DOCSLIB.ORG

That, Really, Was Why I Wanted to Go to Iran. to See Whether the Ties That Bound Me Were Real, Or Flimsy Threads of Inherited Nostalgia.”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
That, Really, Was Why I Wanted to Go to Iran. to See Whether the Ties That Bound Me Were Real, Or Flimsy Threads of Inherited Nostalgia.” “That, really, was why I wanted to go to Iran. To see whether the ties that bound me were real, or flimsy threads of inherited nostalgia.” —from Lipstick Jihad TornTorn betweenbetween twotwo culturesculturesby Jennifer McNulty cooper james patrick Azadeh Moaveni sonal and political awakening in inspiring her to practice “engaged self perfectly situated to report her tenure. Her prose is almost Middle Easterners were lost,” says B.A. Politics, 1998 the Middle East that launched her journalism.” It was David Dodson, on Iranian life for an American impressionistic, weaving report- Moaveni, who covered the war career as a journalist and became her Oakes College core course in- audience. For the first time, her age, anecdote, and analysis into a in Iraq and wrote Lipstick Jihad Oakes College the heart of her first book, Lipstick structor, she says, who “taught me background and her ability to silken textile. before returning to Time. Based Jihad: A Memoir of Growing Up how to reflect on personal identity speak Farsi were assets. She began The book has been well-received today in Beirut, she can’t imagine rowing up in San Iranian in America and American fruitfully.” reporting for Time, gaining ac- by critics and readers, including living outside the Middle East. Jose, Azadeh Moaveni in Iran. “I wanted to go to a UC that cess to top government officials as young Iranian Americans who, like “It’s where I want to be right now lived what felt like a At 28, Moaveni has already was like a private school,” she says. well as the educated young people Moaveni, were raised in the United because of my work,” she says. double life. As the achieved a level of success most “I wanted to go somewhere smaller whose yearnings were convulsing States and feel cut off from Iran. During a recent reporting trip Gdaughter of Iranian exiles, twentysomethings only dream of. that paid a lot of attention to stu- the nation. With its descriptions of the “youth to Iran, Moaveni detected more Moaveni served tea to her elders, She covered the war in Iraq for dents, and that’s exactly the experi- In Lipstick Jihad, Moaveni rebellion from below,” Lipstick alienation and apathy in the coun- listened as they spoke of the “year the Los Angeles ence I had.” describes the appearance of inde- Jihad fills a void experienced by try than she felt in 2001. “Young of the great catastrophe” when Times, just After graduating pendent newspapers for the first the children of exiles. “They find people who were active politically the Shah was ousted in 1979, finished col- with a B.A. in time since Islamic fundamentalists it encouraging, heartening, because have turned off politics,” she says. and savored the flavors of Persia: laborating with politics in 1998, took over the country 20 years it gives them something to relate At the same time, Iranians are fluffy rice with cinnamon, raisins Iranian human Moaveni won earlier. Student activists began to,” says Moaveni. enjoying greater social freedoms drizzled with saffron, and pome- rights activist a Fulbright to demanding greater civil liberties. The end of Moaveni’s sojourn as the regime tries to keep discon- granates and sour cherry juice. and 2003 Nobel study in Cairo. Women appeared in public wear- in Iran coincided with a govern- tent from spilling over into revolt. But Moaveni, like all Iranian Peace Prize win- It was, she re- ing colorful veils, and their delicate ment crackdown. Her reporting “Rock bands are even allowed to Americans, lived in the shadow of ner Shirin Ebadi alizes now, a sandals exposed pedicured toes. activities were coming under perform in cafés,” she adds. the 1979 hostage crisis. She tried on her memoir, rest stop that In Tehran, lovers strolled arm in greater scrutiny, and she began to Moaveni, who considers herself for years to avoid any mention of and now covers allowed her to arm, and crowds of young people fear for her personal safety. She Iranian American, says growing her background. She recalls cring- Middle Eastern work up her refashioned religious holidays into left the country abruptly after riot up in the United States has never ing on the first day of school each affairs for Time courage to make occasions to party in the streets. police clubbed her during a post- made her the target of hostility year, waiting for the teacher to magazine. the leap to Iran. Moaveni likens this “cultural soccer-match street celebration. in the Middle East. “It’s like I’m mispronounce her name. Trying to Moaveni cred- When the rebellion” to a silent coup, saying It was the summer of 2001, and in a hybrid category,” she explains. blend in, she listened to Madonna, its UCSC profes- first headlines government reformers’ inability Moaveni returned to the United “I’m one of the lucky few Iranian practiced yoga, and flirted