Explorations in Israeli and Palestinian Societies
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Clash of Identities: Explorations in Israeli and Palestinian Societies
chapter ten Nationalism, Identity, and Citizenship An Epilogue to the Yehoshua-Shammas Controversy: A Non-Platonic Dialogue* On September 13, 1985, the eve of the Jewish New Year, Anton Shammas— the Christian Israeli-Arab writer, essayist, translator, journalist, and author of Arabesque,1 an autobiographical Hebrew novel of a youngster growing up as a hybrid of Jewish-Arab culture and identity in the village Fasuta— aroused bitter controversy among the Israeli elite. His brief article accused Israel of excluding Israeli Palestinians from participation in the common political, cultural, and collective identity and nationality.2 His accusations of extreme discriminatory policy against Israel’s Arab citizens were by no means a new issue on the Israeli political agenda. Be- tween 1949 and 1966 Israeli Arabs had been subject to crass military rule, which served as a useful umbrella for land confiscation, exclusion from the labor market, and de facto deprivation of most citizen and human rights. Since 1966 the situation has gradually improved, but no Jewish intellectual * Baruch Kimmerling, “Nationalism, Identity, and Citizenship: An Epilogue to Yehoshua-Shammas Controversy,” in Daniel Levy and Yfaat Weiss, eds., Citi- zenship and Identity: German and Israel in Comparative Perspective (New York: Berghahn, 2002). Nationalism, Identity, and Citizenship 223 would deny that Israeli Palestinians have remained an underprivileged eth- nic or national minority. Shammas’ claim, however, went far beyond the regular complaints and protests against discrimination of a minority group within a supposedly democratic and humanistic polity. Shammas called for space and participation for what he called Israeli Arabs within the Israeli collective identity and culture.3 Faced with such a provocation, even the liberal, so-called leftist, and dovish writer Abraham B. -
History of Israel
History of Israel FALL-Tuesday and Thursday, 9:30–10:45, CBA 4.340 Course Description Israel is a country of contrasts. Merely 263 miles long, one can drive from its northernmost point to the southernmost one in six hours, passing by a wide variety of landscapes and climates; from the snowy capes of Mount Hermon to the arid badlands of the Negev Desert. Along the way, she might come across a plethora of ethnic and religious groups – Jews originating in dozens of diasporas all over the world, Palestinians, Druze, Bedouins, Bahá'ís, Samaritans, Circassians, Armenians, Gypsies, Filipinos, Sudanese, Eritreans, and more – and hear innumerable languages and dialects. From the haredi stronghold of Bene-Beraq to the hedonistic nightclubs and sunny beaches of Eilat; from a relative Jewish-Arab coexistence in Haifa to the powder keg that is East Jerusalem; from the “Start-up Nation” in Ra’anana and Herzliya to the poverty-stricken “development towns” and unrecognized Bedouin settlements of the Negev; from the messianic fervor of Jewish settlers in the West Bank to the plight of African refugees and disadvantaged Jews in South Tel Aviv – all within an area slightly smaller than the State of Vermont. This is an introductory survey of Israel’s political, diplomatic, social, economic, ethnic, and cultural history, as well as an overview of Israeli society nowadays. We will start with a brief examination of the birth of the Zionist movement in nineteenth-century Europe, the growth of the Jewish settlement in Palestine, and the establishment of a modern Jewish State. Next, we will review a number of key moments and processes in Israeli history and discuss such crucial and often controversial topics as the Israeli-Arab and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts; ethnic and social stratification in Israel; civil-military relations and the role that the armed forces and other security agencies have played in everyday life in the country; Israel’s relations with the world and the Jewish diaspora; and more. -
Jordan – Palestinians – West Bank – Passports – Citizenship – Fatah
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: JOR35401 Country: Jordan Date: 27 October 2009 Keywords: Jordan – Palestinians – West Bank – Passports – Citizenship – Fatah This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide background on the issue of Jordanian citizenship for persons of West Bank Palestinian descent. 2. What is the overall situation for Palestinian citizens of Jordan? 3. Have there been any crackdowns upon Fatah members over the last 15 years? 4. What kind of relationship exists between Fatah and the Jordanian authorities? RESPONSE 1. Please provide background on the issue of Jordanian citizenship for persons of West Bank Palestinian descent. Most Palestinians in Jordan hold a Jordanian passport of some type but the status accorded different categories of Palestinians in Jordan varies, as does the manner and terminology through which different sources classify and discuss Palestinians in Jordan. The webpage of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) states that: “All Palestine refugees in Jordan have full Jordanian citizenship with the exception of about 120,000 refugees originally from the Gaza Strip, which up to 1967 was administered by Egypt”; the latter being “eligible for temporary Jordanian passports, which do not entitle them to full citizenship rights such as the right to vote and employment with the government”. -
ACOR Newsletter Vol. 12.2
