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Thailand's Red Networks: from Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society
Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Freiburg (Germany) Occasional Paper Series www.southeastasianstudies.uni-freiburg.de Occasional Paper N° 14 (April 2013) Thailand’s Red Networks: From Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society Coalitions Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University) Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University)* Series Editors Jürgen Rüland, Judith Schlehe, Günther Schulze, Sabine Dabringhaus, Stefan Seitz The emergence of the red shirt coalitions was a result of the development in Thai politics during the past decades. They are the first real mass movement that Thailand has ever produced due to their approach of directly involving the grassroots population while campaigning for a larger political space for the underclass at a national level, thus being projected as a potential danger to the old power structure. The prolonged protests of the red shirt movement has exceeded all expectations and defied all the expressions of contempt against them by the Thai urban elite. This paper argues that the modern Thai political system is best viewed as a place dominated by the elite who were never radically threatened ‘from below’ and that the red shirt movement has been a challenge from bottom-up. Following this argument, it seeks to codify the transforming dynamism of a complicated set of political processes and actors in Thailand, while investigating the rise of the red shirt movement as a catalyst in such transformation. Thailand, Red shirts, Civil Society Organizations, Thaksin Shinawatra, Network Monarchy, United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, Lèse-majesté Law Please do not quote or cite without permission of the author. Comments are very welcome. Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed to the author in the first instance. -
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise. -
European Development Days
2006 European Development Days 8 years of policy debates from the European Consensus to the post-2015 agenda /1 3 European Development Days 2006-2013 Eight years of policy debates from the European Consensus to the post-2015 agenda Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00 800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2014 Paper version ISBN 978-92-79-38970-2 doi: 10.2841/47722 PDF ISBN 978-92-79-38969-6 doi: 10.2841/47692 © European Union, 2014 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Printed in Belgium Printed on elemental chlorine-free bleached paper (ECF) European Development Days 2006-2013 Eight years of policy debates from the European Consensus to the post-2015 agenda Forward by José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission. This book has been published by the European Commission's Directorate-General for Development and Cooperation - EuropeAid in August 2014. European Commission FOREWORD by JOSÉ MANUEL BARROSO President of the European Commission I have always passionately believed in a Europe that I fought hard to preserve our high aid levels in our is open; a Europe that is committed to the values of multi-annual budget 2014-2020. In addition, my freedom, development and global solidarity. These Commission has stepped up special measures for the values have been central to the European project poorest, like the EUR 1 billion Food Facility or our ever since its inception and continue to inspire our strong support for the United Nation's Sustainable Union today. -
China's Fear of Contagion
China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S. -
REMEMBERING LIU XIAOBO Analyzing Censorship of the Death of Liu Xiaobo on Wechat and Weibo
REMEMBERING LIU XIAOBO Analyzing censorship of the death of Liu Xiaobo on WeChat and Weibo By Masashi Crete-Nishihata, Jeffrey Knockel, Blake Miller, Jason Q. Ng, Lotus Ruan, Lokman Tsui, and Ruohan Xiong JULY 16, 2017 RESEARCH REPORT #97 Copyright © The Citizen Lab Licensed under the Creative Commons BY-SA 4.0 (Attribution-ShareAlike licence). Electronic version first published in 2017 by the Citizen Lab. This work can be accessed through https://citizenlab.ca/2017/07/analyzing- censorship-of-the-death-of-liu-xiaobo-on-wechat-and-weibo/. Document Version: 1.0 The Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 license under which this report is licensed lets you freely copy, distribute, remix, transform, and build on it, as long as you: • give appropriate credit; • indicate whether you made changes; and • use and link to the same CC BY-SA 4.0 licence. However, any rights in excerpts reproduced in this report remain with their respective authors; and any rights in brand and product names and associated logos remain with their respective owners. Uses of these that are protected by copyright or trademark rights require the rightsholder’s prior written agreement. Suggested Citation Masashi Crete-Nishihata, Jeffrey Knockel, Blake Miller, Jason Q. Ng, Lotus Ruan, Lokman Tsui, and Ruohan Xiong. “Remembering Liu Xiaobo: Analyzing censorship of the death of Liu Xiaobo on WeChat and Weibo,” Citizen Lab Research Report No. 97, University of Toronto, July 2017. Acknowledgements Authors are listed in alphabetical order: Masashi Crete-Nishihata, Jeffrey Knockel, Blake Miller, Jason Q. Ng, Lotus Ruan, Lokman Tsui, and Ruohan Xiong. Special thanks to Ron Deibert for review and supervision. -
The Effect of Domestic Politics on Foreign Policy Decision Making Written by Zaara Zain Hussain