with sors Edmund about stu- to turn around rampant corrup- States—before September 11, be- Americans with the ability to go courtesy publicaffairs, a member of perseus books group a member of perseus publicaffairs, courtesy boyfriends. “Terry” Burke dent unrest tion, economic suffering, and fore the war on terrorism, before back and forth. It’s not about It was, Moaveni writes in her of history and Isebill “Ronnie” in Tehran appeared in 1999, lawlessness led to “society evolv- President Bush declared Iran part being aligned with the govern- new memoir about growing up Gruhn of politics with preparing Moaveni felt a powerful urge to ing from the bottom up.” It was of the “Axis of Evil.” ment or with the exile group in between two cultures, a burden to her to ask the right questions, and bear witness. Ignoring the warn- a heady time, and Moaveni uses a “After 9/11, terrorism became America. I’m one of a small but be Iranian in America. And so she writing instructor Conn Hallinan, ings of family and friends, she light touch to convey the undula- reattached to the entire Middle growing number of Iranians who left, beginning an odyssey of per- her adviser at City on a Hill, with moved to Tehran and found her- tions that marked Iran during East, and distinctions among exist somewhere in the middle.” 20 UC Santa Cruz Review / Fall 2005 UC Santa Cruz Review / Fall 2005 21.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
    Order Code RL31339 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Efforts to Change the Regime Updated August 16, 2002 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Efforts to Change the Regime Summary In his January 29, 2002 State of the Union message, President Bush characterized Iraq as part of an “axis of evil,” along with Iran and North Korea. The President identified the key threat from Iraq as its development of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and the potential for Iraq to transfer WMD to the terrorist groups it sponsors. In recent statements, the President and other senior officials have said the United States needs to ensure that Saddam Husayn cannot be positioned to pose a major and imminent threat to U.S. national security. The President’s subsequent statements have left observers with the clear implication that the Administration is leaning toward military action to achieve the ouster of Iraq’s President Saddam Husayn and his Ba’th Party regime, although the President says no decision has been made on the means of achieving regime change. Regime change has been official U.S. policy since October 1998. Even before that, U.S. efforts to oust Saddam have been pursued, with varying degrees of intensity, since the end of the Gulf war in 1991. These efforts primarily involved U.S. backing for opposition groups inside and outside Iraq. According to several experts, past efforts to change the regime floundered because of limited U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • 2003 Iraq War: Intelligence Or Political Failure?
    2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Dione Brunson, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April, 2011 DISCLAIMER THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THIS ACADEMIC RESEARCH PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND DO NOT REFLECT THE OFFICIAL POLICIES OR POSITIONS OF THE U.S. GOVERNMENT, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, OR THE U.S. INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY. ALL INFORMATION AND SOURCES FOR THIS PAPER WERE DRAWN FROM OPEN SOURCE MATERIALS. ii 2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? Dione Brunson, B.A. MALS Mentor: Ralph Nurnberger, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The bold U.S. decision to invade Iraq in 2003 was anchored in intelligence justifications that would later challenge U.S. credibility. Policymakers exhibited unusual bureaucratic and public dependencies on intelligence analysis, so much so that efforts were made to create supporting information. To better understand the amplification of intelligence, the use of data to justify invading Iraq will be explored alongside events leading up to the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. This paper will examine the use of intelligence to invade Iraq as well as broader implications for politicization. It will not examine the justness or ethics of going to war with Iraq but, conclude with the implications of abusing intelligence. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thank you God for continued wisdom. Thank you Dr. Nurnberger for your patience. iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to Mom and Dad for their continued support.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Differing Views in the Domestic Policy Debate
