Traditional and Sustainable Life Practices of Southern Appalachian Women

Traditional and Sustainable Life Practices of Southern Appalachian Women Amanda Dardanella Brown Submitted to the faculty of the College of Graduate Studies of Middle Tennessee State University In partial fulfillment of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN SOCIOLOGY December 2016 Thesis Committee: Dr. Vicky MacLean, Chair Dr. Meredith Dye Dr. Angela Mertig To my grandmother, Carrol Northrup, who educated me in the ways of my heritage, while supporting and encouraging me throughout my scholastic career. “No one can ever take away what you know, baby.” ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my mentor and thesis chair, Dr. Vicky MacLean, for helping me to become a better student, feminist, and professional. I would also like to thank Dr. Meredith Dye, who encouraged me to pursue my interest in sub- cultural sociology. Also, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Angela Mertig, whose suggestions and feedback undoubtedly made my thesis a well- rounded project. I must also express my appreciation for the participants in my study, who graciously shared not only their stories, but their homes, food, and a glimpse into their private lives. Lastly, I would like to thank Dr. Lachelle Norris, who not only provided me with multiple contacts for interviews, but served as both instructor and mentor during my undergraduate degree and has now become a dearest friend. “Maybe stories are just data with a soul…” – Brené Brown iii ABSTRACT This study examines the lives of seven Southern Appalachian women residing in the state of Tennessee who practice traditional or environmentally sustainable techniques as a part of their livelihood. Using abbreviated life history interviews I explore how participants use traditional and sustainable practices as a form of self-identification and agency. Detailed narrative accounts explore notions of ecofeminism, agency, and heritage, critically examining how participants identified themselves, their practice, and their place within the region through changing historical and social contexts. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Appendices ………………………………………………………………. vii Introduction ………………………………………………………………………. .1 Literature Review ………………………………………………………………... .2 Defining Appalachia ………………………………………………………2 Gender in Appalachia……………………………………………………..6 Sustainable, Traditional, and Folk Practices………………………….. 11 Methodology ……………………………………………………………………... 15 Research Design…………………………………………………………. 15 Recruitment and Data Collection ………………………………………. 19 Data Analysis …………………………………………………………..... 20 Findings…………………………………………………………………………… 22 Heritage …………………………………………………………………... 22 Agency ……………………………………………………………………. 26 Environment ……………………………………………………………… 30 Gender ……………………………………………………………………. 35 v Discussion………………………………………………………………………… 40 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………….. 44 References ……………………………………………………………………….. 46 Appendices ………………………………………………………………………. 50 vi LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix A. IRB Approval Letter ………………………………………………. .51 Appendix B. Photographs ………………………………………………………. 53 Appendix C. Interview Questions ……………………………………………….59 vii 1 INTRODUCTION Appalachian women in the United States have a distinct disadvantage compared to U.S. women at large, due to socioeconomic factors, geographic isolation, and widespread misperceptions of the region. Additionally, women who choose to practice sustainable or traditional techniques, which are common in Appalachia, may be even less understood, often regarded as “old fashioned” or “backwards” by outsiders to the community. Traditional practices, which are more often than not also sustainable, include but are not limited to: hunting, fishing, or trapping game; growing, harvesting, or preserving food; making clothes, quilt, or food ware; cultivation of plants for housing, smoking, curing, or medicinal purposes; any type of folk art, including weaving, basket weaving, glass blowing, embroidery or knitting, painting; and reclaiming forest waste. These practices have historically been a vital source of survival for members of the region. With nation-wide “grass roots” sustainable movements becoming popular, it is pertinent to gain knowledge of women who have practiced these techniques before their more recent and renewed admiration. My study addresses the questions: 1) How do women use their craft to identify with the culture of the region? 