A Modern American Conservative: How Ronald Reagan Legitimized the Religious Right and Helped Reshape the American Zeitgeist by T

A Modern American Conservative: How Ronald Reagan Legitimized the Religious Right and Helped Reshape the American Zeitgeist by Thomas Russell Freure A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2021 © Thomas Russell Freure, 2021 Thomas Russell Freure Examining Committee Membership The following served on the Examining Committee for this thesis. The decision of the Examining Committee is by majority vote. External Examiner NAME: Dr. Seth Dowland Title: Associate Professor, American Religious History Pacific Lutheran University Supervisor(s) NAME: Dr. Andrew Hunt Title: Professor, History University of Waterloo Internal Member NAME: Dr. John Sbardellati Title: Associate Professor, History University of Waterloo Internal-external Member NAME: Dr. Gerry Boychuk Title: Professor, Political Science University of Waterloo Other Member(s) NAME: Dr. Roger Sarty Title: Professor, History Wilfrid Laurier University ii Thomas Russell Freure Author’s Declaration: “I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public.” iii Thomas Russell Freure Abstract The late 20th century saw the rise of three closely related phenomena: modern American conservatism, Ronald Reagan, and right-wing Christianity. This dissertation explores the ascent and convergence of these three forces, which combined to bring about a remarkable shift in the American zeitgeist during the 1980s. This transformation was characterized by a fusion of conservative religion and politics, most evident in the swift upsurge of the Religious Right, a loose coalition of religious-based political action groups, founded by fundamentalist and evangelical leaders with the assistance of conservative political activists. Over the course of Reagan’s presidency, the movement and its “moral agenda” became a significant factor in United States politics and an influential force within the Republican Party. Key to this ascendance was the role played by Reagan himself, who held a more complete interpretation of modern American conservative ideology than has been recognized. This nuanced view helped facilitate his relationship with the Religious Right. Though their understanding of the Christian religion and God was not always congruent, Reagan and evangelicals and fundamentalists shared similar values and spoke the same language regarding moral, social, and cultural expectations. Reagan and his administration publicly supported and actively worked to advance the movement’s moral agenda, fostering an environment conducive to Religious Right values. In the process he legitimized these activists and the social issues they advocated for in the public and political spheres, something that was, at least in the long term, as or more valuable than any political legislation, and in doing so reshaped the national discourse, the modern American conservative movement, and the Republican Party. iv Thomas Russell Freure Acknowledgements This dissertation is the culmination of a long journey, and though there were times when I felt like a solitary wanderer, it was one on which I did not travel alone. There are several people to whom I owe thanks. First and foremost, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Andrew Hunt, whose steadfast support, guidance, insight, enthusiasm, and friendship throughout the years has been invaluable. I am a better scholar for having worked with you. I also want to thank my doctoral committee, Dr. John Sbardellati, and Dr. Roger Sarty. Your encouragement and constructive feedback have helped me to produce a more tightly honed study. To my internal-external and external examiners, Dr. Gerry Boychuk and Dr. Seth Dowland, I thank you for challenging me and pressing me to think beyond the boundaries of my research. My research at the Ronald Reagan Library was greatly assisted by the efforts of the archival staff, particularly Ray Wilson, who helped arrange for my visit and directed me towards some valuable documentary source material. Thank you for making my time there a productive and enjoyable experience. Finally, I want to acknowledge my family. To my sister, Liisa, and my brother-in-law, Chris, who encouraged me to take on this challenge, thank you from the bottom of my heart. You have been there to help me celebrate my moments of success and sustain me in my times of doubt. Words cannot express my gratitude. To my parents, I miss you both. Dad, thank you for always supporting me and for passing on your love of history. Mom, without you none of this would have been possible. Thank you for your unconditional support, your patience, and your sympathetic ear. You learned more about Reagan and the Religious Right than I am sure you ever expected. So much so, that you often expressed the sentiment that you felt as though you were “doing your PhD, too.” I dedicate this dissertation to you. v Thomas Russell Freure Table of Contents Introduction 1-23 Chapter #1 “Puritans, Evangelicals, and Fundamentalists: Laying the Foundations for the Religious Right” 24-55 Chapter #2 “Fusion: Classical Liberals, Traditionalists, and the Making of the Modern American Conservative Movement” 56-99 Chapter #3 “Will and Destiny: The Roots of Ronald Reagan’s Political and Religious Philosophies” 100-137 Chapter #4 “Abortion: Building a Movement on a Myth” 138-171 Chapter #5 “A Conservative Coalition” 172-223 Chapter #6 “Pastor to the Nation: Ronald Reagan and the Religious Right” 224-277 Conclusion “Wrapping Up and Looking Forward” vi Thomas Russell Freure 278-295 Bibliography 296-318 vii Thomas Russell Freure Introduction The late 20th century saw the rise of three closely related phenomena. The first, modern American conservatism, emerged as an intellectual movement in the wake of the Second World War, spurred on by revivals in traditional conservative (also known as social conservative) and classical liberal (later referred to as libertarian) thought. Despite the antithetical nature of these two ideologies, the former rooted in virtue, order, and authority, and the latter in freedom and individual liberty, they united in opposition to what they perceived as common threats - New Deal liberalism at home and communism abroad. As the intellectual movement was evolving into political action in the early 1960s, philosopher and activist Frank Meyer proposed a theory, dubbed fusion, first articulated in the writings of scholar Richard Weaver, that sought to link the central tenets of traditional conservatism and classical liberalism by suggesting that the two were dependent on each other. Fusion did not really address the fundamental ideological differences inherent in the two philosophies, as pointed out by several scholars representing both schools of thought. Some intellectuals never fully accepted the idea, while others rejected it outright. Despite this opposition, fusion would serve to act, in theory at least, as the underlying basis for a modern American conservative political movement. If irreconcilable differences remained, they were, for most, largely suppressed by their shared hostility towards the left, which continued to be the strongest unifying bond between the two groups. Intent on displacing the liberal status quo and in need of a vehicle with which to do so, these “new conservatives,” as they were also known, launched a war against the liberal-moderate establishment for control of the Republican Party. First guided by Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the movement’s leadership would pass to a former actor and political neophyte who would go on to help reshape, not only the political landscape of the United States, but the socio-cultural one as well. Already known to Americans from his roles in Hollywood movies, Ronald Reagan would burst on to the political scene in 1964 with a campaign speech in support of Goldwater’s presidential run. Two years later he would win the governorship of California, going on to serve two terms. While Reagan’s political philosophies were rooted in classical liberal 1 Thomas Russell Freure thought, rather than traditional conservatism, his religious upbringing and the cultural and moral values it imparted, left him predisposed to Meyer’s idea that freedom and virtue were inextricably linked. He expressed this belief on numerous occasions, sometimes in an oblique manner and at other times quite explicitly, as when he addressed a meeting of the Knights of Columbus: “There can be no freedom without order, and there is no order without virtue,” he declared.1 While the theory of fusion may be ideologically unattainable, given the inherent contradictions between classical liberalism and traditional conservatism, Reagan came about as close to embodying the thought as is probably possible. The post-World War II period also saw a religious revival in the United States, in large part a response to communism, which touched the intellectual, cultural, and social fabric of the country, accompanied by the re-emergence of conservative Protestant evangelicals (and to a lesser extent fundamentalists), following a very public losing battle against modernist forces and what amounted to a twenty-odd year essentially self-imposed exile. Beginning in the 1950s, and spurred on by growing concerns that the country was moving in the wrong direction with the emergence

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