    Order Code RL31607 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: Differing Views in the Domestic Policy Debate October 16, 2002 name redacted, Meaghan Marshall, name redacted Research Associates Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division name redacted Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: Differing Views in the Domestic Policy Debate Summary The debate over whether, when, and how to prosecute a major U.S. military intervention in Iraq and depose Saddam Hussein is complex, despite a general consensus in Washington that the world would be much better off if Hussein were not in power. Although most U.S. observers, for a variety of reasons, would prefer some degree of allied or U.N. support for military intervention in Iraq, some observers believe that the United States should act unilaterally even without such multilateral support. Some commentators argue for a stronger, more committed version of the current policy approach toward Iraq and leave war as a decision to reach later, only after exhausting additional means of dealing with Hussein’s regime. A number of key questions are raised in this debate, such as: 1) is war on Iraq linked to the war on terrorism and to the Arab-Israeli dispute; 2) what effect will a war against Iraq have on the war against terrorism; 3) are there unintended consequences of warfare, especially in this region of the world; 4) what is the long- term political and financial commitment likely to accompany regime change and possible democratization in this highly divided, ethnically diverse country; 5) what are the international consequences (e.g., to European allies, Russia, and the world community) of any U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq and Yemen: the New Iranian Proxies? Visit WEB Receive Newsletter
    Opinion Document 58/2018 May 17, 2018 Ana Belén Soage* Iraq and Yemen: The new Iranian proxies? Visit WEB Receive Newsletter Iraq and Yemen: The new Iranian proxies? Abstract: Iran projects its influence in the Middle East through what has come to be known as the Axis of Resistance, which includes the Syrian regime, Hizbullah in Lebanon, and Hamas and Islamic Jihad in the Palestinian Territories. Over the last decade, two new forces have often been added to the Iranian-led alliance: the Shiite militias in Iraq and the Yemeni Houthis. The two cases are rather different, however. While there is significant evidence that Iran has invested much in Iraq, its efforts in Yemen appear much more modest. Keywords: Iran; Iraq; Yemen; Hizbullah; Houthis; Hamas; Axis of Resistance; Gulf Cooperation Council; Saudi Arabia. * NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Documents are the responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Documento de Opinión 58/2018 1 Iraq and Yemen: The new Iranian proxies? Ana Belén Soage Introduction The Islamic Republic of Iran is a revisionist power, dissatisfied with the current regional order in the Middle East and seeking opportunities to alter it. It took advantage of the flawed US response to 9/11 to consolidate its narrative around the theme of the Axis of Resistance, and it continued to intervene in weak states through disgruntled actors with similar anti-Western and anti-Israel rhetoric, whatever their political and religious orientation. The outbreak of the Arab Spring gave a temporary boost to the Iranian narrative but prompted a reaction from the Saudi-led GCC which put the Axis of Resistance on the defensive, notably in Syria.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
    The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism and Global Mobility
    U.S. Versus Them The effects of the September 11 attacks on migration policy in the United States and how this has influenced visa issuances to migrants from Muslim-majority countries in particular Anke van Gils Bachelor Thesis Geography, Planning and Environment (GPE) Nijmegen School of I Management Radboud University Nijmegen July 2020 U.S. Versus Them The effects of the September 11 attacks on migration policy in the United States and how this has influenced visa issuances to migrants from Muslim-majority countries in particular Author Anke van Gils Student Number S1003915 Supervisor Prof. Dr. Henk van Houtum Bachelor Thesis Geography, Planning and Environment (GPE) Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen July 2020 II Summary This Bachelor’s thesis focusses on the impacts of the September 11 attacks on visa issuances to migrants from Muslim-majority countries, in comparison to those to migrants from other countries. Since post-9/11 political and media discourse have influenced the general view of Muslims toward a more negative image, one might expect that this has also had a restrictive influence on visa issuances to migrants from Muslim-majority countries. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to find out whether migration policies have indeed become more restrictive for Muslim migrants in particular, and whether we see this impact in a larger decrease in issuances to migrants from this category, as compared to other migrants. To answer this, various methods have been used. First, a general literature framework was established through examining existing literature on how foreign policies are being developed, how these have affected global mobility over the years, and on how framing and securitization processes can affect these policy developments.
