The politics of Louis Althusser: culty with nearly every stroke of his pen. His latest book Introduction [Essays in Self-Criticism, New Left Books, London, Despite the fact that Louis Althusser is a prominent 1976; translation, Preface, and Introduction by representative of a distinct political trend in the Grahame Lock] is Althusser's attempt to clean up his French Communist Party, his writings have been de- act, but his attempt to extricate himself from one set bated outside France as though they were politically of problems is leading him into fresh collisions with unimportant — the province of academic philosophers Marx and Lenin. alone. We do not propose to follow this practice. If There are some superficial parallels between the Althusser's work were purely of consequence to the careers of Georg Lukacs and Louis Althusser. Lukacs, editors of Telos, Radical America, Theoretical Review, the Hungarian Marxist philosopher and literary critic, and the more difficult contributors to New Left was a creative and innovative thinker who, after daring Review and Marxism Today, they would not interest to test the outer limits of thought in the Communist us. movement under Stalin, was frequently forced to Eurocommunism is Althusser's habitat — that jum- retreat with a pitiful "self-criticism" which barely ble of massive but unorthodox Communist Parties preserved his party membership, and perhaps his life, who defy the Soviet Union, discard proletarian dic- from the wrath of the monolith. Althusser, the eccentric tatorship as an anachronism, drop Leninism from their vocabularies, join bourgeois governments, and, philosopher in the French Communist Party who has in Italy, hunt down revolutionaries and jail them. invented a whole new theoretical approach to From within the French CP Althusser criticizes much Marxism, has now begun his retreat. of this, yet he not only has stayed in, but frequently Both Lukacs and Althusser are defenders of Marxist has beaten theoretical retreats through self-criticism "orthodoxy" during periods when their parties disdain which, so far at least, has kept his party membership it. Perhaps these similarities explain why the ideas of intact. these two men seem destined to a common fate ~ the In this way Althusser provides what seems in some growth of a large, vocal, and aggressive following respects to be a defense of Marxist orthodoxy — a among young intellectuals in the academic world; left critique of the Euroeommunist mainstream. some measure of recognition by the bourgeois Marxist militants who cannot stomach .the giant de- intelligentsia; and a much smaller following among partures of Georges Marchais, or Enrico Berlinguer, party rank-and-filers. or Santiago Carrillo are given a theoretical justifica- But there the similarities end. Lukacs was defending tion for joining or staying in the Communist Parties. the orthodoxy of revolutionary creativity within the This is not an unimportant task. Were every militant confines of a Stalinist straitjacket. Both the creativity who read and agreed with Marx, and look note of and the orthodoxy of Althusser's thought are purely the CPs' departure from his teachings, to leave the formal — hypermodern Marxism whose complexities CPs as those parties depart from Marxism, their col- and terminological novelty inspire otherwise intelligent lapse would be imminent. people to participate in the dullest enterprise while But some aspects of Marxist orthodoxy are stub- defending the terms, but not the ideas, that once taught bornly incompatible with even the most radical vari- millions how to recognize social revolution when they ant of Eurocommunism. Here is where Althusser's saw it. genius comes into its own. His Marxism permits one Despite the new book's title, Althusser exhibits no to discard Marx selectively, using an elaborate theo- humility in his "self-criticism." This is a truculent book retical construct and an apparent philosophical rigor in which Althusser bullies his opponents even as he supposedly methodologically loyal to Marx. If Al- retreats from most of the theoretical ground on which thusser can withstand attack here, the rest of his he made his name. system, and its political consequences, may be safe. In the past, for example, Althusser distinguished The Urgent Tasks symposium therefore examines himself with his claim that theory is a form of practice. both Althusser's politics and the theoretical under- "Theoretical practice" was reified into the defiant slogan pinnings. of the Althusserian camp, and his British followers took Followers of Althusser's writings sooner or later that as the title for their political journal. Now that come to an almost inescapable conclusion: Althusser Althusser confesses that his most original assertion was may be the first person who became a Marxist-Lenin- in error (it is "dangerous," he says, and "must be done ist philosopher before becoming thoroughly familiar away with"), his loyal adherents are left holding the with the teachings of Marx and Lenin. bag. But if Grahame Lock's Introduction is any guide, It is difficult to imagine, otherwise, how he could they are shamelessly committed to their man and have gotten himself into so much theoretical diffi- scarcely disturbed by such trifles.

8 a symposium All this confirms that something more (or maybe deviation." (He rejects the term "Stalinism" because less) than "philosophy" is involved here. It is difficult it is a bourgeois or Trotskyist label which "explains to suppose that pillars of basic doctrine can be aban- nothing.") doned at will, but if the changes wrought are actually Of course, he adds, it is wrong not to recognize conducted at a lower theoretical altitude than the Stalin's "historical merits": "He understood that it Althusserians pretend, they can readily be understood was necessary to abandon the miraculous idea of an as attempts to shore up a dubious possessory title to imminent 'world revolution' and to undertake instead certain political turf. the 'construction of socialism' in one country." Stalin Althusser has played a cat-and-mouse game with taught millions of Communists "that there existed his critics for nearly a decade. An essay would appear, Principles of Leninism." But there were drawbacks to and his critics would respond. He would then write, Stalin too, among them, his "humanism." "They don't understand," and would reveal the secret Lock makes some of this concrete: "The Polish of what he was supposedly driving at in the first events [the mass strikes of 1970] demonstrate some- place. (When he bothered to answer at all, that is.) thing important, too. The workers' protest itself was The current book continues Althusser's intellectual not — contrary to a common opinion — directed unscrupulousness masquerading as scholarship by in- against 'Stalinism': rather the opposite." (They were cluding a lengthy bibliography of his critics, a dozen for Stalinism??!!) "It is therefore impossible to paint or so of whom get passing mention in Lock's Intro- the Stalin period in wholly black or white terms, and duction, but only one — British Communist John it is equally impossible to pretend that its faults can Lewis — is actually debated by Althusser. be eliminated simply by 'democratizing' or 'liberal- Sometimes the ludicrousness of Althusser's re- izing' the political structures (for the sake of 'liberty') sponses to his critics is astonishing. For years his and 'reforming' the economy (for the sake of 'pro- philosophy has been called "structuralism," in keep- ductivity'). The effects of Stalin's humanism and ing with its similarities to that of other writers who economism cannot be rectified by a more consistent have so named their approach. Now Althusser writes, humanism and a more consistent economism." the problems in my theory didn't come from struc- These lines depart sufficiently from the high road turalism, but from an affinity for Spinoza! — but of "philosophy" to the low road of politics that one answers to the substance of the criticisms still don't naturally is led to the search for a motive other than appear, despite the fact that he knows the debate that of academic excellence and intellectual devotion. isn't about political taxonomy. It is not hard to find. Althusser himself admits he Lock writes that the purpose of his lengthy Intro- wasn't always so courageous: duction is to allow readers to "get an idea of what "Before the Twentieth Congress [of the Soviet kind of politics lie behind Althusser's 'philosophy'." In itself, that ought to be taken as a confession of Communist Party in 1956] it was actually not possi- bankruptcy. If Althusser's previous four books ble for a Communist philosopher, certainly in France, haven't managed to convey his politics somehow, to publish texts which would be (at least to some ex- then the claims he made as to the political character tent) relevant to politics, which would be something of his theoretical work were clearly bogus even before other than a pragmatist commentary on consecrated his "self-criticism." Even so, it is interesting that formulae." But the torrent of criticism that followed Lock, with Althusser's approval, can write that his the Twentieth Congress attacked "Stalin's errors" politics lie behind his philosophy, rather than the from the right — "there inevitably followed what we other way around. (It seems likely that had a critic must call an unleashing of bourgeois ideological and been the first to pose this relationship between Al- philosophical themes within the Communist Parties thusser's politics and theory, she or he would have themselves." been roundly denounced by the defenders of the The ferment that erupted in the Communist Parties faith.) did in fact become part of the general right-wing drift Althusser insists on your respect. Even if you as those parties sought to increase their electoral don't agree with him, he demands that you admire strength and trade union power in Western Europe his political courage. We should try to understand, and to seek commercial independence from the So- he says, "whatever the risks of what we say," the viets in Eastern Europe. In resisting these currents, errors of the world Communist movement. "I shall Althusser emerged as a defender of Marxist "ortho- take the personal risk of advancing this hypothesis doxy" — a left pole within the French CP. In contrast now." "It cannot be denied that such an initiative to the leading political currents, Althusser's criticisms involved great efforts and risks." The problem can and his terminological loyalty to certain Marxist tra- be summed up as the effects of a single problem, ditions (for example, his defense of the concept of the "Stalinian proletarian dictatorship while the Western European

