNETH OVBRIEN 1969 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Novenber, 1969 EXAMINING COMMITTEE APPROVAL DAVID BETTI SON Senior Supervisor JOHN MILLS Examining Committee JERALD ZASLOVE Examining Comit tee iii ABSTRACT ~ukscslwritings on the sociology of literature are presented and examined; and his theory that there is a direct relation between the "dialectic movement of history and the great genres of literature which portray the totality of history.n This definition of the literary process is acce~ted as an hypothesis. &The sociology of literature in North America and Europe is examined in the context of Lukbcsr ideas. It is concluded that the positivism of North American sociology of literature ignores the historical specificity of contemporary literary forms. Part of the explanation for the perspective of Kenneth Burke and Hugh Duncan is shown to derive from partial elements of the epistemology of the Classical Greeks and Hegelianism. Similarly Luk;csr philosophy of literary criticism are shown to be modifications on a rigidly Marxist econoniic determinism as well as Hegelian idealism. ~ukgcs'concept of literary realism -- in contemporary society as those forms of the novel which portray the specific problems of individuals and classes and the resolution of social contradictions within the "totality of the movement of historyn-- is examined in relation to the pracesses of capitalist development in Europe. It is zrgued that literature provides more than nextensions of social realityv, as Burke and Duncan imply.
    [Show full text]
  • Brock, Kobryn-Dietrich, Tierney 2018 Updated
    Control by Proxy: The Regulation of Indigenous Peoples and Settler Labour via Canadian Anti-Sex Work Laws, 1865-2016 Tierney Kobryn-Dietrich, Bachelor of Arts Sociology Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Critical Sociology Faculty of Sociology, Brock University St. Catharines, Ontario © 2018 Control by Proxy: The Regulation of Indigenous Peoples and Settler Labour via Canadian Anti-Sex Work Laws, 1865-2016 This thesis is dedicated to the thousands of missing indigenous women across Turtle Island and to their families. Acknowledgments I would like to extend special thanks to my thesis supervisor, Dr. Tamari Kitossa, who provided me his unwavering support and wisdom throughout the entirety of this project. Dr. Ki- tossa believed in my success and in the success of this project long before I did, and for that I will forever be grateful. My experience at Brock University would not have been the same with- out him. I am also grateful for the assistance of my committee, Dr. Kate Bezanson and Dr. Margot Francis, for their inspiration, guidance and thoughtful insights. This project would not have been possible without the support of these knowledgeable and formidable academics. Additionally, I thank my parents, Kim and Stuart, who are always quick to offer me reas- surance when I am struggling. Lastly, I would like to thank my dog, Daisy, who never once com- plained despite being the sole audience member of my multiple draft readings. Abstract This study examines Canada’s history of anti-sex legislation from 1865 to 2016 and demonstrates that these laws exist primarily to maintain the ideological boundaries between whiteness and indigeneity.
    [Show full text]
  • General Theory of Law and Marxism Evgeny Bronislavovich Pashukanis with a New Introduction by Dragan Milovanovic
    With a new introduction by Dragan Milovanovic Evgeny B. Pashukanis Law & Society Series Ancient Law Henry Sumner Maine with an introduction by Dante J Scala An Introduction to the Sociology of Law Nicholas S. Timascheff with an introduction by Trevino Critique of the Legal Order Richard Quinney with an introduction by Randall G. Shelder Fundamental Principles of the Sociology of Law Eugen Ehrlich with a new introduction by Klaus A. Ziegert Penal Philosophy Gabriel Tarde with a new introduction by Piers Beirne Sociology of Law Georges Gurvitch with a new introduction by Alan Hunt The General Theory of Law and Marxism Evgeny Bronislavovich Pashukanis with a new introduction by Dragan Milovanovic The Social Reality of Crime Richard Quinney with a new introduction by A. Javier Trevino The General Theory of Law & Marxism Evgeny Bronislavovich Pashukanis With a new introduction by Dragan Milovanovic • Transaction Publishers New Brunswick (U.SA.) and London (U.K.) Second printing 2003 New materialthis edition copyright © 2002 by Tr ansactionPublishers, New Brunswick, New Jersey.Originally published as Lawand Marxism: A General Theory, copyright © Ink Links 1978, 1983. 1983 edition under license to Pluto Press Ltd.Tr anslation by Barbara Einhorn [and Introductionand Editorial Notes by Chris Arthur]© Ink Links.This edition is published by arrangement withPluto Press Ltd. All rights reserved under In ternationaland Pan-American Copyright Conven tions.No part of this book may be reproducedor transmittedin any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording,or any informationstorage and retrieval sys­ tem, without prior permission in writing from the publisher.All inquiries should be ad­ dressed to Transaction Publishers, Rutgers-The State University, 35 Berrue Circle, Piscataway, New Jersey 08854-8042.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Legal Histories
    +(,121/,1( Citation: 36 Stan. L. Rev. 57 1984 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Tue Nov 9 21:47:57 2010 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=0038-9765 Critical Legal Histories Robert W. Gordon* Critical legal writers pay a lot of attention to history. In fact, they have probably devoted more pages to historical description- particularly the intellectual history of legal doctrine-than to any- thing else, even law and economics. Such a preoccupation within a radical movement is at first glance surprising. After all, lawyers have, by notorious custom, used history conservatively, appealing to continuity and tradition.1 And in the less common situations in which lawyers have used history to criticize the status quo, they have usually resorted to social and economic history, to show that the orig- inal social context of a legal rule reveals it was adopted for wicked or obsolete reasons, rather than to the history of legal doctrine.2 What could conceivably be radical-or, as some unkindly ask, even inter- esting-about rewriting the history of doctrine? I will attempt, in this article, to give a brief account of the im- pulses that have prompted the Critical scholars to their chosen ways of writing history (or rather histories, since the movement has actu- ally spawned several different historiographical practices).