    [Show full text]
  • “Iran and Its Neighbors: Diverging Views on a Strategic Region”
    SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Eugene Whitlock (Ed.) “Iran and Its Neighbors: Diverging Views on a Strategic Region” July 2003 Berlin © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2003 All rights reserved SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Telephone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] Table of Contents 5 Foreword – Johannes Reissner 7 Iran and the Middle East 9 The Infernal Triangle: Iran, Israel, and the United States – Samuel W. Lewis 15 Iran’s Relationship to Its Neighbors in Central Asia and the Caucasus 17 Iran’s Role in the South Caucasus and Caspian Region: Diverging Views of the U.S. and Europe – Brenda Shaffer 23 Iran in the Caucasus, Caspian and Central Asia: Lessons for Western Strategy – Edmund Herzig 29 U.S. and Iranian Policy in Afghanistan – Barnett R. Rubin 35 Iran and the Problem of Proliferation 37 Dealing with Iran’s Nuclear Program – Michael Eisenstadt 42 Iran, the Bomb, and the Future of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty – Oliver Thränert 53 The Potential for Iran to Provoke Further Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East – Patrick Clawson 57 The Role of Iran and the Region for Global Energy Supply 59 Iran’s Oil and Gas Development and the Effect of U.S. Economic Sanctions – James A. Placke 65 Why Iran Is Key for Europe’s Security of Energy Supply – Friedemann Müller 70 Post-War Iraq and Iran’s Petroleum Sector – Joe Barnes and
    [Show full text]
  • Hello Salaam
    WHO’S AFRAID OF IRAN? AZAR NAFISI, SHIRIN NESHAT, ROYA HAKAKIAN, AZADEH MOAVENI, SORAYA BROUKHIM, SUSSAN DEYHIM, NAGHMEH ZARBAFIAN, AND LILA AZAM ZANGANEH April 19, 2006 Celeste Bartos Forum The New York Public Library WWW.NYPL.ORG/LIVE SORAYA BROUCKHIM: Hello. Salaam. Hello. My name is Soraya Brouckhim. I will be reading from My Sister, Guard your Veil; My Brother, Guard Your Eyes: Uncensored Iranian Voices. I will be reading two excerpts. And here we go. “How Can One be Persian?” by Marjane Satrapi. “We are set, stuck, really, somewhere between Scheherazade’s famed 1001 Nights and the bearded terrorist, with his manic wife disguised as a pro. By way of flattery we are told that we are Persians, and that Persia was a great empire. Otherwise, we are Iranians. The Persians are in Montesquieu’s writings and Delacroix’s paintings, and they smoke opium with Victor Hugo. As for Iranians, they take American hostages, they detonate bombs, and they are pissed at the West. They were discovered after the 1979 Revolution. (laughter) To begin with, let me remember that ‘Persia’ is the Greek terminology for Iran. The Greeks chose this name for our country because when Greece became a powerful nation, Iran was ruled by the Achaemenids, who were Persians, since they dwelled in the regions of Persis. But, Iran, for the last four thousand years, and for all Iranians, has always been Iran and it was actually Reza Shah, the last Shah’s father, who in 1935 requested that every European refer to our country by its real name, Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • Axis of Evil": Impact on U.S.-Korean Relations
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Faculty and Researcher Publications Faculty and Researcher Publications Collection 2002 "Axis of evil": impact on U.S.-Korean relations Olsen, Edward A. Seoul, Korea; Research Center for Peace and Unification Korea and World Affairs, Summer 2002, pp. 184-197 http://hdl.handle.net/10945/48042 i i' " "Axis of Evil": Impact on U.S.-Korean Relations \ I i Edward A. Olsen President GeorgeW. Bush's use of the phrase "axis of ~vil" in his 2002 State of the Union speech before the U.S. Congress to char­ acterize three states-Iraq, Iran, and North Korea-as backers of terrorism and threats to world peace) proved to be controversial. That phrase has been:the subject of much debate in theUnited States. Most of that debate focused on its salience for expanding the United States~ post-September 11, 2001 war on terrorism to the Middle East. However, the'inclusion of North Korea in the "axis" also drew sharp criticism2 as well as expressions of strong' 1 For coverage of President Bush',s J';n;l~ry 29 speech, see: David E, Sanger, "In Speech Bush Calls Iraq, Iran And North Korea "An Axis Of Evil," NC'II' rork Times, January 30, 2002, p. I; ~'Hen De Young, "Tracing an "Axis of Evil," 1I~lshil1gtOI1 Pmt (Weekly), February 4-10, 2002, p. 15; and John Larkin and Murray Hiebert, "A.xis of Uncertainty," Fur Eastem Ecol1omic Relie\l', February 14, 2002, jlp.