9 CPs are jettisoning it) has given him a "revolutionary" separated out from the determinations valid for pro- aura. duction as such, so that in their unity — which arises Paradoxically, this appearance actually became an already from the identity of the subject, humanity, and asset to the CP, because it provided a political lure of the object, nature — their essential difference is not within the party for militant workers and radical forgotten." [Karl Marx, Grundrisse, Pelican Marx intellectuals whose leftward drift might otherwise be- Library edition, page 85, emphasis added] come a threat to party hegemony. His utility is In a similar way, Althusser's statement that strengthened when his militancy implicitly runs "Marxism-Leninism has always subordinated the counter to the party line — for instance when he re- dialectical Theses to the materialist Theses" [his em- fers to the French events of May 1968 as "the great- phasis] is clearly in opposition to Lenin's view that est workers' strike in world history." (But his polit- "what is decisive in Marxism [is] its revolutionary ical courage hasn't yet extended to the point of dialectics." [33: 476] In another instance Althusser directly attacking the counter-revolutionary role of writes, "Of course it is not true that everything is the French CP during that strike.) always connected with everything else — this is not a The appearances are deceptive, however. On the Marxist thesis," whereas Lenin's view was the oppo- most basic level, Althusser clings to the reformist site: "The relations of each thing (phenomenon, etc.) assumptions of his party. His attack on "humanism" are not only manifold, but general, universal. Each is actually a defense of the party and the unions, not thing (phenomenon, process, etc.) is connected with a revolutionary departure. Thus: "The humanist line every other." [38: 222, Lenin's emphasis] turns the workers away from the class struggle, pre- Clearly Althusser's "theoretical" work in the 1970s vents them from making use of the only power they isn't much different from that of the 1960s reviewed possess: that of their organization as a class and their by Martin Glaberman. Althusser's theoretical system class organizations (the trade unions, the party), by has taken on a life independent of its political utility, which they wage their class struggle." [Althusser's and this aspect has gotten nearly all the attention and emphasis] One would never guess from this that these commentary outside France. As we stated in the be- workers' "class organizations" played the crucial role ginning, this is a subordinate concern for us. of restoring bourgeois authority during "the greatest At the same time we would caution against the urge workers' strike in world history." to write an insurance policy underwriting Althusser's Nearly every reformist working class party has political life. The appearance of flexibility in the someone playing the role we have described here. Eurocommunist parties is deceptive, and Georges What has distinguished Althusser has been his attempt Marchais, head of the French CP, is a tinhorn Stalin. He to justify his political position in theory. Whereas has already ordered Althusser to stop criticizing the previous generations of CP intellectuals have ration- party's electoral strategy. alized their lines by re-interpreting Marx and Lenin to It seems likely that the rallying point for leftwing conform to party doctrine, Althusser has no qualms Eurocommunism will increasingly focus on Fernando about rejecting much of Marx's and Lenin's writings Claudin and his debate with Spanish CP leader San- on their face as "un-Marxist." He and his followers tiago Carrillo. If so, Althusser may become entirely are not moved by demonstrations that their positions expendable. It will be interesting to see whether his contradict Marxist-Leninist teachings; they simply "philosophy" can survive in the absence of a viable reply that Marx and Lenin abandoned previously held political base. positions, sometimes unconsciously. Picking up after Martin Glaberman's review of the Even so, Althusser is compelled to say that certain bulk of Althusser's theoretical works, Don Hamerquist texts provide valid guides to political theory, and explores the political implications of Althusser's recent these provide at least a small plot of common ground on which to apply mutually acceptable standards to articles and examines his place in the tableau of political claims. In this book Althusser opposes Eurocommunism. Though all conclusions are working class self-activity in theory by asserting, necessarily tentative, the article explores the tensions time and time again, that Marx viewed history as "a between Althusser's growing criticism of the French process without a subject." Yet he also says that "I CP and his own theoretical roots. Hamerquist con- based myself as closely as possible on Marx's 1857 siders the direction of Althusser's political drift in- Introduction, and if I used it to produce some compatible with his "scientific," "anti-humanist" necessary effects of theoretical provocation, I think theory. Indeed, if Hamerquist's optimism about Al- that I did nevertheless remain faithful to it." thusser's political future is justified, it is likely that Did he remain faithful to it? Is Marx's history a Althusser will undergo an "epistemological break" of process without a subject? In the 1857 Introduction his own. Whether or not this will amount to a to Critique of Political Economy, Marx wrote that "philosophical revolution" remains to be seen. "all epochs of production have certain common traits, common characteristics." These traits, "the elements Jasper Collins which are not general and common, must be for the editors

10 Althusser: the action of large

masses is determinant

Below are excerpts from a four- ways defended another thesis — the ence of a system which functions on part series of articles by Louis Al- proletariat must "emancipate itself." its own, independently of the thusser which appeared in Le Monde It can count on no class or liberator individuals who find their place in last April, sharply critical of the besides itself; it can count only on it, but which compels those indi- French Communist Party in the the strength of its organization. It has viduals to be what they are: both wake of its electoral defeat. As the no other choice, no exploited to final installment appeared on April used by and taking from the system. 28, party leader Georges Marchais manipulate. And since it must of When someone says that the party announced that the political debate necessity make lasting alliances, it functions on authority from above, within the party was closed. cannot treat its allies as other one should not look at authority as a it is interesting to note that Al- people, as forces at its mercy that it personal passion of a leader, but in thusser departs from some of his can dominate at will, but must treat the machinery of the apparatus, own political and theoretical ground them as true equals, whose historic which at every level hides rules here. For example, he uses the personality it must responsibility for the conduct of term Stalinism, which he had respect. authority and its results: an previously rejected as a bour- * * * automatic source of secrecy, suspi- geois/Trotskyist term. More signifi- cion, distrust, and cunning. * * * cantly, his reference to the self- How then is bourgeois political emancipation of the proletariat practice reproduced in [the prole- If a party and a line are needed, it would appear to undermine his tariat's] ranks? By treating the is to aid the working class in or- definition of history as "a process militants and the masses like others, ganizing itself as a class or, what is without a subject." whom the leadership, in the purest the same thing, organizing its struggle These articles constitute Althus- bourgeois style, gets to implement ser's strongest political commentary as a class. So the party must no its political line. It is sufficient to longer be built for its own sake, nor on the CP and its leadership to date, allow free rein to the internal and they may be his last words on the working class organized for its mechanism of the party, which these subjects for some time to own sake; this would be to fall into come — especially if he values his spontaneously produces the separa- isolation. The working class exists party membership. tion between the leadership and the in the midst of large masses of ex- Translation is by Renee Rosen- militants and the separation between ploited or oppressed people, as the feld, Noel Ignatin, and Ken Law- the party and the masses. part of the masses most capable of rence. * * * organizing itself and of showing the way to all the other exploited. Because in the party, on the basis Marxist tradition holds that it is A little historical awareness is of the Stalinian tradition, theory is the action of large masses that is enough to make one see that there the "property" of the leaders (and determinant, and that it is necessary exist as many forms of political those who might not agree would to conceive of the action of the practice as there are classes in power learn at their expense what the cost working class in terms of this or struggling for power. Each is today), and because this "property" determining role. It is from large governs or struggles according to of theory and Truth hide other masses that historic initiatives of the practice which best corresponds "properties" — one of the militants revolutionary import come: the in- to the constraints of its battle and its and one of the masses themselves, vention of the Commune, the fac- interests. [the bourgeois practice of the party] tory occupations of 1936, the pop- We can, for example, thanks to should not be interpreted in ular triumphs of the Liberation bourgeois history and theoreticians, individual terms, but in terms of the Committees of 1944-1945, the affirm that the role of the bourgeois system. The style of the individuals prodigious surprise of May 1968 in practice of politics consists of changes; the Stalinism of our France, etc. And a party judges itself making sure of its own domination leadership has become "humanist," in the first place by its capacity for through others. even "open." That doesn't matter. attention to the needs and the * * * What counts is that everything that initiatives of the popular masses. Against this bourgeois practice of has just been pointed out as tending politics, Marxist tradition has al- toward bourgeois political practice in the party is the exist- 11