2) How (if at all) is “femininity” expressed through sustainable crafts? and 3) Can practicing sustainable techniques offer women in the region agency either through economic gains or the transmission of knowledge to other women? One objective of this research is to illuminate the heritage of women who perform “grass roots traditional” or “sustainable” 2 practices before the practices become so commercialized that their stories are lost. A qualitative, feminist approach to the study allows for an in-depth view of the lived experience of these women, potentially helping to demystify a rich cultural background embodied by individuals within the region. LITERATURE REVIEW Defining Appalachia The Appalachian region of the United States has two distinct, diverging identities. One romanticized version includes rich cultural heritage, folklore about its expansive forest – the largest temperate deciduous forest in the world, in fact – admiration of the natural beauty found in creeks, waterfalls, mountains, and hollows, and a tinge of mysticism regarding its pioneer inhabitants. The other, details impoverished, uneducated rural peoples, trapped by the very nature outsiders would admire, and dependent on government aid for a meager survival where the only entertainment is alcohol and amphetamines. In both narratives, the true realities of the people are lost, as is the natural environment they live in and its directive to either serve outsiders or be tamed and exploited by them. The Appalachian region is defined geographically by the Appalachian Mountain Range that runs Northeast to South, and is one of the oldest mountain ranges on the Earth. Culturally speaking, Appalachia spans across ten states, and is defined by its history, plant and animal life, culture, and migrant ancestry (Marcadel 2014). Appalachia has been a region of certain political and 3 environmental interests. Once initiatives were enacted to have indigenous peoples removed, settlers soon discovered the plethora of natural commodities including timber, coal, metals and precious stones, land rich for agriculture, and more recently, natural gas. Between the 1870’s and 1920’s the railroad began winding its way through the mountains, and what could be considered the first environmental backlash arose from locals. This political stance perhaps did not initiate from care of the environment, but rather from the dislocation of peoples in the name of capitalist progress under the guise of “eminent domain.” Arguably, environmental concerns did arise from coal and mineral stripping, beginning in the 1930’s where water resources were polluted, acres and acres of timber stripped, and sometimes entire mountain tops were removed. In congruence with the War on Poverty, peoples protesting the degradation of their lands and destruction of their homes were, as is often the case to be explained later, labeled by outsiders as backward “hillbillies” their sit-ins and destruction of mining equipment deeming them violent individuals who desired to live in ruin and reject progress and modernity (Howell 2002:5-10). Indeed a recent definition of Appalachia by Trudy Marcadel in the Salem Press Encyclopedia (2014) describes it as such: For many in the United States, Appalachia—Southern Appalachia, in particular—represents cultural and economic backwardness, poverty, and violence. In popular culture, the region and its inhabitants often bring up images of hillbillies and moonshiners. Most historians and activists today argue that the region has been particularly subject to stereotyping, misunderstanding, and economic and environmental depredation. 4 This biased view from outsiders towards Appalachian peoples did not simply arise due to their rejection of “progress.” Underlying historical issues apply as well. Stereotypical “hillbillies” were among the first non-indigenous inhabitants to the Appalachian region. Simply put, hillbillies are natives of the region living in, for lack of a better word, the hills (mountains) of Appalachia. The term “Billie” refers to individuals who had migrated to the U.S. in the early 1700’s. These self- proclaimed “Billie boys” were supporters of King William, who had defeated the Catholic King James II. “Redneck” is another term delegated to Southern Appalachians in reference to their Irish background. The Irish, who refused to recognize the Church of England as the official church of Ireland, wore red handkerchiefs around their neck in solidarity with other countrymen in protest (Adamson 1991). Though somewhat interchangeable, the hillbilly is by far the most recognized image representing the Appalachian Region. Irishmen were largely rejected in Northern migrant cities, in part due to the historic disparities between England and Ireland. They slowly made their way south, bringing their Irish culture, music, and food along with them. Parallel to the contemporary hillbilly, the Irish were often regarded as lazy, illiterate, drunk, violent, and poor. Although there was a major influx of impoverished Irish people in the 1850’s, the potato famine that forced Irish families from their homeland was given little regard by outsiders to the region. One historical example is the nickname

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