    [Show full text]
  • Too Sexy for a Veil?
    COMMENTARY BY ANDREA TROCHA-VAN NORT Too Sexy for a Veil? Lipstick Jihad: A Memoir of Growing Up Iranian in America and American in Iran by Azadeh Moaveni Publicaffairs, 2005 ebruary 2003. I was teaching literature at the American University of Paris. Parking spaces were blocked off in front of the university’s buildings, and anyone entering glanced around first for camionettes, any Fsmall, suspicious vehicle nearby. It was certainly not the time or place to be a student named “Jihad.” But his name was indeed Jihad, and he was my student. I spoke his name with a French accent to avoid an indecorous reiteration of TV-speak—a jihad, holy war, crusade. Jihad himself seemed untroubled by the eyebrows his name raised. His casual mien and sartorial sprezzatura spoke of wealth and elegance, complete ease with his person, his history, his future. In truth, he avoided not only coursework but also my gaze during in-class discussions. Jihad graduated that May with a job awaiting him at the family firm in New York. What sort of a name is “Jihad,” anyway, I often asked myself; what does it really mean? In the West we have suggestive names such as Clement, Constance, and Christopher, but these imply character traits diametrically opposed to those I ingenuously associated with “jihad.” There had to be more to the word. In her book Lipstick Jihad, Azadeh Moaveni supplied my answer: the classical meaning of the word “jihad” in Arabic means “struggle.”1 So, why on earth would wildly affluent Saudi parents name their son Jihad? With a much less controversial name than my Jihad, author Azadeh Moaveni wished nonetheless as a young girl to change “Azadeh” (which in Farsi means freeborn, noble or free-minded) to the more conventional “Elizabeth” (9).
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Balancing Act in Afghanistan
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and EDUCATION AND THE ARTS decisionmaking through research and analysis. ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from www.rand.org as a public service INFRASTRUCTURE AND of the RAND Corporation. TRANSPORTATION INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY Support RAND SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Browse Reports & Bookstore TERRORISM AND Make a charitable contribution HOMELAND SECURITY For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation occasional paper series. RAND occa- sional papers may include an informed perspective on a timely policy issue, a discussion of new research methodologies, essays, a paper presented at a conference, a conference summary, or a summary of work in progress. All RAND occasional papers undergo rigorous peer review to ensure that they meet high standards for research quality and objectivity.
    [Show full text]
  • Stuxnet, Flame, and Duqu
    Page 212 Part 4: Militarization A Fierce Domain: Conflict in Cyberspace, 1986 to 2012 Page 213 Stuxnet, Flame, and Duqu - the DLYMPIC GAMES succeeded in creating problems for a lirnited number of our centrifuges with the software they had installed in electronic parts."3 The Iranian government seemed to downplay the Chris Morton1 impact Stuxnet had on their systems, but a public adrnission of interference was ouc of Stuxnet emerged on the wořld stage in the sununer of2010 as the most sophisticated piece character for a government known for playing their nuclear program cards close to their chest. of malicious software ever found. Designed to permanently damage Iranian uranium enriclunent gas centrifuges, Stuxnet represented a quantum leap in complexity and Ultimately,Stuxnet rendered nearly 1,000 ofthe 9,000 IR-1 type gas centrifuges unusable audaciry in cyber conflict. Not only did the malware astonish researchers with its ab~ty to at the Natanz uranium enrichment facility.Whil e the computer virus <lid not cripple Iran's penetrate and cripple a secretive regime's sensitive nuclear enrichment prog~, 1t. ~so ability to enrich uranium, it is unclear how close Iran would be to producing a nuclear \ concerned security experts due to its brash destruction of part of a na non s cnttcal weapon without the Stuxnet infection.4 i infrastructure.With the emergence of the Duqu and Flame computer viruses, the revelation ofa covertAmerican cyber campaign (code- named OLYMPIC GAMES) against Iran, and Geopolitical Context the recognition of commonality between the three pieces of malware, Stuxnet became known as the centerpiece of a broader campaign, one that rnight hint at the future of On the international stage, Iran was perceived as a destabilizing force, accused ofs ponsoring warfare.
    [Show full text]