Attempts to subordinate history to the CP

An earlier version of this paper was broadly that it includes theory. "By War II world. It is in relation to this delivered at the Annual Meeting of theory, in this respect, I shall mean a world that the validity and the rele- the American Sociological Associa- specific form of practice, itself be- vance of his ideas must be judged. tion, Montreal, Canada, August 27, longing to the complex unity of the One element of that world, the co- 1974, and published in the September 'social practice' of a determinate lonial revolution which has seen 1975 issue of The Review of Social human society. Theoretical practice independence won by most of the Theory. falls within the general definition of nations of Africa and Asia, must be practice. It works on a raw material left aside, since Althusser does not By Martin Glaberman (representations, concepts, facts) deal with it except in occasional which it is given by other practices . . marginal comments. The other ele- When the writings of Louis Al- .,”1 etc. By defining concepts, etc., as ment is the waves of revolutionary thusser began to be translated into material, or using words in such a activity in the industrial world, in the English, interest in the French way that the material nature of ideas East and in the West. The Hungarian Communist philosopher grew tre- is implied, Althusser magically Revolution of 1956, in which the mendously. Today there are indica- transforms his idealism into a Hungarian working class destroyed a tions that that interest has begun to materialist philosophy.2 The attraction totalitarian regime and created a new decline. Althusser, however, remains of this to many radical intellectuals society based on workers councils; an important figure because, in the who would never think of their own the creation of a "New Left," in the first place, he is associated with a philosophical views as idealist is that United States and in Europe (the powerful international political it places intellectual activities at the appearance of massive war movement and because, in the center of historical movement, giving movements, black movements, second place, his ideas have a certain intellectuals a role in the women's movements, anti-war attraction to middle class intellectuals transformation of society of which movements, etc.); these are the who prefer their Marxism in forms mundane materialism seems to landmarks of the post-World War II that are compatible with the deprive them. world that revolutionary theory and empirical scientism of traditional The third is the seeming scientific revolutionary philosophy have to academic disciplines. character of his methodology. grapple with. It is in this context that Althusser's attraction, I believe, Intellectuals, Marxist and non-Marxist we view Althusser's work. stems from three elements of his alike, have always had difficulty with Althusser's emphasis on how to work. The first is the apparent the Marxian dialectic because it "read" the Marxist classics throws freedom of his writing from the kind seems to go against the rules of an interesting light on his ideas, of rigid, monolithic doctrinairism ordinary scientific method. The although that subject is only mar- associated with Stalinism. Althusser flouting of Aristotelian logic, ginal to the purpose of this paper. is willing to praise and criticize a contradiction, negation of the nega- He has always insisted on the dis- wide range of Communists and non- tion, historical necessity, interpene- continuity of Marx's works, a strange Communists in ways that would not tration of opposites, and so on, have way to interpret any thinker. He have been tolerated in the Stalinist only rarely been accepted by social designated Marx's works in the period. He is even willing to criticize and natural science. By abandoning following categories: Marx, to invent new terms, and, in the dialectical content yet retaining 1840-44: the Early Works. general, to behave like a free-thinking the name, by reducing historical 1845: the Works of the philosopher. (I shall attempt to show materialism to an ahistorical Break. that this view is superficial, that empiricism, by eliminating historical 1845-57: the Transitional fundamentally Althusser's necessity and the general laws of Works. philosophy is Stalinist in every development of capitalist society, 1857-83: the Mature Works.3 significant sense.) Althusserian philosophy has an Althusser's attempts to root Hegel The second is the idealism of his attraction to those intellectuals who and the dialectic out of Marxism philosophy. Although he constantly are critical of existing society, are brought him under considerable at- refers to himself and his philosophy committed to social change, but who tack, an attack that was strongly as materialist, historical materialism, if are not prepared to accept the supported by the publication of the you please, at every crucial point he fundamental changes in their Grundrisse, which made available to attributes to idealistic forms (theory, methods of thought and in their the general public the integrated party programs, ideas) the power to scientific work which are implied in character of Marx's economic and move history. It is an idealism that is Marxist theory. philosophic ideas. Althusser, how- concealed by the manipulation of ever, was not to be put off. He re- language. For example, he defines Althusser seems to be speaking to treated to his final fortress: "When practice so the post-Stalinist, post-World

12 Capital Volume One appeared when the Chinese Communist Party and self-criticism. "The same He- (1867), traces of the Hegelian in- retreated from the cities to the iso- gelian influence comes to light in the fluence still remained. Only later did lated countryside, until after the imprudent formulation in Chapter 32 they disappear completely: the seizure of power in 1948-49, the of Volume One Part VIII, where Critique of the Gothe Programme contact of the Party with workers Marx, discussing the 'expropriation (1875) as well as the Marginal Notes was either non-existent or marginal.9 of the expropriators,' declares 'It is on Wagner's 'Lehrbuch der Althusser simply creates facts to the negation of the negation.' politischen Okonomie' (1882) are sustain his politics. Imprudent, since its ravages have not totally and definitively exempt from yet come to an end, despite the fact any trace of Hegelian influence." 4 that Stalin was right, for once, to In the whole body of tens of suppress 'the negation of the volumes of Marx's works, these two negation' from the laws of the pieces are all that remain that are dialectic . . .”14 Along with, and truly Marxist. (I should note that often lumped with, the rejection of what an earlier Stalinism attempted the negation of the negation is the to do by the distortion and misin- rejection of Aufhebung, a key terpretation of Marx and other concept in Hegel and in Marx vari- Marxists, while proclaiming absolute ously translated as transcendence, fidelity to the letter and spirit of supersession, etc., and alienation. Marx, Althusser accomplishes much Criticism and self-criticism Althusser more openly by challenging the has called "the golden rule of the texts head on.) For the rest, one dare Marxist-Leninist practice of the not take Marx's word for what he class struggle."15 This last was the says or means. One needs Althusser simultaneous contribution of Mao as a guide. Ordinarily one would not and of Stalin (through his commisar have to take this nonsense seriously. of culture, Zhdanov).16 What is interesting, however, is that As is evident from Marx's use of what is presumptuous and arrogant in the term, the negation of the nega- relation to studying Marx has a tion relates to the revolution itself.17 certain validity in studying Well-known Humanist It is the logical statement that all Althusser, because in fact, it is For example: "By practice in significant social categories are torn difficult to take Althusser literally. general I shall mean any process of apart by contradiction (negation), Althusser, for example, occasionally transformation of a determinate given contradiction that is inherent in and displays an absence of scruples in raw material into a determinate internal to the system, and that the dealing with facts, quotations, and product . . ."10 "As we have seen, ultimate destruction of the system is ideas. To put it plainly, he is every transformation of a raw the result of these internal forces and unscrupulous. material into products . . ."11 'What is leads to its transcendence, to the creation of a new category (or For example: "Lenin's 'Without this but intellectual fakery? Althusser revolutionary theory, no revolu- system), that, however, embodies the frequently states something and then tionary practice."5 And "When old. In relation to capitalist society, later refers to it as if proven or Lenin said 'without theory, no rev- it locates the forces of revolution generally accepted.12 olutionary action'" . . .6 What Al- within the economic structure of thusser is quoting with such gay There is one other element in Al- society, in the relations of abandon is the following: "Without thusser's writings that needs to be production, in the working class, and revolutionary theory there can be mentioned. There is a distinct ten- defines the revolution as not simply no revolutionary movement."7 Al- dency toward bombastic writing, the "inversion" (a favorite word of thusser has taken a statement that toward the invention of new terms to Althusser's) of capitalists and a political movement cannot exist replace perfectly usable old ones, workers but their mutual destruction without a theory and transformed toward phrasing banalities and com- and absorption into the categories of it into the totally idealist nonsense monplaces to make them sound like a new society based on totally that practice or activity cannot significant principles. The result is an different relations of production. It is take place without theory. obscurantism which, if not deliberate, this definition of the revolution that For example: "During the Chi- nevertheless serves the function of is unacceptable to Althusser because nese Revolution, the principal limiting any criticism of his ideas.13 it is thereby removed from the force was the workers (even Substantively, one of the crucial absolute control of the Communist though they were few in number points of attack on Hegel and the Party. compared to the peasants).8 This dialectic is Althusser's rejection of the In its place we have the "law" of is simply false. From the time of negation of the negation and, in criticism and self-criticism which the Long March effect, the substitution of criticism Zhdanov introduced as the law of