    [Show full text]
  • European Journal of American Studies, 7-1 | 2012, “Spring 2012” [Online], Online Since 02 January 2012, Connection on 08 July 2021
    European journal of American studies 7-1 | 2012 Spring 2012 Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/ejas/9449 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.9449 ISSN: 1991-9336 Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic reference European journal of American studies, 7-1 | 2012, “Spring 2012” [Online], Online since 02 January 2012, connection on 08 July 2021. URL: https://journals.openedition.org/ejas/9449; DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.4000/ejas.9449 This text was automatically generated on 8 July 2021. Creative Commons License 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS A Stiff Man-Child Walking: Derrida’s Economy of Secrecy and Faulkner’s “Barn Burning” Michael Wainwright Foundation Networks and American Hegemony Inderjeet Parmar « Writing into a Void » : Charles Bukowski and the Little Magazines Abel Debritto “I’m Just a Cowboy”: Transnational Identities of the Borderlands in Tommy Lee Jones’ The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada. Matthew Carter Robert Adams in Transatlantic Review: Archiving the Barbary Captive and Traveller Stephen F. Wolfe A Lost Opportunity : The Flawed Implementation of Assertive Multilateralism (1991-1993) James D. Boys European journal of American studies, 7-1 | 2012 2 A Stiff Man-Child Walking: Derrida’s Economy of Secrecy and Faulkner’s “Barn Burning” Michael Wainwright Aye—no. No—aye, for I must be nothing, Therefore no “no,” for I resign to thee. Now, mark me how I will undo myself. William Shakespeare, King Richard II, 4.1.200–02. Not that it really does connect and yet not that it really does not. Gertrude Stein, “What is English Literature,” 17. 1 In Given Time (1992), Jacques Derrida (1930–2004) not only discusses the socioeconomic prescience of Charles Baudelaire’s (1821–1867) “La fausse monnaie” (1869), but also anticipates his own thoughts in On the Name (1995) concerning the economy of secrecy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legitimacy of Redistributive Agendas.Pdf
    A WORKING PAPER FROM The Center for Sociological Research Department of Sociology STANFORD UNIVERSITY STANFORD, CALIFORNIA 94305 THE LEGITIMACY OF REDISTRIBUTIVE AGENDAS* Morrie Zelditch, Jr. Stanford University Eoward Gilliland Stanford University George Thoma3 Arizona State University Working Paper # 8^-9 August 1, 1984 Center for Sociological Research Stanford University * This research was supported by NSF Grant No. SOC-781743^• Problem. In this paper we test, but fail to confirm, a basic assumption underlying Bachrach and Baratz’s theory of nondecisions (1962; 1963; 1970). Bachrach and Baratz's Power and Poverty (1970) was the culmination of a decade of theory and research on the implications of pre- and post-decision politics for redistributive agendas. This research was significant for four reasons: First, because it extended conceptions of the process by which public policy is formed both forwards (to implementation) and backwards (to the identification and specification of issues and the structure of agendas). Second, because the identification and specification of issues and the structure of agendas proved to be important determinants of what decisions are made about public policy. (See Tversky and Kahnman, 1974, on the effects of how issues are framed and Plott and Levine, 1978, on the effects of how agendas are structured.) Third, because it corrected distortions in the analysis of community and national power which were undeniable even if one was not a ruling-elite theorist. And fourth, because it suggested ways of filling two large gaps in the theory of collective decisions, one involving the less visible aspects of -2- power, the other involving the more problematic aspects of legitimacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Functionalism and Marxism
    Key Ideas Key Criticisms • Purpose and Needs • Organismic Analogy • Supports political and economic status quo (everything has a function) • Consensus Theory (value consensus) • Social Structure (Macro approach) • Over-emphasis upon the "beneficial" aspects of institutions, structures. • Social Solidarity • Collective Conscience • Difficult to explain rapid social change • Institutions (Functional interdependence) • Social system • Tautology (a statement that contains its own proof): "If something exists • Functional sub-systems: Economic. Political. Family/Kinship. Cultural it has a function. It has a function because it exists…"). • Functional Imperatives (GAIL): ü Goal Attainment • Error of reification (Belief that non-human things like "society" can have ü Adaptation human qualities such as" needs and purposes"). ü Integration ü Latency (Pattern maintenance) Key Critics: Any Marxist sociologist, Radical Feminists, Marxist Feminists. • Latent and Manifest functions (Merton) • Dysfunctions Key Names: Durkheim, Parsons, Merton, Malinowski www.sociology.org.uk www.sociology.org.uk Key Ideas Key Criticisms • Traditional (Instrumental) and Neo-Marxist types • Unscientific (the "Faith of Marxism" - Popper) • Social class (economic - Ownership of the means of production) • Conspiracy theory (especially aimed at Instrumental Marxists) • Class conflict • Communism does not appear imminent • Ruling class / Subject classes (Exploitative social relationships) • Left Functionalism (Jock Young: argues most "Marxism" is little more than • Class consciousness