ACOR Newsletter ^i ^ Vol. 12.2—Winter 2000 Qastal, 1998-2001 On a cold afternoon in early February 2000, Ra'ed Abu Ghazi, a management trainee for the Qastal Erin Addison Conservation and Development Project (QCDP), was walking home from the Umayyad qasr and mosque complex at Qastal (map, p. 9). In the lot between the ancient reservoir and his home, he stopped to speak to some neighbor children playing a game. Then a teapot overturned and the late afternoon sun re- flected off a blue-green, glassy surface. Ra'ed knelt to get a closer look and brushed gently at the loose earth. The area had recently been bulldozed, so the dirt was loose and only about five centimeters deep. As he washed the surface with tea water, a pattern of bril- liant glass tesserae was revealed. Ra'ed had made an exciting discovery at Qastal: a large structure from the late Umayyad period (A.D. 661-750), floored with what experts have called some of the most exquisite mosaics in Jordan (Figs. 1-3). The new structure is only the most recent development in two-and-a-half fascinating years at Qastal. Qastal al-Balqa' is men- tioned in the Diwan of Kuthayyir 'Azza (d. A.H. 105=A.o. 723): "God bless the houses of those living between Muwaqqar and Qastal al-Balqa', where the mihrabs are." Al- though there remain com- plex questions about this reference to "mihrabs" (maharib—apparently plural), the quote at least tells us that Qastal was well enough known to have served as a geo- graphical reference point before A.D. -
Command and Control | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Command and Control by David Makovsky, Olivia Holt-Ivry May 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Olivia Holt-Ivry Articles & Testimony his week, the world's major powers resumed negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program. Should they fail, T the specter of a possible Israeli strike looms large, seeming to grow more likely as Tehran's nuclear program advances. In recent weeks, however, the conventional wisdom has shifted to favor the view that Israel is not on the cusp of a strike against Iran. This has been driven in part by public comments from former Israeli security officials -- notably former Mossad head Meir Dagan and former Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin -- questioning the wisdom of such an attack. An Israeli strike is not feasible, the thinking goes, so long as its security community remains divided -- and the thinly veiled threats of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak are therefore mere bluster. Don't be so sure. Dagan and Diskin's views aren't likely to tell us much about the likelihood of a strike on Iran one way or the other. For starters, they're former officials -- given the sensitivity of this issue, and the recent media misinterpretation of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Benny Gantz's remarks earlier this month, no other current members of the security establishment are likely to go public with their views. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Judicial Review, a Comparative Perspective: Israel, Canada, and the United States
Yeshiva University, Cardozo School of Law LARC @ Cardozo Law Articles Faculty 2010 Judicial Review, a Comparative Perspective: Israel, Canada, and the United States Malvina Halberstam Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://larc.cardozo.yu.edu/faculty-articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Malvina Halberstam, Judicial Review, a Comparative Perspective: Israel, Canada, and the United States, 31 Cardozo Law Review 2393 (2010). Available at: https://larc.cardozo.yu.edu/faculty-articles/68 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty at LARC @ Cardozo Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of LARC @ Cardozo Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. JUDICIAL REVIEW, A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: ISRAEL, CANADA, AND THE UNITED STATES INTRODUCTION Malvina Halberstam∗ On April 26, 2009, the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law hosted a roundtable discussion, Judicial Review, a Comparative Perspective: Israel, Canada, and the United States, with prominent jurists, statesmen, academics, and practicing attorneys.∗∗ The panel was comprised of Justice Morris Fish of the Canadian Supreme Court; Justice Elyakim Rubinstein of the Israeli Supreme Court; Judge Richard Posner of the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit; Hon. Irwin Cotler, a member of the Canadian Parliament and formerly Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada; Hon. Michael Eitan, a Minister in the government of Israel, a member of the Knesset (Israeli Parliament), and former chair of the Committee on the Constitution, Law and Justice; Professor Daniel Friedmann, formerly Minister of Justice of Israel, who proposed legislation to remedy what some view as serious problems with judicial review in Israel; Nathan Lewin, one of the most eminent attorneys in the United States, who has argued many cases before the U.S. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
ISRAEL's TRUTH-TELLING WITHOUT ACCOUNTABILITY Inquest Faults
September 1991 IIISRAEL'''S TTTRUTH---T-TTTELLING WITHOUT AAACCOUNTABILITY Inquest Faults Police in Killings at Jerusalem HolyHoly Site But Judge Orders No Charges Table of Contents I. Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Confrontation: Sequence of Events............................................................................................................................................................ 6 III. Judge Kama's Findings on Police Conduct.................................................................................................................................................... 8 IV. The Case for Prosecution ....................................................................................................................................................................................... 12 I. Introduction Middle East Watch commends the extensive investigation published by Israeli Magistrate Ezra Kama on July 18 into the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif killings. However, Middle East Watch is disturbed that, in light of evidence establishing criminal conduct by identifiable police officers, none of the officers involved in the incident has been prosecuted or disciplined. Middle East Watch also believes that the police's criminal investigation of the incident last fall was grossly negligent and in effect sabotaged the -
Cognitive Theory of War: Why Do Weak States Choose War Against Stronger States?