13 motion of socialist society and criticism — turn attention away 3. Read carefully Parts II, III which Althusser expands to cover from the self-development of so- (The Production of Abso- the practice of the class struggle. ciety, from struggles objectively lute Surplus-Value) and IV Why this interest in criticism and rooted in class contradiction, and (The Production of Rela- self-criticism? To begin with, it re- place reliance in the judgment of tive Surplus-Value). places a materialist conception with the Party. It is not surprising that an idealist conception. Instead of Althusser is warmly receptive to 4. Leave Part V (The Produc- placing the source of movement, of Mao's philosophical innovations tion of Relative and Abso- development, of struggle, of change, and assures us that there is not a lute Surplus-Value) on one in the objective forces existing in trace of Hegel in them. side. society, it places the source of The same dual concern is in- movement in discussion and debate, volved in Althusser's considerable 5. Read carefully Parts VI in party decisions and programs. (Of interest in Capital. In the first place, (Wages), VII (The Accu- course, that is viewing it at its best. Althusser attempts to "read" Marx mulation of Capital) and In point of fact, criticism and self- and Lenin in such a way that they VIII (The So-Called Primi- criticism has a very specific meaning mean the opposite of what they say. tive Accumulation). in the Communist movement — the Marx gives him difficulty by leadership criticizes and lower levels acknowledging his debt to Hegel in 6. Finally, begin to read Part I of leadership and the membership both form and content in Capital. (Commodities and Money) engage in self-criticism.) In short, Althusser (whose arrogance is with infinite caution, the proletariat is eliminated as the spectacular) takes the bull by the knowing that it will always fundamental revolutionary force horns and simply defines the "He- be extremely difficult to (although not, of course, in May Day gelian" sections of Capital as non- understand, even after sev- speeches or Party manifestoes) and Marxist. Lenin also gives him diffi- eral readings of the other replaced by the Party, insuring the culty by insisting that "It is impos- Parts, without the help of a conservative stability of the move- sible completely to understand certain number of deeper ment. The "suppression" of the Marx's Capital, and especially its explanations.21 negation of the negation is neces- first chapter, without having thor- sary to subordinate history, that is, oughly studied and understood the These distortions of Capital have the revolution, to the Communist whole of Hegel's Logic. Conse- an interesting predecessor. In 1943 Party. quently, half a century later none of there appeared in the Soviet Union 19 the Marxists understood Marx!!" an authoritative article entitled, But criticism and self-criticism had Althusser reinterprets Lenin so that "Teaching of Economics in the So- a more immediate purpose when it he was more of a Marxist and viet Union."22 The unsigned article, was introduced — to remove the dialectician before he studied Hegel appearing in Under the Banner of 20 Soviet Union from the functioning than after. But the concern with Marxism, indicated that the teaching of dialectical-historical laws. If Capital is not simply based on the of economics had been halted and dialectics indicates that all change need to attack the dialectical was now being resumed on the basis and development stems from method which informs it. It is also of a new approach to Capital, one contradiction, and that in society based on the need to defend the which abandoned Marx's own contradiction is fundamentally the existing structure of the Soviet structure and substituted a new struggle between classes, what does Union. arrangement of the material. The one do in a "classless" society? The In a preface to a French edition of problem was that a straightforward application of dialectics and the volume one of Capital, Althusser reading of Capital, with its emphasis proposes that Capital not be read as relevance of the class struggle is too on the social relationships of it was written. obvious in a society governed by production and the law of value, was I therefore urge on the reader totalitarian violence. So a new law is embarrassingly relevant to the the following method of invented that brings everything under nature of Russian society, with its reading: 23 control and subordinates conflict to class divisions. Since Capital the dictates of the Party leadership. could not be destroyed altogether, the 1. Leave Part I (Commodities Mao found that law useful in China, next best step was to distort it into and Money) deliberately on but also added some trimming: an ahistorical, structural analysis. one side in a first reading. principal contradiction, principal How important this was is indicated aspect of a contradiction, by the fact that the teaching of eco- 2. Begin reading Volume One antagonistic and non-antagonistic nomics was literally brought to a halt with its Part II (The Trans- contradictions. All are designed to in the Soviet Union until the task of formation of Money into do the same thing as the law of revising Capital could be Capital). accomplished. criticism and self-

14 Althusser's concern for the proper ther development into systems must carry this through to its reading of Capital conforms to his of dogmas — also exercise conclusion and say that this dual interest: to root dialectical their influence upon the overdetermination does not just materialism out of Marxism and to course of historical struggles, refer to apparently unique and defend Russian state capitalism as a and in many cases prepon- aberrant historical situations socialist society. derate in determining their (Germany, for example), but is Very much the same is involved form . . ." The word "form" universal: the economic in Althusser's famous (and much should be understood in its dialectic is never active in the overrated) concept of "overdeter- strongest sense, designating pure state; in History, these mination." In his essay, "Contra- something quite different from instances, the superstructures, diction and overdetermination," Al- the formal.24 etc. — are never seen to step thusser lays the basis for his new This last sentence is another respectfully aside when their concept by flagrantly distorting Hegel example of Althusserian fakery — work is done or, when the by a play on the word "simple." no one would assume that by form, Time comes, as his pure Pretending that Hegel's conception Engels meant formal — but the issue phenomena, to scatter before of contradiction was simple, Al- is confused enough so that there is a His Majesty the Economy as thusser counterposes the Marxist chance that one might think what he strides along the royal road view of a complex social totality, Althusser wants one to think, that of the Dialectic. From the first consisting of contradictions on vari- form means content. Because what moment to the last, the lonely ous levels, generally, economic base Althusser is doing is taking a widely hour of the "last instance" and superstructure. He then presents known correction or modification never comes.25 Engels' statement in a famous letter which simply says that the One stands in awe of such arro- to J. Bloch of September 21, 1890. economic basis is not all, and gance that in two pages can trans- Says Althusser: reinterpreting it to mean that the form the meaning of Engels into its Listen to the old Engels in economic basis is not anything, that opposite. Overdetermination, then, 1890, taking the young the superstructure is all. is the replacement of the general "economists" to task for not Here, then are the two ends laws of development of capitalism having understood that this of the chain: the economy is by the universal law of national was a new relationship. [The determinant, but in the last exceptionalism. Overdetermination emphasis on "new relationship" instance, Engels is prepared to takes the revolution out of the is a typical Althusserian say, in the long run, the run of economic system, that is, out of the distortion — there is no History. But History "asserts sphere of the social relations of justification for the term in itself" through the multiform production, and places it purely in Engels.] Production is the world of the superstructure, the superstructure, that is, in politics. determinant factor, but only from local tradition to In doing this, of course, it "in the last instance": "More international circumstances. transforms the revolution from a than this neither Marx nor I Leaving aside the theoretical social revolution to a political revo- have ever asserted." Anyone solution En-gels proposes for lution and it replaces the proletariat who "twists this" so that it the problem of the relation with the Party as the prime mover. says that the economic factor between determination in the (This helps to explain Althusser's is the only determinant factor, last instance — the economic astonishing statement of "Marx's "transforms that proposition — and those determinations principal positive debt to Hegel: the into a meaningless, abstract, imposed by the superstructures concept of a process without a empty phrase." And as — national traditions and in- subject."26 How helpful — a prole- explanation: "The economic ternational events — it is suf- tarian revolution without the pro- situation is the basis, but the ficient to retain from him what letariat!) various elements of the should be called the The cause of the revolution has now superstructure — the political accumulation of effective de- become the special, unique, forms of the class struggle and terminations (deriving from overdeterminations of the superstructure, its results: to wit constitutions the superstructures and from established by the victorious the special national and inter- not the class struggle at the economic class after a successful battle, national circumstances) on the base. The revolution takes place in a etc., juridical forms, and then determination in the last particular place, not because the working even the reflexes of all these instance by the economic. It class is exploited and alienated in the pro- actual struggles in the brains seems to me that this clarifies cess of production, but because of of the participants, political, the expression overdeter- exceptional political and ideological juristic, philosophical theories, mined contradiction, which I circumstances. These exceptional religious views and their fur- have put forward. . . . We circumstances no longer simply

15 modify the form that the revolution true!] I shall not evade the structure is a given (much in the takes, they determine the fact of most burning issue: it seems manner of bourgeois sociology), it revolution itself. The revolution is to me that either the whole becomes possible for Althusser to no longer rooted in objective logic of "supersession" must accept or defend the Russian sup- necessity (material conditions) but be rejected, or we must give pression of the Hungarian Revolu- in ideal contingencies. Philosophical up any attempt to explain tion of 1956. Theoretically, revolu- idealism is restored and, with it, the how the proud and generous tion in Hungary cannot exist in Al- ruling position of the Communist Russian people bore Stalin's thusser's system of ideas. Practically, Parties. crimes and repression with of course, Althusser simply One does not have to search far such resignation; how the transforms it into its opposite, calling for the practical political significance Bolshevik Party could toler- revolution counter-revolution and of these theoretical distortions. ate them; not to speak of the counter-revolution, revolution. (It is Concluding his essay on final question — how a Com- intriguing that Althusser rejects the "Contradiction and Overdetermina- munist leader could have dialectical conception of the tion," Althusser says: ordered them.27 transformation of categories into How, then, are we to think There you have it. If the revolu- their opposites, which might help to these survivals? Surely, with a tion takes place in the process of explain the transformation of the number of realities, which are production and involves, above all Soviet Union, the Communist Party, precisely realities for else, a transformation (transcendence, or the modern trade union from Marx, whether superstruc- supersession) of social relations in organs of working class struggle into tures, ideologies, "national the process of production, and the instruments of oppression or traditions" or the customs superstructure (state form) is domination over the working class. and "spirit" of a people, subordinate to that, it becomes Yet he manages to perform the etc.? Surely with the over- possible to say that Stalin's crimes magical transformation in his own determination of any contra- reflect a counter-revolution, of tre- undialectical way.) diction and of any constitutive mendous violence, which eliminated What directly serves to support element of a society, which the Russian working class from any the status quo in societies dominated means: (1) that a revolution in remnants of control over their by the Communist Party, indirectly the structure does not ipso society. But if the revolution is supports the status quo in the rest of facto modify the existing defined as taking place in the the world, if not the specific social superstructures and superstructure and is characterized structure of capitalist society. An particularly the ideologies at not by transcendence but by a integral part of Althusser's views is one blow (as it would if the structural break (a favorite expres- his conception of party and organization. In a discussion of the economic was the sole deter- sion of Althusser's is "epistemologi- French events of 19GS he wants the minant factor), for they have cal break"), then one can ignore the rebellious youth "to confront, in sufficient of their own con- historical reality of Russian devel- sistency to survive beyond precise terms, the problem which at opments and pretend that socialism their immediate life context, present torments them: the problem consists of nationalization (no matter even to recreate, to "secrete" of the necessity of organization who controls the nationalized substitute conditions of ex- (because they sense, and some of istence temporarily; [Please industry) and Soviets (no matter who them even know, that no political note: "temporarily" means controls the Soviets). Stalinism is action is possible without 57 years and still going then seen as an aberration on a organization).28 strong and a revolution can fundamentally sound structure in- To begin with, two orders of de- take place which does not stead of the process of the counter- ception are involved here. The first is modify the state (superstruc- revolution in which economic base the distortion of Lenin on organi- ture) at one blow.] (2) that the (social relations of production) and zation indicated above.29 The sec- new society produced by the superstructure (totalitarian state) are ond is the distortion of historical Revolution may itself ensure reasonably in tune with each other. events. "What happened," in May the survival, that is, the And, incidentally, a criticism of 1968, says Althusser, "was an his- reactivation, of older ele- Stalin is simply the form of a torical encounter, and not a fusion. ments through both the defense of Stalinism. An encounter may occur or not oc- forms of its new superstruc- These are doctrines which support the cur. It can be a 'brief encounter,' tures and specific (national bureaucratic status quo. Structure relatively accidental, in which case and international) "circum- replaces historical development it will not lead to any fusion of stances." Such a reactivation ("historicism" is one of Althusser's forces. This was the case in May, would be totally inconceiv- expletives). Social categories no longer where the meeting between able for a dialectic deprived have any life or development. They are workers/employees on the one hand of overdetermination. [How ahistorical, eternal. Since the existing social and students and young intellectual