The effect of domestic politics on foreign policy decision making Written by Zaara Zain Hussain This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The effect of domestic politics on foreign policy decision making https://www.e-ir.info/2011/02/07/the-effect-of-domestic-politics-on-foreign-policy-decision-making/ ZAARA ZAIN HUSSAIN, FEB 7 2011 Foreign Policy includes all interactions of individual nation – states with other states. In the wake of globalization, in the 21st century it is particularly important, owing to the interdependence of states. With the advent of international society and globalization implications of foreign policy for each nation-state are far greater. The study of Foreign Policy therefore has become ever more critical and important. The study of Foreign Policy is not limited to any particular school of social science but is a relevant subject for all. In International Relations this study is particularly important as foreign policies form the base for international interactions between individual states. In the 21st century, decisions by one state affect more than just the participating countries. Scholars as well as well policy analysts and even the general public, have a greater desire to understand foreign policy decisions and what motivates the head of government in his foreign policy decision making. Scholarly research on leadership and foreign policy decision making show a far more sophisticated and complex view of the issue than most of the simplistic views seen in the popular press. -
Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo and the Future of Political Reform in China
NOBEL PEACE PRIZE LAUREATE LIU XIAOBO AND THE FUTURE OF POLITICAL REFORM IN CHINA HEARING BEFORE THE CONGRESSIONAL–EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION NOVEMBER 9, 2010 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 62–290 PDF WASHINGTON : 2012 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 14:11 Jan 18, 2012 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\9NOV10.TXT DIEDRE CONGRESSIONAL–EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Senate House BYRON DORGAN, North Dakota, Chairman SANDER LEVIN, Michigan, Cochairman MAX BAUCUS, Montana MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio CARL LEVIN, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIMOTHY J. WALZ, Minnesota SHERROD BROWN, Ohio DAVID WU, Oregon SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey BOB CORKER, Tennessee EDWARD R. ROYCE, California JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois GEORGE LeMIEUX, Florida JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Department of State, To Be Appointed Department of Labor, To Be Appointed Department of Commerce, To Be Appointed At-Large, To Be Appointed At-Large, To Be Appointed CHARLOTTE OLDHAM-MOORE, Staff Director DOUGLAS GROB, Cochairman’s Senior Staff Member (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 14:11 Jan 18, 2012 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 U:\DOCS\9NOV10.TXT DIEDRE C O N T E N T S Page Opening statement of Hon. -
An Internet-Wide, Longitudinal Censorship Observatory
Session 1A: Anonymous Routing and Censorship CCS '20, November 9–13, 2020, Virtual Event, USA Censored Planet: An Internet-wide, Longitudinal Censorship Observatory Ram Sundara Raman, Prerana Shenoy, Katharina Kohls∗, Roya Ensafi University of Michigan, ∗Ruhr University Bochum {ramaks, pbshenoy, ensafi}@umich.edu,∗[email protected] ABSTRACT 1 INTRODUCTION Remote censorship measurement techniques offer capabilities for The Internet Freedom community’s understanding of the current monitoring Internet reachability around the world. However, op- state and global scope of censorship remains limited: most work erating these techniques continuously is labor-intensive and re- has focused on the practices of particular countries, or on the reach- quires specialized knowledge and synchronization, leading to lim- ability of limited sets of online services from a small number of ited adoption. In this paper, we introduce Censored Planet, an online volunteers. Creating a global, data-driven view of censorship is a censorship measurement platform that collects and analyzes mea- challenging proposition, since practices are intentionally opaque, surements from ongoing deployments of four remote measurement censorship mechanisms may vary, and there are numerous loca- techniques (Augur, Satellite/Iris, Quack, and Hyperquack). Cen- tions where disruptions can occur. Moreover, the behavior of the sored Planet adopts a modular design that supports synchronized network can vary depending on who is requesting content from baseline measurements on six Internet protocols as well as cus- which location. tomized measurements that target specific countries and websites. Established efforts to measure censorship globally utilize dis- Censored Planet has already collected and published more than tributed deployments or volunteer networks of end-user devices [7, 21.8 billion data points of longitudinal network observations over 104]. -
Liu Xiaobo Deserved the Nobel Prize
By: David Kilgour Opinion January 4, 2011 Liu Xiaobo deserved the Nobel Prize A recent Citizen opinion piece by Ramesh Thakur ( "The Peace Prize is for peace," Dec. 23) wades reasonably through a number of issues, but ends by deferring to Beijing, suggesting the party-state there is more deserving of a Nobel Peace Prize than is 2010 winner Liu Xiaobo, or any other Chinese national. Thakur's concluding words are revealing: "If the award of the Nobel Peace Prize is to be limited to promoting peace, demilitarization and disarmament, Liu was not a good choice. If a broader result is justified, then, on the scale of human misery and its alleviation in the grand sweep of history, instead of being the object of censure, is not the government of China a more worthy recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize than any individual Chinese?" Indeed, by the criteria of promoting world peace, China would never be eligible for any prizes. Its arms sales in recent years to, and support for, violent oppressive regimes are well-known. It has sold battle tanks, fighter jets and missiles to the Burmese junta; it was the largest foreign supplier of small arms to the Bashir regime in Sudan in 2008; since 2000, it has sold armoured personnel carriers, aircraft and small arms to Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. When the UN Security Council wants to censure conduct, China often uses its veto to shield transgressors, particularly regimes to which it has sold arms or from which it is purchasing natural resources. In terms of peace within China, many have suffered or perished since 1949, most notably during Mao Tsetung's "Great Leap Forward" (1958-'62), which caused 35-45 million persons to starve to death. -