    [Show full text]
  • Power and Politics
    Power and Politics Power and Politics Unit P3: Theories of Power (2) Unit P3: Theories of Power Power and Politics Theories of Power Conflict Theories of Power. 1. Weberian Theories of Power. In terms of the way in which we can understand Weber's concept of power: a. There is only ever a fixed amount of power in any society - those who are powerful are powerful at the expense of others (this is called a "constant-sum" or "zero-sum" theory of power). b. The powerful use their power at the expense of others - to further their own sectional interests. Thus, on the above basis, conflict is both inevitable and occurs between: a. Those who possess power and those who do not (the powerful attempt to use their power to consolidate / expand their relatively privileged social positions, whilst the less powerful attempt to take power from those with more power). b. Since power is seen as a quality of social relationships, it follows that it is also a quality of the ability to control social resources (wealth production and accumulation, income, status, education and so forth). In this sense, the more resources a group / class is able to control, the more powerful it becomes relative to other groups / classes. In the above respect, the ability to control the institutions of the State, for example, is significant, since this ability confers power across all sections of a society. In addition, power is also cumulative, in the sense that the more resources a group controls, the greater their level of power at the expense of others and, consequently, the greater their chances of accumulating more power.
    [Show full text]
  • 3250 Lecture
    Unit Four: Historical Materialism & IPE Dr. Russell Williams Essay Proposal due in class, October 8!!!!!! Required Reading: Cohn, Ch. 5. Class Discussion Reading: Robert W. Cox, “Civil Society at the Turn of the Millennium: Prospects for an Alternative World Order,” Review of International Studies, 25 (1999), pp. 3-28. Outline: 1. Introduction & Key Concepts 2. Marxist Economics 3. Historical Structuralism and IPE 4. Modern Approaches 5. Conclusions 1) Introduction & Key Concepts a) Same origins as liberal approaches – focus on economic relations under capitalism and globalization “Possibilities of cooperation” (liberalism) replaced with “structural imperatives” of capitalism E.g. Class Conflict b) Interested in issues “discursively excluded” by Liberalism and Realism E.g. Exploitation and Inequality c) Key Concepts (derived from Marx): “Mode of Production”: Basic system of production Impacts all other social relations “Relations of Production”: Society’s laws, politics, culture and ideology The “social superstructure” Determined by mode of production (?) Importance of history: Specific historical & geographical settings have different modes/relations of production Class: Each mode of production organizes individuals into classes A )Those who own and control the means of production; and b) Those who sell their labour Class Struggle Struggle between these classes “drives” history 2) Marxist Economics: a) Labor the basis of all value . Total direct & indirect labor in production determines “true price” of product b) Profits based on “surplus value” . Capitalism always exploitative c) Increases in profit only achieved by increasing extraction of surplus value d) Capitalism was dynamic – would spread 2) Marxist Economics cont. Key analytical claim - Capitalism based on fundamental “tensions”: 1) Economic concentration: Competitive markets produced “concentration” E.g.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of Criminological Theories
    THE EVOLUTION OF CRIMINOLOGICAL THEORIES by Jonathon M. Heidt B.A., University of Montana, 2000 M.A., Simon Fraser University, 2004 DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the School of Criminology Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Jonathon Heidt 2011 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Fall 2011 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for "Fair Dealing." Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Jonathon Heidt Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title of Thesis: The Evolution of Criminological Theories Examining Committee: Chair: William Glackman, PhD Associate Professor _______________________________________________ Robert M. Gordon, PhD Senior Supervisor Director, School of Criminology _______________________________________________ Brian Burtch, PhD Supervisor Professor _______________________________________________ Eric Beauregard, PhD Supervisor Associate Professor _______________________________________________ Stephen D. Hart, PhD Internal Examiner Professor Department of Psychology, Simon Fraser University _______________________________________________ David G. Wagner, PhD External Examiner Professor Department of Sociology, State University of New York Date Defended/Approved: _______________________________________________
    [Show full text]