16 workers on the other was a brief which were essentially international geois ideology, etc. Nowhere does encounter which did not lead, for a to Marx and Lenin), then they indi- he ask the crucial companion ques- whole series of reasons I will men- cate the need to continue the devel- tion: why was the Communist Party tion very briefly and very generally, opment of Marxist theory and prac- of France, which, after all, is to any kind of fusion.”30 Nowhere tice. If Lenin's view in What Is To represented among the workers by does Althusser mention that a sig- Be Done? (even when not distorted) its own organizations and by control nificant reason for the limitation of is taken as an eternally fixed of the CGT, one of the major union this encounter was the positive in- absolute, the past, the present, and federations, left behind by the tervention of the French Commu- the future become unintelligible. spontaneous actions and ideology of nist Party to seal off the workers What does one understand about the the workers in May?) over whom they had some influ- nature of Marx's Communist League? It is possible to give a simple ence and organizational control Was it simply a mistake? Or was it answer to the question Althusser from contact with the students. simply pre-history? And what of the asks and the question he does not But apart from deception there is First International, a very different ask. The Communist Party has be- the matter of methodology. Althus- type of organization than the Third come a bulwark of the status quo. In ser views historic encounter in pure- International? If Lenin's vanguard the context of a discussion of ly structural and party terms. How party is not an eternal verity, does it Althusser's system of ideas, how- else can he call several weeks of become necessary to discuss new ever, a related and more general street battles between students and forms of organization in terms of the question needs to be raised. Is a police, followed by the occupation historical necessities (not accidents) structuralist version of Marxism a of the factories by virtually the en- that appeared in Hungary in 1956 useful tool in analyzing the role of tire French working class — a rela- and in France in 1968? the party in the industrial world? tively accidental brief encounter? It is interesting to contrast Al- Does a dialectical materialism which He cannot see the objective charac- thusser's method with the method of acknowledges its debt to Hegel ter of massive historical events. He Marx and Lenin. The Marxian provide a significantly better can only see them (positively or classics on the state and revolution methodology? negatively) when formally structured, are Marx on the Commune and Lenin In the confines of a short paper it which is to say, controlled by on the Soviets. That is to say, Marx is easy to give the impression of parties and unions. He sees spon- and Lenin started with the dialectical materialism as some al- taneity as the enemy contained in spontaneous, creative outburst of the ternate, monolithic system. Clearly, the dialectic, even the spontaneous working class and based their theory with any methodology, individuals formation of organs of struggle or and the expansion of their theory on can reach varying and contradictory new state forms (Soviets, workers that. There is no room in Althusser's conclusions, the validity of which councils). Althusser is all for revolu- philosophy for the historical fact that must be tested in practice. I say this tion, (1) provided it does not take Paris workers invented the by way of introduction to one place in the "socialist" countries commune before Marx wrote its dialectical analysis of the developing and, (2) provided, in the capitalist history, and Russian workers role of organization in relation to the countries, that it is not revolution- invented Soviets before Lenin wrote working class in capitalist society. I ary. The role of the French Com- State and Revolution. do not intend this example to munist Party in limiting and sup- In letters to an Italian Commu- exclude other possibilities, pressing the revolution of 1968 nist, Althusser raises an interesting possibilities which I can not treat corresponds perfectly in practice to question in relation to the French within these limits. Althusserian philosophy in theory. In 1948 the West Indian Marxist, C. What Althusserian philosophy events of 1968. He asks, "Why have the Communist Parties, who after L. R. James, did an informal study of makes it impossible to see is the Hegel and Marxism which was later all are represented among the stu- dialectical development of working called Notes on Dialectics.32 Its dents by their own organizations, class organization and revolutionary purpose was to emphasize the lost practically all contact with the struggle. If the difference between continuing relevance of dialectical student youth, to the extent that the Paris Commune of 1871, the materialism and its usefulness in they were left behind by the latter's Russian Soviets of 1905 and 1917, studying the problems of revolution and the Hungarian workers councils spontaneous actions and ideology in 31 and organization. Some extracts will of 1956 are simply overdetermina- May?" indicate something of what is tions, that is, historical accidents, (Let me note parenthetically: the involved, although these are then they provide little guide to openness and honesty of this ques- disconnected fragments. James quotes revolutionary theory. If, tion, which is so attractive to non- Hegel from The Phenomenology of however, these differences Party radicals, is deceptive. No- Mind: correspond to stages of where does he attempt an answer, 'In my view — a view development of capitalism and other than to lecture students on which the developed exposi- the working class (both of their backwardness, petty bour- tion of the system can alone

17 justify — everything depends cept of the proletariat as pro- and the revolutionary petty- on grasping and expressing the letariat. Or the consciousness bourgeoisie. The abolition of ultimate truth not as would move further along the capital and the abolition of Substance but as Subject as road of finding truer, more the distinction between the well.' rich, more clear, i.e., more proletariat as object and the That is to say, scientific concrete, categories of its proletariat as consciousness method cannot examine the own truly proletarian nature, will be one and the same pro- object alone but must at the its unending fight against cess. That is our new notion same time and equally exam- capital. It would develop its and it is with those eyes that ine the categories with which notion of itself, and therefore we examine what the prole- it examines the object. ... see the initial stage it had tariat is in actuality. . . .35 The truth is what you ex- reached more clearly. The The party as we have amine it with; both are in 2nd International was one known it must disappear. It process of constant change. strong knot. After conflict, a will disappear. It is disappear- What Marxists considered a new strong knot would be the ing. It will disappear as the Workers State, a revolution- 3rd International. But — a state will disappear. The whole ary international, a reformist Hegelian would say as soon laboring population becomes international, in 1871, cannot as the 3rd International was the state. That is the be the same in 1905, in 1923, formed, I would know that disappearance of the state. It and in 1948. . . . the same conflict of can have no other meaning. It The subject is a constant tendencies existed inside of withers away by expanding to negativity. It assumes a con- it, and would go on until the such a degree that it is stant change. When it looks proletariat found its true self, transformed into its opposite. at something it sees it and i.e., got rid of capitalism, And the party does the same. sees the negative in it which whereupon it would not be The state withers away and will be positive tomorrow, thus proletariat at all, but a new the party withers away. But constantly developing new organism. Every new stage for the proletariat the most categories, which correspond marked a wider, deeper, more important, the primary, is the to the changing object. concrete notion and therefore withering away of the party. . . .33 a clearer grasp of the actual For if the party does not stage of existence of the wither away, the state never Now the Hegelian logic proletariat. He would know will.36 would begin by saying: when all this in 1889, though he Eight years before the Hungarian you looked at the categories in would not be certain when Revolution, in which the Hungarian 1889, at the time that the 2nd the new organism, 'i.e., working class as a whole created International propounded them socialism, would come. But workers councils, 20 years before did you know in advance that until it came this process the French Revolution, in which the its categories had within them would go on.34 French working class as a whole the inherent power of moving It is obvious that the con- occupied the factories of France, forward in the direction of flict of the proletariat is be- the Marxist dialectic, informed by a something new, a new tween itself as object and study of Hegel, indicated, in the organization of consciousness, itself as consciousness, its necessarily abstract forms of theo- a new party, and had at the party. The party has a dia- retical analysis, the general shape same time in them the lectical development of its of things to come, a shape made tendency to become their own. The solution of the concrete by the European working opposite? If you didn't know conflict is the fundamental class. that, he would say, you don't abolition of this division. The All theory must be tested in know the beginning of million in the Communist practice. It is not too difficult to dialectic. The object was Party in France, the 2V4 compare. The theory of overdeter- proletarian and, further, millions in Italy, their minations leaves Althusser revolutionary and socialistic. . . domination of the Union wondering about the crimes of . So that the proletarian movement, all this shows Stalin and why the students of categories would be that the proletariat wants to France left the Communist Party fundamentally proletariat. abolish this distinction behind. A dialectical materialism But they could swing to their which is another form of the that accepts its Hegelian heritage opposite, i.e., become per- capitalist division between finds itself in correspondence meated through and through intellectual and manual with the major social upheavals with a capitalist content, as far labor. The revolutionary of the post-World War II world as that was possible without party of this epoch will be and provides an instrument for smashing the initial con- organized labor itself the study of the reality of revo-