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2004 Cognitive Theory of War: Why Do Weak States Choose War against Stronger States? Sang Hyun Park University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Park, Sang Hyun, "Cognitive Theory of War: Why Do Weak States Choose War against Stronger States?. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2004. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/2346 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Sang Hyun Park entitled "Cognitive Theory of War: Why Do Weak States Choose War against Stronger States?." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Robert A. Gorman, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Mary Caprioli, Donald W. Hastings, April Morgan, Anthony J. Nownes Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Sang-Hyun Park entitled “Cognitive Theory of War: Why Do Weak States Choose War against Stronger States?” I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. -
Bracing for an Israel-Iran Confrontation in Syria | The
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Bracing for an Israel-Iran Confrontation in Syria by Ehud Yaari Apr 30, 2018 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ehud Yaari Ehud Yaari is a Lafer International Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony Despite the recent escalation, the United States has options for preventing, or at least limiting the scope of, a regional showdown in Syria. srael and Iran are on course for a collision in the near future. Indeed, a military clash that could expand well I beyond Syrian territory appears almost inevitable. In particular, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) is determined to transform Syria into a platform for a future war against Israel, whereas leaders of the Jewish state have sworn to prevent what they often describe as the tightening of a noose around Israel’s neck. The past five years have already seen a series of direct clashes between the two powers. These include more than 120 Israeli Air Force (IAF) strikes against weapons shipments to Hezbollah, Iranian attempts to instigate cross- border incidents along the Golan Heights, and Israeli targeting of arms-production facilities introduced by Iran. In early 2018, these exchanges have escalated to include Israeli airstrikes on Iranian UAV facilities established deep in the Syrian desert, at the T-4 Air Base, and a first Iranian attempt to stage an armed drone attack in Israel. Iran has committed publicly to conducting a forceful retaliation for the Israeli strike in January that killed eight Iranian officers, including UAV unit commander Colonel Mehdi Dehghani. Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has threatened vaguely that a confrontation in Syria could prompt Israel to target Iranian territory. -
Inventing Judicial Review: Israel and America
INAUGUARL URI AND CAROLINE BAUER MEMORIAL LECTURE INVENTING JUDICIAL REVIEW: ISRAEL AND AMERICA Robert A. Burt* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. THE FIRST GENERATION: TOWARD AN INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY .............................................. 2017 A. The Impact of the 1967 War on Israeli Jurisprudence .................................................... 2027 1. Jurisdiction over the Occupied Territories ....... 2029 2. The Knesset Acts ............................... 2034 B. The Court's Initial Response ......................... 2036 1. Shalit v. Minister of the Interior ................. 2036 2. Bergman v. Minister of Finance .................. 2043 3. Bergman and Marbury .......................... 2047 4. Jurisdiction over the Territories and Marbury .... 2049 II. THE SECOND GENERATION: THE AMERICAN WAY ...... 2051 A. The Definitive Emergence of Judicial Review in A m erica ............................................ 2051 B. The Israeli Supreme Court Charts Its Path ........... 2066 1. Israel's Dred Scott ............................... 2067 2. Judicial Injunctions to Tolerate the Intolerant ... 2077 3. The Promise and Problems of Judicial Independence ................................... 2084 C. The Convergence of Israeli and American Doctrine ... 2091 * Southmayd Professor of Law, Yale University. This Article is an expanded version of the Inaugural Uri and Caroline Bauer Memorial Lecture delivered at the Benjamin N. Car- dozo School of Law of Yeshiva University on October 11, 1988. I am especially indebted to Justice Aharon Barak, Professor Kenneth Mann of the Tel Aviv University Faculty of Law, and Dean Stephen Goldstein of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem Faculty of Law. Although none of them is responsible for the substance of this Article, without their generous assistance it would not have been written. I am also particularly grateful to two Yale Law School students, Stephen Sowle who helped me with the American historical sources and Joel Prager who gave me access to material only available in Hebrew.