Nobel Peace Speech
Nobel peace speech Associate Professor Joshua FRYE Humboldt State University USA [email protected] Macy SUCHAN Humboldt State University USA [email protected] Abstract: The Nobel Peace Prize has long been considered the premier peace prize in the world. According to Geir Lundestad, Secretary of the Nobel Committee, of the 300 some peace prizes awarded worldwide, “none is in any way as well known and as highly respected as the Nobel Peace Prize” (Lundestad, 2001). Nobel peace speech is a unique and significant international site of public discourse committed to articulating the universal grammar of peace. Spanning over 100 years of sociopoliti- cal history on the world stage, Nobel Peace Laureates richly represent an important cross-section of domestic and international issues increasingly germane to many publics. Communication scholars’ interest in this rhetorical genre has increased in the past decade. Yet, the norm has been to analyze a single speech artifact from a prestigious or controversial winner rather than examine the collection of speeches for generic commonalities of import. In this essay, we analyze the discourse of No- bel peace speech inductively and argue that the organizing principle of the Nobel peace speech genre is the repetitive form of normative liberal principles and values that function as rhetorical topoi. These topoi include freedom and justice and appeal to the inviolable, inborn right of human beings to exercise certain political and civil liberties and the expectation of equality of protection from totalitarian and tyrannical abuses. The significance of this essay to contemporary communication theory is to expand our theoretical understanding of rhetoric’s role in the maintenance and de- velopment of an international and cross-cultural vocabulary for the grammar of peace. -
Liu Xiaobo Nobel ACP-INVITATION.10
ATLANTA: City of Peace, Inc. (ACP) Building Atlanta’s Global Peace Legacy with the Global Peace Museum (GPM) PO Box 724325 Atlanta: City of Peace, Georgia: The Peace State 31139 USA www.ATLANTAcityofpeace.org / 1-888-518-2012 / [email protected] th 20 October, 2010 [20/10/2010] Honorable Liu Xiaobo 2010 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Greetings from Atlanta: City of Peace. Dear Brother Xiaobo. You are a very inspiring brother in our Global Family. We join with peacemakers here in the birthplace of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and many millions around the world to celebrate your honor as: Liu Xiaobo: The 2010 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate We wish to extend to you our invitation to relocate here, to the City of Atlanta. It is seen by many as a city of refuge as evidenced by the fact that over 80,000 people came here when Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans. More importantly, Dr. King’s birthplace is viewed by millions around the Earth as a City of Peace and our organization is working to formalize it as a Global Capital of Peace. Please accept our invitation to assist us in this new millennium peace project. Atlanta is home to three Nobel Peace Prize Laureates: 1) Dr. King, 2) President Carter and 3) His Holiness The Dalai Lama, who became an official part-time resident after he accepted a Distinguished Professorship from Emory University [Note: this is the first professorship he has ever accepted]. We have also invited Dr. Muhammad Yunus, and President Obama (the Nobel Peace Prize Laureates in 2006 & 2009; respectively). -
Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zz8w3wg Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(1) Author Munro, Robin Publication Date 1991 DOI 10.5070/P8101021984 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ROUGH JUSTICE IN BEIJING* Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Robin Munro** 1. INTRODUCTION During late spring and early summer, namely, from mid-April to early June of 1989, a tiny handful of people exploited student unrest to launch a planned, organized and premeditated political turmoil, which later developed into a counterrevolutionary rebel- lion in Beijing, the capital. Their purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and subvert the so- cialist People's Republic of China.... In order to achieve thorough victory, we should mobilize the people completely, strengthen the people's democratic dictator- ship and spare no effort to ferret out the counterrevolutionary rioters. We should uncover instigators and rebellious conspira- tors, punish the organizers and schemers of the unrest and the counterrevolutionary rebellion ...and focus the crackdown on a handful of principal culprits and diehards who refuse to repent.' (Chen Xitong, Mayor of Beijing, on June 30, 1989.) In late 1990, the Chinese government brought formal charges against several dozen of the most prominent leaders of the May- June 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy movement. Trials held in the first two months of 1991 have resulted in sentences rang- ing from two to thirteen years for students and intellectuals.