18 lution in the modern world. comes obviously pointless if expressed with the help of Early in the paper I indicated that 'practice' means simply any unnecessarily complicated I viewed Althusserian theory as activity. I don't maintain that neologisms . . ." L. Kolakow- essentially Stalinist. It is, however, a this distinction cannot be ski, op. cit., p. 112. There is a Stalinism that conforms to the needs criticized; perhaps it is wrongly rather interesting resemblance of the post-Stalin era, the era of conceived. But Althusser does between Althusser's stylistic "many roads to socialism," of not even try to show that there method and that of the Amer- irreparable cracks in the monolithic is something wrong with it. He ican sociologist, Talcott Par- structure of the Communist simply does not seem to realize sons, who has also been charged movement under Stalin. Althusser that this distinction has ever with obscurantism in the provides a theory useful to differing existed in the Marxist tradition.” pursuit of theoretical jus- Communist parties. But it remains Leszek Kolakowski, tification for the status quo. Stalinist in that it provides "Althusser's Marx," in, Ralph 14. Lenin and Philosophy, p. 91. theoretical justification for party Miliband and John Saville, ". . . for the Hegelian dia- programs; it seeks to subordinate the eds., The Socialist Register lectic, too, is teleological in its historical process to the requirements 1971, London (The Merlin structures, since the key struc- of party and state organizations; and Press), 1971, p. 127, footnote tures of the Hegelian dialectic it resorts to the distortion and 1. is the negation of the negation, manipulation of facts and ideas to 3. For Marx, p. 35. which is the teleology itself, maintain its influence. It is deeply 4. Louis Althusser, Lenin and within the dialectic. That is why conservative. And it puts obstacles Philosophy and Other Essays, the question of the structures of in the way of seeing the truly London (New Left Books), the dialectic is the key question revolutionary currents that exist in 1971, p. 90. Emphasis in dominating the whole problem the modern world. original. of a materialist dialectic. That is 5. For Marx, p. 166. why Stalin can be taken for a 6. Ibid., p. 168. perceptive Marxist philosopher, Footnotes 7. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, at least on this point, since he in Collected Works, Vol. 5, struck the negation of the 1. Louis Althusser, For Marx, Moscow (Foreign Languages negation from the 'laws' of the London (Alien Lane, The Pen- Publishing House), 1961, p. dialectic." Althusser, Politics guin Press), 1969, p. 167. 369. and History, London (New Left 2. "It should be added that Al- 8. Maria Antonietta Macciocchi, Books), 1972, p. 181. thusser uses the word 'practice' Letters From Inside the Italian 15. Lenin and Philosophy, p. 164. indiscriminately for all kinds of Communist Party to Louis Al- 16. See Martin Glaberman, op. cit., human activity ('theoretical thusser, London (New Left pp. 109-111. practice,' 'ideological practice,' Books), 1973, p. 52. (Letter 17. Capital, pp. 836-837. 'productive practice,' etc.), from Althusser to M. A. 18. See C. L. R. James, State Capi- without explaining what Macciocchi.) talism and World Revolution, 'practice' in general means: all 9. See Ygael Gluckstein, Mao's Detroit (Facing Reality), 1969, he suggests is that it means China, London (George Alien pp. 98-101. simply anything that people & Unwin Ltd.), 1957, chap. 19. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. are doing in whatever domain. XI, and Martin Glaberman, 38, Moscow (Foreign Languages One can understand his "Mao as a Dialectician," Inter- Publishing House), 1961, p. attempt to explain to the national Philosophical Quar- 180. leaders of the French Commu- terly, Vol. VIII, No. 1, March 20. "Lenin Before Hegel," Lenin 1968. nist Party that they are wrong and Philosophy and Other to compel its ideologists to 10. For Marx, p. 166. Emphasis in Essays, pp. 107,109. original. participate in 'political practice,' 21. Lenin and Philosophy, p. 85. 11. Ibid, p. 184. i.e., to distribute leaflets rather 22. An English translation by Raya 12. "Althusser often formulates a than writing, since, he says, to Dunayevskaya appeared in general statement and then American Economic Review, write theoretical works is a quotes it later and then refers kind of 'practice' too. But it Vol. XXXIV, No. 3, Sept. to it by saying 'we showed' or 1944. seems that it could be 'it was proved' . . ." Leszek explained in another way, 24. For Marx, pp. 111-112. Em- Kolakowski, op. cit., p. 127. phasis in original. without depriving the word 13. "I will argue that the whole of 'practice' of specific meaning. 25. Ibid., pp. 112-113. Emphasis Althusser's theory is made up in original. The traditional Marxist dis- of the following elements: 1. 26. Politics and History, p. 185. tinction and the opposition of common sense banalities 'practice' and ''theory' be- 19 Emphasis in original. 27. For Marx, pp. 115-116. Em- A tension between the theory phasis in original. 28. Letters From Inside the Italian By Don Hamerquist of Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party, p. 319. CPSU in 1956. Within a matter of 29. For a somewhat fuller state- Louis Althusser, the French months this was followed by the ment of the distortion of Lenin Communist Party philosopher, has Polish and Hungarian uprisings and on the role of the party, see been an important influence on then the first rumblings of the dif- Martin Glaberman, "Toward an Marxist theory for the past fifteen ferences which eventually led to the American Revolutionary' years. Though his reputation rests on Sino-Soviet split. Perspective," Insurgent a series of theoretical essays, Al- From the beginning the crisis has Sociologist, Vol. IV, No. II, thusser is also a political figure of had two aspects. Both involve cri- Winter 1974. importance. He represents a left tiques of the Soviet Union: as a 30. Letters From Inside the Italian tendency within the phenomenon model of socialist construction; as Communist Party, p. 307. called Eurocommunism. the leader of an international revo- 31. Ibid., p. 316. Althusser's politics, and certainly lutionary movement; and as the in- 32. Detroit (Friends of Facing his theory, are complex and difficult. terpreter of Marxist-Leninist ortho- Reality), 1971. This article, an attempt to explore the doxy. One center of the crisis has 33. Ibid., pp. 47-48. Emphasis in relationship between the two, is made developed around the pole provided original. additionally difficult because at some by the "Chinese road" and "Mao Tse 34. Ibid., p. 57. Emphasis in origi- points Althusser's political stance and Tung Thought." Another center, nal. his theoretical position are in tension, emerging somewhat later, can be 35. Ibid., p. 60. Emphasis in origi- perhaps even in contradiction. Thus roughly characterized as Euro- nal. my intentions are limited to opening communism. 36. Ibid., p. 190. Emphasis in up some areas of investigation and Though there are some parallels original. posing some questions. between these two centers of oppo- sition to Soviet hegemony in the My point of departure is Al- world communist movement — more thusser's running commentary on in the later period — they are French Eurocommunism. This com- commonly defined by their differ- mentary is contained in a speech on ences. In fact, until relatively recently the significance of the 22nd Congress they have been more opposed to each of the French Communist Party other than to the USSR. The initial (PCF) (New Left Review, No. 104); Chinese polemics were formally and in a series of critical articles directed against "Comrade Togliatti." which appeared in Le Monde this the Italian communist leader, who spring. The Le Monde articles were was the first prominent advocate of part of the debate over the poor "poly-centrism," the initial showing of the so-called "Union of the manifestation of Eurocommunism. Left" in the recent French general The Eurocommunists have always elections. (The.selection from been concerned with extending and Althusser in this issue of Urgent Tasks deepening the critique of Stalin and is an excerpt from the Le Monde the Stalin period of Soviet and series.) Though these articles deal with communist history, while Stalin has issues of general relevance, some come off fairly well in the Chinese knowledge of the crisis of the attack on the "Khrushchev restoration international Communist movement, of capitalism." His dubious policies an important part of the political towards the Chinese Revolution are environment of the French intellectual scarcely mentioned in order to left, is helpful in understanding them. emphasize the errors of the Soviet leadership in the post-Stalin period. Finally, Eurocommunism questions Crisis of the International two principles of Marxism-Leninism: Louis Althusser Communist Movement the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the related con- The crisis came into the open ception of socialism as a transition- with Khrushchev's famous critique al period of sharp class struggle. It

20 and the politics

is well known that the Chinese view nese Revolution." leinstein) and the left section of the any move away from these positions On a more substantial level, Al- Socialist Party to revitalize the po- as the essence of modern revisionism. thusser is an important figure in a litical weekly, Politique Hebdo. For Most non-communist revolution- theoretical tendency on the French his part, Althusser is taking up a aries, particularly outside of Europe, left which includes non-PCF and anti- clear position as a left-wing opposi- identified with the Chinese position PCF intellectuals such as Charles tion (possibly not a fully "loyal" throughout the sixties and early Bettelheim and Nicos Poulantzas. opposition) within the Eurocom- seventies. Chinese opposition to This tendency is known for its munism of the PCF. It must be Soviet policy and theory was seen as opposition to "economism" and to stressed that while Althusser has taken left and revolutionary; that of the the so-called "theory of the pro- a left stance within Eurocommunism, large European parties (notably the ductive forces."* This, of course, is this is not akin to the pro-Soviet Italian) was seen as liberal and the line of the Chinese criticism of stance of the Portuguese or the U.S. reformist. Even within the large Soviet society and Soviet Marxism. Communist Parties. It took communist parties of western Europe Needless to say, the situation has Althusser a long time and much there were elements which identified changed with regard to China. It is agonizing to break with the old C.P. with China. Althusser had such a becoming increasingly difficult to verities concerning Stalin and the position. He makes laudatory see it as a revolutionary alternative to U.S.S.R., but he appears to have references to Mao as a philosopher in the Soviet Union and Soviet made the break. In my view his some of his best-known essays (For Marxism. The serious French intel- leftism is more clearly opposed to Marx, pp. 94, 101, 182, 194-195). In lectuals who were attracted by as- the Soviet model than is the Euro- his reply to criticisms from John pects of Maoism, by the Cultural communism of the French and Lewis, the British communist, he Revolution, and by the critique of Italian Parties. (See NLR, No. 104, asserts that the only genuine "left" modern revisionism, are moving to- pp. 9-10.) critique of Stalinism — as opposed wards different political ground. to liberal, "humanist," bourgeois Bettelheim has resigned from thu Estimate of Eurocommunism** critiques — is that "implied by the Franco-Chinese Friendship chair. course of the Chi- Debray and Poulantzas are joining In this country it is easy to inter- with elements of the PCF (Jean El- pret Eurocommunism as the final

*Bettelheim's work on the history terialism, pamphlet version, pp. 16- spective. In the second place, it is of the Soviet Union is cast into this 40.) questionable whether it rests on an framework. The same is true of accurate assessment of economic Poulantzas' book on fascism. While trends. In any case, the notion that Althusser is not quite so explicit be- **Even though it is not relevant the wealth of the imperialist centers cause the object of his writing is to this article, one feature of Euro- "belongs" to the workers who acci- philosophy, the parallel is evident in communism which is apparently dentally happen to live within the his critical remarks about the Soviet shared by all of the trends in it must favored nation's borders has been use of the "very ambiguous and (alas) be mentioned. By its very title, properly handled by Arghiri Em- famous Preface to A Contribution to Eurocommunism raises the spector of manuel (Unequal Exchange, pp. 424- the Critique of Political Economy Eurocentrism. One of its themes is 426). (1859). . . . I also note that, the potential for socialism in In order to maximize the appeal unfortunately for the same "advanced" metropolitan societies of the "socialist goal," the Euro- International Communist Movement, where there is allegedly no need for communist parties deny the impor- Stalin made the 1859 Preface his Preobrazhensky's famous (or tance of the struggle for economic reference text . . ." (Lenin and notorious) phase of "primitive so- equality on a world scale. Any talk Philosophy, p. 96). cialist accumulation." The assump- of the internationalist responsibili- Althusser's criticism of these few tion is that the huge economic ad- ties of the metropolitan working paragraphs is that they are very sus- vantage of the imperialist metropolis classes, in this view, limits the ap- ceptible to an evolutionist interpre- over the rest of the world will peal of the affluent socialism which tation, not to mention their flavor of continue well into the period of is the main propellant of mass revo- technological determinism. Stalin, of socialist construction. lutionary consciousness. Clearly the course, brought all this out in the In the first place, there are real left Eurocommunists would be less crudest way and declared it the questions about whether any polit- likely to descend to complete op- official historical materialism. (See ical tendency which lays claim to portunism on this question as on all. Dialectical and Historical Ma- being revolutionary and interna- others. However, they show little tionalist should have such a per- concern about the danger.

21 descent into social democratic par- tory of the working class and anti- its meanness; they transform his liamentarism for the major Western imperialist movement from Soviet life-time into working-time, and European C.Ps. Documents like the historiography, is a fact of tremen- drag his wife and child beneath the Joint Statement of the French and dous importance. It holds the op- wheels of the Juggernaut of Italian Communist Parties, and, cer- portunity for the working class to capital. But all methods for the tainly, the commentaries on these begin to regain its own history and production of surplus-value are at documents by such U.S. supporters intellectual heritage. Maoism and the the same time methods of as Max Gordon, support such a Chinese Revolution never really had accumulation; and every extension view. (This statement and Gordon's this potential because along with its of accumulation becomes again a introduction are available .as a re- challenge to Soviet hegemony was a means for the development of print from Socialist Revolution). claim for hegemony for its own those methods. It follows therefore Eurocommunism is presented as the position and views. These, in turn, that in proportion as capital ac- fetishism of bourgeois parliamen- were determined by the cumulates, the lot of the tarism; the strategic rejection of requirements of the exercise of labourer, be his payment high armed struggle as a means to power; power in China, which, unfortu- or low, must grow worse. and, underlying these points, the nately, do not align exactly with (Capital, Vol. I, p. 604 rejection of the content of the the interests of the world revolu- [Moscow ed.]) Taking into Marxist theory of the state. tion. account the objective limits on How is it, then, that a position Official Eurocommunism, like reformism of any type, it is my such as Althusser's (or Fernando reformism and revisionism of opinion that the positive value Claudin's for that matter), which is any type, faces definite problems of Eurocommunism's loosening arguably left and revolutionary, can and limitations. Banishing the of the dead hand of Soviet function within such a right-wing concept of the dictatorship of the domination of revolutionary framework? The answer is that this proletariat does not end the politics will be more official stance is only part of the reality of the dictatorship of the important than the reformist and picture of Eurocommunism. There bourgeoisie. Even if revisionist form and content are distinctions and differences be- Eurocommunist parties get their which currently dominate it. tween the French, Spanish, Italian coveted place in capitalist and Japanese variations which allow governments, and even if some Althusser on the 22nd Congress some latitude for struggle within and of their policies are enacted, it of the PCF between Eurocommunist or- will not fundamentally alter the ganizations. Althusser, for example, condition of the masses of Althusser seems to have a continually uses the fact of public working people spelled out in the similar conception of the airing of differences in the Italian famous passage in Capital: potentials of Eurocommunism, but party as leverage for his struggle ... all methods for raisins: the his conception of its limits is within the French Party. (See NLR, social productiveness of studiously vague. One of the most No. 104, p. 20.) In addition, certain labour are brought about at diplomatic passages from the very valuable concepts and approaches the cost of the individual diplomatic presentation in the New have been incorporated into Euro- labourer; all means for the Left Review article illustrates this communism. For example, the development of production point: Spanish and the Italian Parties have transform themselves into That is why there is little obviously learned from Gramsci's means of domination over, doubt that in the "abandon- conception of the struggle for and exploitation of, the pro- ment," or rather symbolic hegemony through a "war of posi- ducers; they mutilate the sacrifice of the dictatorship tion" (see Prison Notebooks, partic- labourer into a fragment of a of the proletariat, the 22nd ularly "State and Civil Society"), man, degrade him to the level Congress was killing two however onesided they might be in of an appendage of a ma- birds with one stone. While chine, destroy every remnant their understanding of Gramsci. adopting a new strategy of of charm in his work and turn However, the basic reason why democratic socialism (a dif- it into a hated toil; they Eurocommunism might well have a ferent socialism), it in fact estrange him from the intel- positive historical impact is that it adopted a new position completely undercuts Soviet domi- lectual potentialities of the labour process in the same with respect to a decisive nation of the interpretation of revo- aspect of the crisis of the lutionary theory and working class proportion 'as science is in- corporated in it as an inde- international Communist anti-imperialist history. The libera- movement (relations with tion of Marx and Lenin (Trotsky, pendent power; they distort the conditions under which the USSR). The advantage Gramsci, Lukacs, and Luxemburg as of this new position is well) from Soviet Marxism, along he works, subject him during the labour-process to a des- that the 22nd Congress with the liberation of the real his- potism the more hateful for gave reasons for think-

22 ing that it is now at least in iod of transition between capitalism point by noting with obvious ap- part possible to get out of and communism." (Ibid.) His point proval that, ". . . in certain neigh- this crisis and its dead ends. is that without a conception of the boring Communist Parties, the Despite its immediate transitional nature of socialism (and leaders themselves at Central Com- limitations, this initiative thus the continuation of class struggle mittee meetings publicly confront may bear fruit. In this within it), the hostility of Marxism to their different and sometimes di- perspective, the all states — the state as such is vergent opinions on the policy to be "abandonment" of the dicta- repressive and oppressive — is lost. pursued." (Ibid., p. 20) torship of the proletariat has From here it is not so far to the played its part as a symbolic Soviet position. "With us, the These observations sound like a act, making it possible to withering away of the state is promising beginning for an analysis present in spectacular achieved via its reinforcement." of the structure and function of a fashion the break with a (Ibid., p. 18) Thus the PCF aban- revolutionary party. Unfortunately, certain past, left vague donment of the dictatorship of the with the exception of one isolated verbally, while opening the proletariat, offered as a break with passage which we will consider later, road to a different socialism Soviet Marxism on the level of Althusser does not even move in that from that reigning in the theory, conceals premises about the direction. Instead, as soon as the USSR. nature of socialism and the role of questions of open debate and All this obviously took the state that are not so far removed "liberty" raise the issue of faction- place "over the head" of the from Soviet practice. alism, Althusser collapses. concept; i.e., of the theoretical The treatment of the PCF's posi- meaning of the dictatorship of the tion on this question follows the A frequent criticism of Althusser's proletariat. For the general pattern of Althusser's article. theoretical work is that there is all "abandonment" of a theoretical Beginning from an asserted sorts of tedious substantiation of concept (which, need it be said, agreement with the official PCF relatively minor points, while some cannot be thought by itself, all stand, he moves more or less quickly major points rest on nothing but bald alone, but is bound up with a set to questions and arguments which cast assertion. Here we have an example. of other concepts) cannot be the doubt on the significance of the With no substantiation or elaboration object of a political decision. "agreement." After welcoming six whatsoever he asserts that "Lenin Since Galileo every materialist has "historical initiatives," he manages to was against factions." (Ibid.) This is known that the fate of a scientific point out some element of basic the key to his entire argument. There concept, which is the objective error with each of them. In no is nothing else advanced to support reflection of a real problem with instance does he say that the error the conclusion; i.e., factions are out, many implications, cannot be the compromises the "initiative," as are "organized tendencies," object of a political decision. although in most of the cases, e.g., because, "Today, the party expects The dictatorship of the proletariat the one treated above, this would something else, and it is right." can be "abandoned": it will be seem to be the case. (Ibid., p. 21) What is Althusser's rediscovered as soon as we come The political (in the bad sense) remedy for the lack of discussion to speak of the state and approach of the article is demon- and debate? It is nothing but "real socialism. (NLR, No. 104, p. 10) Of strated most clearly in the section discussions." However, we are course Althusser realizes that the dealing with the PCF itself, the 6th, moving ahead of ourselves. How abandonment of the dictatorship of and final, "initiative." Presumably valid is Althusser's attempt to call on the proletariat is not so innocently this "initiative" is advanced ironi- the prestige of Bolshevik tradition to symbolic — that it holds cally, since Althusser's argument is support his view? In fact, it is not consequences for Eurocommunist that it is notable mainly through its valid at all. Of course, Lenin politics which go beyond the PCF's absence. "The 22nd Congress spoke opposed factions whose political attitude towards the USSR. Indeed, the language of freedom for the positions were, in his opinion, he quickly "discovers" these conse- outside, but remained silent about wrong. But the thrust of the quences when he moves to a con- the inside." (Ibid.) ". . . [T]he same opposition was directed at the sideration of the PCF's conception Communist party that speaks so position. He also was in opposition to of socialism as "... a society gov- generously and amply of liberty narrow factional methods of work, erned by generalized democracy for the people, remains silent because these methods inhibited the and the generalized satisfaction of about the current practices of broadest possible participation of the needs." (Ibid., p. 15) Althusser democratic centralism, i.e., the party in debate. Finally Lenin did criticizes this conception as a mix- concrete forms of the liberty of support the ban on factions that the ture of economism and utopianism. Communists in their own Party." Soviet Communist party enacted in As an alternative he argues that so (Ibid., p. 9) As mentioned earlier, 1921, almost four years after the cialism is "... a contradictory per- Althusser makes the same revolution, but Althusser does not view

23 this ban correctly.*** organized tendencies, but real dis- over policy and personnel questions. Of course, Lenin's positions are cussions which are not confined to It is absurd to expect that the not decisive. Althusser has lots of Congress periods**** but go on, as entrenched leadership of the Pep company in his opposition to fac- a function of Congresses and the would allow it to become an organi- tions, and his argument must be dealt problems they pose." (Ibid.) zational embodiment of pure rea- with on its merits. Althusser asks, Althusser's position is Utopia. The soned debate when a possible out- "Shall we say: factions, no; PCF is a substantial organization. come is the undermining or even the tendencies, yes?" After a bit of soul- There is something real and overthrowing of their political searching he answers, "Not important at stake in its contests (continued on page 44)

***For substantial periods of had to deal with the problems of to all the members of the time in pre-revolutionary Russia, civil war, socialist construction, and party. (Ibid., p. 243) (d.h. the Bolsheviks were the Bolshevik imperialist encirclement. After all, emphasis) faction in the Russian Social Demo- Lenin did support the ban on fac- Fourth, Lenin's overriding concern cratic Labor Party. Perhaps this tions imposed by the 10th Party with bureaucracy in the Soviet state might be viewed as an accidental Congress in 1921. It is a mistake, apparatus and in the party made and transitional situation, but there however, to draw general conclu- him aware of the danger of were also factions within the Bol- sions from this without examining factionalism, not just from minori- sheviks. Lenin participated in a fac- the actual debate. After all, during ties and oppositions, but on the part tion during the split with the the same period we can find Lenin of the official leadership. A "Ostvosists," who were also saying, "Industry is indispensable, leadership faction is the routine Bolsheviks. Lenin's position was a democracy is not." (Ibid., Vol. 32, mode of functioning for present- small minority within the p. 27) History demonstrated that day Marxist-Leninist organizations. Bolsheviks at the time of the this was Stalin's position, but it was Althusser makes this very criticism famous April Theses in early 1917. not Lenin's. of the PCF leadership in the recent Both then and a few months later A reading of the resolutions and articles in Le Monde. when he was also in a minority on the debate at the 10th Congress However, the clearest the question of seizing power, Lenin indicates the outline of Lenin's demonstration that Lenin did not operated in a manner that can only position. First, his conception of view the ban on factions as an be regarded as factional — what constitutes a faction is much absolute principle is to be found in developing a group around his narrower than the conception of his response to Ryazanov's attempt position, taking his minority current Marxist-Leninist parties. to amend the resolution on party positions directly to the party rank Second, he explicitly argues that the unity to prohibit members of the and file, and even outside of the measures for dealing with factions Central Committee from appealing party to the working class, (point 7 of the draft resolution on a Central Committee decision to threatening resignation, etc. party unity) were extraordinary and the party membership; and to The framework for such activity temporary. (See Ibid., p. 258.) They prohibit elections to future Central was laid out ten years earlier in have since become routine even for Committees based on factional Lenin's brief article, "Unity of Ac- parties that are insignificant pressure platforms. Lenin specifically tion and Freedom to Criticize" groups operating in complete opposed both aspects of (Collected Works, Vol. 10, pp. 442- legality. Third, his opposition to Ryazanov's amendment and it was 443): factionalism always stressed that defeated. Of course, the substance The principle of democratic the danger posed was the of the Ryazanov amendment was centralism and autonomy for local elimination of open discussion and actually instituted despite its formal Party organizations implies debate, not just the undermining of defeat. universal and full freedom to "iron unity." criticize (including outside of the Analyses of the Party's party — d.h.), so long as this does general line, estimates of its not disturb the unity of a definite practical experience, check- ****Most, if not all, Communist action, (p. 443) This guideline is ups on the fulfillment of its Parties only allow debate and dis- ambiguous. It can be debated decisions, studies of cussion on policies for a specified whether or not — or to what degree methods of rectifying errors, period (perhaps a couple of months) — open criticism will undermine etc., must under no immediately prior to a Congress. the implementation of decisions. circumstances be submitted Congresses usually are supposed to Lenin's tendency, however, was to for preliminary discussion to occur every two years, but are often lean towards the "freedom to groups formed on the basis held less frequently. During this criticize" side. of "platforms," etc. (factions period special procedures for internal It can be argued that Lenin's — d.h.) but must in all cases be discussion are established, directed views changed when the Bolsheviks submitted for discussion directly through the central apparatus.

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